Chapter 15

It is said to be a grave offense for a man to embrace a married woman, or even to touch the breasts, elbows, or heels of any woman he does not intend to marry. An unmarried woman who permits such familiarities is considered as good as married. Despite this assertion, the writer knows of several cases where young people openly lived together without being considered married, and later the parents arranged marriages between these girls and other suitors.

According to several informants, incest is punished by the sacrifice of the guilty parties. They are tied to a tree with their hands drawn backward around the trunks and are then speared to death. This seems to be the one and only occasion when human sacrifice is practiced by members of this tribe.

SICKNESS AND DEATH.

When a person is seriously ill a _ballyan_ is summoned and she, after securing prepared rice, betel-nuts, and a live chicken, enters into communication with the spirits. First she converses with the dead father or other deceased relative of the sick person and requests his aid in effecting a cure, next she presents food to Diwata and implores his aid, and finally calls upon the _asuang_ to whom she offers the live fowl on the condition that they will cease trying to injure the patient. Having thus done all in her power to influence the spirits she may administer some simple remedy, after which she begins to dance contra-clockwise, around a bamboo pole on which leaves and betel-nut have been hung.[137]

[137] This ceremony usually takes place in the house, but if the man was taken ill in the forest or in his field it may be conducted there.

If this treatment proves to be of no avail and the patient dies his body is placed in the center of the house and for two days and nights is guarded by relatives and friends. During the time that the body remains in the dwelling the family is required to fast and all the people of the settlement are prohibited from playing on agongs, from singing or indulging in other signs of merriment. Finally, the body is wrapped in a mat and is buried in the forest.[138]

[138] Maxey gives the following account of burial near Cateel: "The dead person is dressed in his best clothes, wrapped in a piece of _abaca_ cloth, and placed in a coffin of bamboo poles, or one hewn from a solid log, if the person was one of means, and buried. If of the poorer class he is merely wrapped in a piece of matting-, and either buried or covered over with stones, sticks, and the like. If of high rank, the body is not buried, but after preparation is taken into the forest and placed in a small hut under a _balete_ tree. Food, spears, bolos, hats, shields, and some articles of furniture are placed on the graves to placate the spirits who might otherwise bring harm to the surviving members of the clan or family. There is no fixed period of mourning, but the members of the family must wear black for some time after the death. The sick are never abandoned prior to death, but slaves nearing death are sometimes killed to stop their sufferings. The owner, however, must first consult with others of the clan."

Returning from the burial all the people partake of a feast and then set fire to the dwelling "because we do not like the _asuang_ which killed the man in that house." During the ensuing nine days the spouse of the dead dresses in black and for a month following, or until they can purchase a slave, the whole family is barred from merry-making. Two reasons for the purchase of this slave were advanced by members of the tribe. One was that the family could be happy if they were still rich enough to purchase a slave. The second, that they thus replaced the dead man with another, "for the slaves are like members of our own family."

DECORATIVE ART.

The decorative art of the Mandaya is similar in many respects to that of the Bagobo and Bila-an, yet in part it differs greatly from both. As is true with the other tribes, the weavers make use of many figures which they do not associate with any living forms, but which, nevertheless, strongly suggest that they may have been derived from realistic designs. In addition to such patterns they frequently employ figures which are intentional copies of human or animal forms. Of these the most common are those representing a man and a crocodile; these sometimes appear together, sometimes alone. The requirements of the space to be filled, as well as readiness of the worker to alter any part in order to give a more pleasing effect to the design have resulted in many distorted and conventionalized figures which can only be explained by the artist. The accompanying drawings are taken from articles collected by the writer and now in the Field Museum of Natural History.

Patterns _A_ to _H_ in Fig. 54 appear in hemp cloth skirts. These show the steps in the conventionalization of the human figure,[139] as explained by the weavers. In the first four the forms are so realistic that they need no explanation, but _E_ is more complicated. Here two greatly conventionalized figures have been used, one erect, the other with head down. The size of the head has been increased while the body is represented by a small diamond-shaped pattern with outstretched arms attached. The legs and feet of both figures help to form a pattern similar to a head, except that it lacks the "hair" shown in the end designs. _F_ resembles the preceding quite closely. In it the central head-like pattern does not appear and the legs and feet of one figure help to form the head of the other. This design has been doubled, thus necessitating some alteration of the figures at the points of union. In _G_ and _H_ nearly all the realistic elements have vanished, yet certain resemblance to _D_ and _E_ can be discerned.

[139] One weaver insisted that this figure represents a frog, because of its webbed feet, but none of the others agreed with her.

FIG. 54A TO H. DESIGNS REPRESENTING THE HUMAN FORM.

