The Wild Tribes Of Davao District Mindanao The R F Cummings Phi

Chapter 5

Chapter 54,321 wordsPublic domain

[29] See p. 107. [Transcriber's note: 12 pages later in this document.]

SOCIAL ORGANIZATION.

There seems to be no trace of clan or totemic grouping among the Bagobo. Blood relationship is traced as far as the second cousin and is a bar to marriage. The suggestion that a man might marry his mother-in-law was received with horror, but whether this was due to local mother-in-law stories or to an idea of relationship could not be ascertained. However, a man may marry the sister of his wife.

Each district has its head man, or petty _datu_ who is supposed to be subject to the _datu_ of Cibolan. This seems actually to have been the case until a few years ago, when some of the local rulers withdrew their allegiance. The office is hereditary and usually passes from the father to his eldest son. Should the _datu_ be without an heir, or the son be considered inefficient, the under chiefs and wise old men may choose a leader from among their number.

In his own district the power of the _datu_ is very great, but even he is obliged to respect the laws and customs handed down by the ancestors. He is supreme judge in all matters, though he may, if he desires, call in the old men to help him decide difficult cases. The usual method of punishment is by means of a fine. Should the culprit be unwilling or unable to pay he is placed in servitude until such a time as the debt is considered canceled, but should he refuse to serve he is killed without further ado. The _datu_ appoints a man for this purpose, and he usually gets his victim by stealth, either by waylaying him in the road or by driving a spear through him as he lies asleep on the floor of his house. When a fine is levied the _datu_ retains a portion as pay for his services; if the more drastic punishment follows it serves to emphasize his power and is more valuable to him than the payment. When his house needs repairing, his hemp requires stripping, or his fields need attention, his followers give him assistance. In return for these services he helps support a number of fighting men who can always be called upon for the defence of the people. His house is considered the property of all to the extent that anyone goes there at any time and stays as long as he pleases, partaking meanwhile of the _datu's_ food. In times of danger, or during festivals, all the people assemble there and assist, in the defense or the merry-making.

Datu Tongkaling is the most industrious man in the tribe. He does not hesitate to work in the rice fields, to aid in the house-building or to take his turn at the forge, neither will he tolerate any loafing on the part of his followers. While in most instances he mingles freely with his people he never eats with them. His wives, children, and guests eat from a long row of dishes set on the floor, but the _datu_ takes his food alone at a considerable distance from the others.

The balance of the people can be roughly divided between freeman and slaves, but slavery here is of such a mild type, and the members of that class become so quickly merged into the tribe that the lines cannot be closely drawn. Women and children secured in raids become the slaves of their captors, and may be bought and sold, or pass by inheritance, like other property. It is considered proper for a man to live with his slave without marrying her, but should she become pregnant she is usually given her freedom at once; if not then, she is certain to be upon the death of her master, while her offspring are free and legitimate heirs. Children born to a slave couple remain in their class, as do those born to a slave mother and a man not her master. These slaves are treated with kindness and consideration and seldom try to make their escape. In fact it is often difficult to pick out the members of this class from the other members of the family.

The chief aim in life of the man is to have the right to wear the blood-red clothing and to be known as _magani_. As stated earlier in the paper, this term is applied to a man who has killed two or more persons. He is then entitled to wear the peculiar chocolate-colored head covering (Plate XXV). When his score has reached four he can don blood-red trousers, and when he has six lives to his credit he is permitted to wear the complete blood-red suit and to carry a bag of the same color.[30] From that time on his clothing does not change with the number of his victims, but his influence increases with each life put to his credit. It is said that formerly, at Digos and Bansalan, a man who had killed twenty or more was known as _gemawan_, and was distinguished by a black hemp suit. This claim to the black clothing is no longer respected, and such garments are worn by any who desire them. The man who has never killed a person is called _matalo_, a rather slighting term signifying one who has no desire to fight but remains at home with the women. A man who kills an unfaithful wife and her admirer may count the two on his score. He may also count those of his townspeople whom he has killed in fair fight, but unprovoked murder will be punished by the death of the offender. The candidate for _magani_ honors may go to an unfriendly town, or to a neighboring tribe, and kill without fear of censure from his own people.

[30] This is the rule at Cibolan. At Malilla and Digos, the kerchief may be worn when one life has been taken, the trousers for two, the coat for three, and finally the sack for four.

[Transcriber's note: _matalo_ in the paragraph above means "coward."]

