act did they offer help to the country to win the war. It was a

conscious, continuous plan to obstruct the country’s military efforts. What has been said in this courtroom by the defendants is but an apology by them for obstructing the country’s effort.

The convicted men were granted an appeal to the United States Circuit Court of Appeals by Judge Samuel Alschuler. In the upper court the defendants were compelled to give their personal pledge to Judge Alschuler that neither by word or act would they do any of the things for which they have been convicted, pending the final disposition of the case. It should be understood and remembered that these men were convicted not for their personal or political beliefs, but for violation of a law of the United States.

A. P. L. reports show that Lake Mills, Iowa, had a state senator who advised young men that they could not be forced to cross the water to fight, nor forced to buy Liberty bonds. He also was alleged to have obstructed the United War Work campaign by telling a client that he did not need to assist. He was connected with the Non-Partisan League and promised the farmers that they would secure control of the Legislature. Affidavits to this effect were handed to “D. J.” The Non-Partisan League was well investigated in that neighborhood. The organizer of the local chapter was forced to buy bonds and stamps and to remain inactive until Peace was declared. “He moved away and never came back,” says the local chief.

In another Lake Mills office, there was found by American Protective League operatives a picture drawn by a rather good amateur artist depicting a single German blowing to pieces the head of an American column of troops. Investigation showed that this picture was drawn by a clerk in a local store. He was drafted and is in France, and the report regarding him is filed with “D. J.” His original drawing is in the possession of the National Directors of the A. P. L.

A League report, simple and direct, which comes from Todd County, Minnesota, is one of the best and freest expositions of our system of government and the character of our citizenry that may be seen in many a day. The college professor would be valuable who could write a clearer or more useful paper. Says the report:

The Germans of the country are about evenly divided between the Catholic and Lutheran faiths. The Scandinavians are practically all Lutheran. The German Catholics, in general, allied themselves with loyal element; but a majority of the Lutherans, both German and Scandinavian, gave evidence of pro-German sympathies.

To complicate matters at this time, a political movement under socialist leadership showed great activity. The movement was organized under the name of the Non-Partisan League, with its platform built of essentially socialistic planks. The League attained a membership of approximately 1,200 in the summer of 1918. Its representatives and organizers held meetings in every neighborhood and solicited memberships. In the early days of our entry into the war, they demanded the cessation of hostilities; declared that it was a rich man’s war; denounced conscription, and were guilty of numberless seditious utterances. Many of the greater lights of the League came into the country and delivered addresses, among whom were Townley, Lindbergh, Bowen, Randall and others. The burden to the cry of these men was the iniquity of “Big Business” and the wrongs of the farmers. As a remedy for all these economic evils, the socialistic schemes of the League were offered, and found acceptance among a greater number than would have been thought possible.

In June, 1917, the Todd County Public Safety Commission was organized. The loyalist element began to assert itself. A system of education was inaugurated to offset the propaganda of the Bolshevists. The better newspapers lent their aid, and the Red Cross and other war activities were pushed. Many public meetings were held, and many outside speakers assisted in the work. The Public Safety Commission made itself felt by many arrests. Some were fined for seditious utterances, and some were held to the Grand Jury. Conditions in the county were such that, while indictments were preferred by the Grand Jury in the state courts, it was impossible in some flagrant cases to secure a conviction by the petit jury. Such relief as was secured was through the state courts. So far as this county was concerned, the federal courts were useless.

Just how far the war is going to affect American politics in the future is something that many a politician in America would be exceedingly glad to know. It may be that there will be some public men, unworthy to be called representatives of the American people, who will cater now, as before the war, to the German vote. We should beware of such men, for all they can do will be to advocate that very propaganda which to-day is matter of execration all over the country.

There have not lacked men, who, more especially before we declared war, have boasted of their German birth and openly made that their main argument for office. In a large Ohio city such a man ran for the mayoralty and polled a very considerable vote. He said many times publicly that he would not subscribe to any Liberty Loans and was not in accord with our government. He was very bitter in his denunciation of all who did not side with him. He proclaimed himself a hyphenated German proud of his native origin. He spoke before the German Sängerbund of his city and before delegates of the German-American Alliance—and he spoke in German—a democratic candidate for mayor in an American city of the second class! He uttered that old and familiar and useless plea—dangerous in America to-day—“One can’t forget the blood that flows in one’s veins.” Part of his campaign argument was this: “I personally hope that the war in Europe will be a draw; but if there must be a victory, if I must choose between intelligent Germany and ignorant Russia, there is but one place for me to cast my lot, and that is with the Kaiser. If I felt otherwise, I would not be human.” What he should have said was, if he had felt otherwise, he would not have been German. He concluded his remarks with the statement that if he became mayor, “Whatever interference there has been in the past with such an organization as I am now addressing, there will be no such interference when I become mayor.” But he did not become mayor.