We have already learned that the crocodile is held in great regard and in some sections there is evidence of its more or less sacred character. Its importance in the minds of the people is well shown by the frequency with which it appears in their decorative designs. Fig. 55_A_ shows one of these animals which has just eaten a man. Both figures are so realistic that the intention of the weaver is apparent. In _B_, _D_, _E_, and _F_, the animal is still realistic, but the man disappears, and in his place is a formless object or straight lines which are identified as "something eaten."

FIG. 55A TO H. CROCODILE DESIGNS.

The pattern _G_ is given as the next step in the conventionalization. Here the legs, feet, and "something eaten" have assumed undue proportions, while nearly every trace of likeness has vanished. This figure is multiplied five times to obtain the highly conventionalized form shown in _H_.

By referring to _G_ it is possible to see how the complicated designs in _I_ and _J_ have been derived, although they bear little resemblance to the original crocodile form.

Fig. 56 was identified as a crocodile but was not regarded as a step in the conventionalization shown. Many other figures such as 57 appear so closely related to the designs just described that it seems certain they must have had a common origin, yet this was denied by all the weavers, who insisted that such decorations were added only to make the garments pretty.

FIG. 56. CROCODILE DESIGN.

FIG. 57. DESIGN USED IN WEAVING.

Going from weaving to designs cut in wood, something of the same state of affairs is encountered. Pattern _a_ on the bamboo comb (Fig. 48) is identified as the crocodile, yet the very similar figures shown on a bamboo lime holder (Fig. 58) and on a wooden clothes-hanger (Fig. 59) are not so recognized.

FIG. 58. INCISED DESIGNS ON A BAMBOO LIME HOLDER.

FIG. 59. CLOTHES HANGER.

Figs. 60 and 61 show characteristic designs which are embroidered on jackets or carrying bags. All these are added with the one idea of beautifying the garment, without any thought of copying some living form. This is true also of the incised zigzag lines, scrolls, and meander patterns seen on the silver breast disks (Fig. 53), and those stained on palm bark hats (Fig. 47).

FIGS. 60 AND 61. EMBROIDERED DESIGNS ON JACKTES[sic] AND CARRYING BAGS.

Tobacco pouches (Fig. 62) are often completely covered with bright colored geometrical designs embroidered in trade yarn. This work, which is quite unlike the other decoration used by this people, was probably introduced along with trade yarn and analine[sic] dyes.

FIG. 62. TOBACCO POUCHES.

CONCLUSION

From the material now at our disposal certain general conclusions can be drawn.

A comparison of the physical measurements indicates that no group is of pure race. There are significant variations between members of different tribes, but these occur also between individuals of the same village. The average person in each group is short-headed, yet long-headed individuals are found in every tribe and variations just as great as this appear in the other measurements and observations.

We have previously noted the evidences of an aboriginal pygmy population, that has been partially absorbed by intermarriage with the later comers.[140] In all the groups, except the Bila-an, the percentage of individuals showing evidences of Negrito blood increases as we go from the coasts toward the interior, until in such divisions as the Obo and Tigdapaya of the Bagobo, and the Tugauanum of the Ata, practically all the people show traces of this admixture.

[140] Negrito are reported from the Samal Islands in the Gulf of Davao.

In addition to the types already described there are found in each tribe individuals who in all but color might readily pass as white men. These persons freely intermarry with the rest of the population, and it is no uncommon thing to find in one family children of this sort as well as those showing Negrito characteristics or those conforming to the average type.[141]

[141] This will be discussed in a forthcoming publication on Physical Types. That paper will present a full series of measurements accompanied by photographs, including the Bukidnon of North Central Mindanao in which tribe this type is more frequently seen than in Davao District.

The facts indicate that the tribes now found in Davao District did not reach the coasts of Mindanao at the same time, but rather that they represent several periods of migration, of which the Kulaman is the last. This tribe, which only a few generations ago seems to have been made up of seafarers, has not yet entirely adapted itself to a settled existence and it is only within the lifetime of the present generation that its members have taken seriously to agriculture.

It appears that the Bila-an once inhabited the district about Lake Buluan, but the pressure of the Moro has forced most of them from that region toward the mountains to the south and east. They have taken possession of both sides of this mountain range, except for the lower eastern slopes where they have encountered the Tagakaolo.

The other tribes probably landed on the southern or southeastern coast of the Island, from whence they have gradually moved to their present habitats.

Intermarriage between the tribes, Moro raids, warfare with the accompanying capture of slaves, and the possible influence of boat-loads of castaways, all have to be considered in dealing with the types found in Davao District. We have already seen that the physical measurements indicate a complex racial history.