The _magani_ is one of the leaders in a war party; he is chosen to inflict the death penalty when it is decreed, and it is men of this class that assist in the human sacrifices. He is under the special protection of Mandarangan and Darago, and all petitions to these powerful spirits must be made through him. His clothing is considered the property of these spirits, and when such specimens were secured for the collection, the wearer would invariably place the garment beside some prized article, such as a knife or spear, then taking a green betel nut would rub the garment and object, meanwhile beseeching the spirits to leave the one and enter the other. Later the nut was placed in the _tambara_ belonging to those spirits. A father may not bequeath to his son the right to the red clothing; and such articles, together with his weapons, should be buried with him. Should one not entitled to these garments dare to make use of them, the spirits would straightway cause his body to swell or turn yellow, and he would die.

In a previous paragraph we mentioned the unorganized priesthood, the members of which are known as _mabalian_. Men are not barred from this profession, but the greater number of its members are old, or middle-aged, women.[31] A woman may live the greater part of her life without an idea of becoming a member of this order, and then suddenly be warned in dreams, by visions, or by other _mabalian_ that she has been chosen by the spirits. The one thus elected becomes a pupil of a qualified _mabalian_ and for several months will be drilled in the duties of that office. She will be taught the medicines to be used at certain times,[32] the duties of a midwife, the correct method of building shrines and conducting ceremonies, and finally, she will learn the prayers with which the spirits should be addressed. It seems to be the belief that, at times during the ceremonies, the _mabalian_ may be possessed by a spirit and that she then speaks not as a mortal but as the spirit itself. She also knows how to weave and dye the turban worn by the _magani_, and because of this accomplishment is considered to be under the protection of Baitpandi,[33] and is permitted to wear garments made of red cloth, the same as the _magani_.

[31] There are five _mabalian_ in Cibolan, all of whom are women past middle life.

[32] A medicine is used with the idea that it assists in driving away evil influences.

[33] The patron spirit of the weavers.

The workers in the various crafts are under the guidance and protection of special spirits, but there is no bar against other members of the tribe entering those professions.

Apparently then, Bagobo society is divided into several classes or divisions, but with the exception of a few individuals in the slave class, there is a possibility or an opportunity for each member of the tribe to enter any class open to his or her sex. Even a slave woman may become the wife of a _datu_, and her son may assume the leadership of the tribe.

LAWS. PROPERTY AND INHERITANCE.

The laws of the people are those imposed by custom and religion, and are equally binding on all classes. Public opinion is sufficient to prevent most crimes; the fear of offending the spirits is a further deterrent; while the final bar is the drastic punishment meted out by the _datu_. Theft is punished by the levying of a fine if the culprit is able to pay, or by a term of servitude if he has no property. If a husband finds that his wife has been unfaithful, he should kill both her and her admirer, but the spear with which he avenges his wrongs should be left in the body of one of the victims, as a sign that the murder was provoked by the fault. When this is done the husband cannot be held accountable either to the _datu_ or to the dead person's relatives. If, however, he withdraws the weapon, the brothers or other male relatives of the deceased have a right and a duty to avenge the deaths. A man who has killed his wife and her lover is allowed to count both on his score towards becoming a _magani_--a further incentive for him to avenge his wrongs. Cases are known where the husband accepted payment for his wife's affections, but it was considered a sign of weakness, or cowardice, and the man lost caste. Unprovoked murder of one from the same or a friendly village is punished by death.

A man having illicit relations with a slave woman, not his own, is subjected to a heavy fine or a term of servitude. Incest should be punished by the death of the culprits for should such a crime go unpunished the spirits would cause the sea to rise and cover the land. Datu Tongkaling claims that on two occasions, since he became ruler, he has put such offenders to death. In the first case he had the couple bound and thrown into the sea, while in the second instance, they were tied to trees in the forest and sacrificed in the presence of all the people of the village.

Prohibitions exist against the wearing of the clothing which distinguishes warriors and priestesses, and there are rules governing the conduct of individuals while near shrines or during ceremonies, but punishment for the breaking of these rules is meted out by the spirits rather than by the _datu_.

Each settlement is recognized as having property rights to all adjacent lands. Within these recognized limits, its members may take up as much land as they need, provided it is not already in use, but when a field is, for any reason, abandoned it again becomes the property of the community. Individual ownership extends to houses, furnishings, and all articles of clothing, as well as to weapons, traps, animals, and slaves. Although bought with a price the wife is still very independent and has undisputed rights to her baskets, cooking utensils, looms, and to the finery with which she adorns her person.

Since all the people assist in the support of the _datu_ they consider his home to be, to a certain extent, their own and make use of it and its furnishings without question.

Probably at no place in the world has borrowing gone to greater extremes than here. When attempting to purchase clothing, or articles in daily use, the writer frequently found that not a single garment worn by an individual was his own; and it was usually necessary to consult several persons in order to secure a complete outfit.

Upon the death of a man, his property is taken in charge by his first wife, or by the old men, and is divided equally among his wives and children, with perhaps a little extra added to the share of the first mate. The belongings of a free-born woman go to her children, or, in case she is barren, are given to her relatives. In cases where both the parents are dead, the children pass into the care of the father's family.

Despite the fact that property is owned by individuals, a large part of the labor, especially in house-building and in the fields, is done in common. When a man desires to clear or plant a field or to build a house, he summons his friends to aid him and they respond with no idea of payment other than their food and drink, and the return of like services when they are in similar need.

BIRTH.

For about six months before and after the birth of a child the mother is relieved from hard labor; she is not allowed to taste of any thing sour, neither may she eat dried fish or flesh, lest her child be thin and weak. The father is under no restrictions other than that he is expected to remain near to his home for a few days following the birth of a child. Other action on his part would be considered by the spirits as an admission that he does not care for the child, and they would cause the umbilical cord to decay so that the child would die. The mother is delivered in the regular dwelling, where she is attended by two or more midwives or _mabalian_.[34] She is placed with her back against an inclined board, while in her hands she holds a rope which is attached to the roof. With the initial pains, one of the midwives massages the abdomen, while another prepares a drink made from leaves, roots, and bark, and gives it to the expectant woman. The preparation of this concoction was taught by friendly spirits, and it is supposed to insure an easy delivery. Still another _mabalian_ spreads a mat in the middle of the room, and on it places valuable cloths, weapons, and gongs, which she offers to the spirits; praying that they will make the birth easy and give good health to the infant. The articles offered at this time can be used by their former owners but as they are now the property of the spirits they must not be sold or traded. The writer was very anxious to secure an excellent weapon which had been thus offered. The user finally agreed to part with it but first he placed it beside another of equal value, and taking a piece of betel nut he rubbed each weapon with it a number of times, then dipping his fingers in the water he touched both the old and the new blades, all the time asking the spirit to accept and enter the new weapon. The child is removed by the _mabalian_ who, in cutting the umbilical cord, makes use of the kind of knife used by the members of the child's sex, otherwise the wound would never heal. The child is placed on a piece of soft betel bark, "for its bones are soft and our hands are hard and are apt to break the soft bones," then water is poured over it and its body is rubbed with _pogonok_.[35] The afterbirth is placed in a bamboo tube, is covered with ashes and a leaf, and the whole is hung against the side of the dwelling where it remains until it falls of its own accord or the house is destroyed. In Cibolan the midwife applies a mixture of clay and herbs called _karamir_ to the eyes of all who have witnessed the birth "so that they will not become blind." Having done this she gives the child its name, usually that of a relative, and her duties are over. As payment she will receive a large and a small knife, a plate, some cloth, and a needle.[36]

[34] In Cibolan the midwife is called _taratEk-Ekn_, and need not be a _mabalian_.

[35] A medicine made of bark and rattan.

[36] The payment given at the birth of a boy is somewhat greater than that for a girl.

In Malilla the naming does not take place until three clays after the birth, and the eyes are not always anointed, although the old people agree that it is an ancient custom and "a good thing to do." At that time the mat containing the gifts is spread on the floor and the offerings are again called to the attention of the spirits, who are urged to look to the welfare of the child. Should the infant be ailing, or cry a great deal, it is a sign that the spirits are displeased with the name given to it and another will be substituted; however, this does not seem to be done with an idea of fooling the spirits, as is the case with some other tribes. The child is nursed until two or three years of age, or until another takes its place. There is no superstition concerning twins, but triplets are at once put to death by filling their mouths with ashes, otherwise "the parents would die, for they are like dogs."

When questioned concerning abortion, Datu Tongkaling asserted that he considered it "very bad," and that he would prohibit any _mabalian_ who assisted in such a practice from continuing her profession, but he said that despite his orders secret medicines which produce that result are sometimes administered. Such a practice is not common, however, as children are greatly desired and no worse slur can be applied to a woman than to speak of her as barren.

So far as could be learned there is no ceremony or celebration of any kind when a child reaches the age of puberty but soon thereafter its teeth will be filed and blackened. In some villages the boys are circumcised, but the practice is not compulsory, neither is it general throughout the territory.

MARRIAGE.