After giving full credit to all these influences, however, it does not appear to the writer that such radical differences exist between the tribes as will justify us in assigning to them different ancestry or places of origin. The summarized description of the Bagobo given on page 56 would, with only, slight modification, apply to all the other tribes, with the exception of certain groups of the Ata in which the Negrito element is very pronounced. In brief, the various influences that have been at work on one group have influenced all the others, since their arrival on the island of Mindanao.

This conclusion is further justified by the language in which a large per cent of the words in daily use are common to all the groups. Even the Bila-an dialect, which differs more from all the others than do any of those from one another, has so many words in common with the coast tongues and is so similar in structure that one of my native boys, who never before had seen a Bila-an, was able freely to carry on a conversation within a few days after his arrival in one of their most isolated settlements.

Similar as are the people and their dialects, the cultural agreements are even more noticeable. Taking the Bagobo as a starting point, we find a highly developed culture which, with a few minor changes, holds good for the tribes immediately surrounding. These in turn differ little from their neighbors, although from time to time some new forms appear. The Cibolan type of dwelling, with its raised platform at one end and box-like enclosures along the side walls, is met with until the Mandaya territory is approached, while, with little variation, the house furnishings and utensils in daily use are the same throughout the District. The same complicated method of overtying, dyeing, and weaving of hemp employed in the manufacture of women's skirts is in use from Cateel in the north to Sarangani Bay in the south, while in the manufacture of weapons the iron worker in Cibolan differs not at all from his fellow-craftsman among the Mandaya. Here we are confronted by the objection that, so far as is known, no iron work is done by the Bila-an and Ata, but this is a condition which is encountered throughout the archipelago. In the interior of Luzon are found isolated villages, the inhabitants of which are expert workers in iron and steel, while their neighbors seem to be ignorant of the process.[142] The writer holds to the opinion that iron working is an ancient art throughout the Philippine archipelago and that its use for various reasons, such as lack of material, has died out in certain sections. Brass workers are found among most of the tribes, but, as was observed earlier in this paper, there is sufficient evidence that the industry is of recent introduction, and the amount and excellence of the work done by the brass casters is governed by the nearness or remoteness of Moro settlements.

[142] The process used in Northern Luzon is very similar to that employed in Southern Mindanao.

Except for the cotton garments recently adopted by the Kagan branch of the Tagakaolo, and the suits worn by the Mandaya men, the clothing seen throughout the District is very similar. A few ornaments, such as the silver rings and breast disks of the Mandaya, have only a limited distribution, but for the most part the decorations worn by the different tribes differ only in the number of beads, bells, and shell disks used in their manufacture.

In the ornamentation of their garments certain groups have specialized until the bead work of the Bagobo excels all such work found in the Philippines. The same can be said of the intricate and beautifully embroidered designs seen in the garments of the Bila-an or the oversewed fabrics of the Kulaman, while the crudely embroidered patterns of the Mandaya are wonderfully effective. Yet, despite apparent dissimilarities, there is such a likeness in many forms of ornamentation, as well as in the technique of the methods of production, that there seems to be ample proof of free borrowing, or of a common origin.

On the non-material side the similarities between the groups are even more marked. In each tribe the warriors gain distinction among their fellows, the protection of certain spirits, and the privilege of wearing red garments, by killing a certain number of persons. Except among the Kulaman, mediums much like the _mabalian_ of the Bagobo make known the wishes of the superior beings and direct the ceremonies. The people are instructed when to plant by the spirits who place certain constellations in the skies. These are the same for all the groups, although often known by different names. The _limokon_ warns or encourages the traveler, while certain acts of the individual, such as sneezing, are looked upon as warnings from unseen beings. Many of these beings having like attributes, although often bearing different names, are known to each group. The idea of one or more spirits dwelling in different parts of a man's body is widespread, while the belief that the right side of the body is under the care of good influences and the left subject to the bad, is well nigh universal in the District.

In conclusion note should be made of oft repeated assertions to the effect that a part of the people of Davao District are white, and that they are also cannibals and headhunters. The first can be dismissed with the statement that so far as the writer has been able to observe or to learn from trustworthy sources, there is no justification for such a story. It can be just as positively stated that neither the Mandaya nor any other tribe here described practice cannabalism[sic]. Warriors do eat a part of the livers and hearts of men who have shown great valor, the eaters thus securing some of the good qualities of the victims. The Kulaman warriors always taste of the liver of the slain "in order to become like Mandalangan," but they expressed the greatest disgust when it was suggested that the balance of the body might make good food.

While it is true that the Kulaman take the heads, and some times the arms,[143] of slain foes, and that the same custom is some times followed by individual warriors of the other tribes, head-hunting for the sake of the trophy is not practiced here, as is the case in Northern Luzon. The skull or other portions of the body are kept only long enough to prove the murder, or until they can be mutilated by the women and children, "who thus become brave."

[143] This is also the custom of the Bukidnon.