Marriage among the Bagobo takes place much later than is common among most Philippine tribes, the couple often being eighteen or twenty years of age. As a rule the parents of the boy select the girl and negotiate the match. Going to the house of the girl they casually broach the subject and if her parents are favorable, a day is set to discuss the details. This meeting is attended by the friends and relatives of both families, and two head-men or _datu_ must also be present to represent the contracting parties. The price the girl should bring varies according to the wealth of the interested parties and the accomplishments of the bride. Whatever the sum paid, the father of the girl must make a return present equal to one-half the value of the marriage gift "so that he does not sell his daughter like a slave." Usually marriage does not take place until a year or more after this settlement, and during the interval the boy must serve his father-in-law to be. When the time for the final ceremony arrives the relatives and friends assemble and for two or three days they feast and make merry. A _mabalian_ spreads a mat on the floor, places on it many valuable articles and then offers all to the spirits, in order that they may be pleased to give the couple a long and prosperous life together. Finally, she puts a dish of rice on the mat and, after offering it to the spirits, places it between the boy and the girl as they sit on the floor. The girl takes a handful of the rice and feeds it to the boy who, in turn, feeds her, and the ceremony is complete. The couple may then go to their new home, but for several years the girl's family will exact a certain amount of service from the groom.

A slight variation of the usual order occurred recently at the marriage of one of Datu Tongkaling's sons. At that time all the details were arranged by the _datu_, who, accompanied by his son and a number of relatives, went to the girl's house and proposed the union. After the girl had brought wine, betel nut, and food, and had placed them before the visitors, she was directed by her mother to make a carrying bag for her lover. Had she objected to the union and refused to make this gift, her decision would probably have been accepted as final and all negotiations abandoned. However, it is not customary for the young people to refuse to carry out the wishes of their elders. As the girl offered no objections, the party fell to discussing the price the groom should pay, and finally, after several hours of bargaining, decided that he should furnish her father with one _agong_,[37] one horse, and a double betel box.[38] Five days later, when he paid this sum, he received a return gift of one _agong_ and ten skirts from the bride's mother. About one-half the value of the groom's gift was distributed among the girl's relatives, who were at the same time admonished that, in case a separation should occur, they would be expected to return an equal amount. In the presence of about a hundred friends, the pair drank wine from the same dish, then submitted to having a little hair cut from their heads, and were pronounced man and wife. Before they retired for the night the _mabalian_ combed their hair, then, having directed the groom to precede his bride to their sleeping place, she secured a child and placed it on the mat between the pair. This, she explained, was an old custom, and was done so that the girl might not be ashamed, for she was not the first to sleep there. Having finished this duty, she returned to the center of the room and placed a number of plates and a knife on the _tambara_, where they were allowed to remain for four days as offerings to the _anito_, Manama, Toglai and the _tigyama_.[39] At the end of that period the plates were attached to the outside walls of the house, and the knife returned to its former owner. This completed the duties of the _mabalian_ who returned home carrying an _agong_, the payment for her services.

[37] Large copper gong.

[38] Much more is often given. One girl in Cibolan brought six horses, five agongs, and several spears and knives.

[39] See p. 107. [Transcriber's note: 5 pages after this.]

A man may have as many wives as he desires and can afford, but he may not take a second mate until a child has been born to the first union, or the wife has been proved beyond doubt to be barren. The groom renders no services to the father of the second wife, but instead of this pays a double price for the girl, for he not only pays her parents but is forced also to give a like sum to his first wife, who, in turn, presents it to her father. Should a third wife be added to the family a sum equal to her cost is divided among the earlier wives. The first wife is generally the lady of the house and does not particularly object to having other girls added to the family, provided they are willing to obey her. Datu Tongkaling has had four wives, three of whom are still living.

If a couple cannot agree, a separation can be arranged by applying to the local head-man, who, after listening to their troubles, decides which one is at fault, and whether or no the marriage gifts must be returned. When a couple parts, plates, bowls, and jars are sometimes broken as a sign that they will never live together again and the spirits are thus called to witness. A divorced woman may remarry, but unless the sum originally paid for her has been returned, the new groom must pay such an amount to the first husband.

SICKNESS AND DEATH.

In case of illness a _mabalian_ administers some simple remedy without any call on the spirits. If, however, the sickness does not yield readily to this treatment, it is evident that the trouble is caused by some spirit who can only be appeased by a gift, Betel nuts, leaves, food, clothing, and some article in daily use by the patient are placed in a dish of palm bark and on top of all is laid a roughly carved figure of a man. This offering is passed over the body of the patient while the _mabalian_ addresses the spirits as follows. "Now, you can have the man on this dish, for we have changed him for the sick man. Pardon anything this man may have done, and let him be well again." Immediately after this the dish is carried away and hidden so that the sick person may never see it again, for should he do so the illness would return.