It is only of late that we have heard much of the Non-Partisan League in America, even in this day of leagues, societies and alliances, but it has had growth and political significance in certain of the Northwestern States. It would not be true to charge the Non-Partisan League with disloyalty as a body, but certainly it would be yet more foolish to say that all its members, in the North-European part of the United States, had been loyal to America in this war, or free of sympathy with Germany. Read the A. P. L. reports—they are not all shown in these pages—of its manifold activities in sections where the Non-Partisan League is strongest. Draw your own inferences then, for then you will have certain premises and need not jump at any conclusion not based on premises.

We may take its reports from Dakota and Iowa as fairly good proof of the accuracy of the foregoing statements. Let us, for instance, examine as a concrete proposition the report from Mason City, Iowa. It is done simply; yet it leads us directly into the heart of the problem of America’s future and face to face with the basic questions of courage in business and social life which must underlie the future growth of our country. A story? It is all the story of America.

This report, quite normal in all ways, would represent the usual type of report from a nice, average agricultural city, were it not for certain phases of the work it represents. There were 24 alien enemy cases; 97 disloyalty and sedition cases; 21 cases of propaganda, and eleven I. W. W. cases and other forms of radicalism. The state of society reflected by these figures is best covered in the words of the report itself:

In ante-bellum times there existed a more or less well-grounded opinion that in this vast western farming region the melting pot had most nearly accomplished its task and that here, if anywhere, was a truly American community. The citizen might be of English, Irish, Scotch, Scandinavian, German or French birth or ancestry, but he was primarily an American. This belief was based upon the fact that here all American institutions and customs received hearty support, that the people encouraged to the limit the American liberty of thought and action. American politics in our region was relatively free from the corruption encouraged by a large percentage of ignorant or apathetic voters. In fact, the population of this region is enlightened, temperate, and prosperous—a condition most favorable if not essential to the proper and full development of a real Americanism.

What did the war bring out? Previous to the advent of America into the war there was, on the whole, a true neutrality. There were sympathizers and partisans of both sides and there was an even greater class of interested spectators who marveled at the stupendous feats of the armies of both sides. The American declaration of war was gladly acclaimed by the pro-Allies, cheerfully accepted as a call to duty by the great mass of interested spectators. It immediately engaged the support of the majority of those previously pro-German, leaving a very small minority of pro-Germans to carry on the propaganda against the American and Allied cause.

It was to deal with this small minority that we organized in May, 1917, and began to select and swear in A. P. L. operatives.

Among matters which called for constant vigilance, the Non-Partisan League came in for a share of our attention. At the time of the entry of the United States into the war, Iowa was being covered with literature for and against this movement, the leading force against the Non-Partisan League being the Greater Iowa Association. The State Council for National Defense considered that it was not for the good of Iowa for this fight to continue, and passed resolutions asking both factions to discontinue their efforts until after the war. The Greater Iowa Association readily acceded to the request, but the Non-Partisan League persisted in its propaganda, and the Council for Defense deemed it wise to take a hand in fairness to the Greater Iowa Association.

But the foregoing mild report does not tell the full story in all of its acrimonious vehemence. A local agricultural journal came out in red head-lines across its cover page, “Iowa’s Reign of Terror!” The editor, in that and subsequent issues, printed perhaps 50,000 words of condemnation of those not included among his own constituents, sidetracking alfalfa and Holsteins wholly for the time. He says:

To-day in Iowa there is a veritable reign of terror, which has been encouraged among ignorant and irresponsible people, by men and organizations who should and do know better, but who are playing upon passion and prejudice for ulterior purposes. More harm is resulting from this assumption of authority by private individuals, without the shadow of moral or legal right, than by all the pro-German propaganda or real disloyalty in the state. And the worst of it is that it defeats the very purpose which is used to excuse it—the purpose of uniting all our citizens whole-heartedly and sincerely behind the Government’s war aims. Already this rule of passion, freed from legal restraint, has resulted in the excess of mob violence, of injustice and wrongs towards loyal and patriotic citizens, whose whole lives will be embittered by the brutal intolerance of a few. Our boasted freedom and liberty and love of fair play are being made the victims of methods no better than those of the despoilers of Belgium, from which they differ not in quality but only in degree.

Right to-day in Iowa, men in positions of leadership and responsibility are fomenting and encouraging this spirit of mob rule and terrorism, which is wholly outside the pale of law, and which will result in such a spirit of lawlessness that we will all pay dearly for it in the years to come. The Greater Iowa Association and its allied organizations are among those which are helping to create this atmosphere of dangerous suspicion and distrust, especially towards farmers’ organizations in Iowa, which is bound to result in bloodshed and lynch-law if it is not quickly checked. The Greater Iowa Association boasts in its monthly publication that it has already spent $20,000 in helping to put down the Bolsheviki of Iowa (its usual expression for the loyal and conservative farmers of this state) and that it will spend $180,000 more (a total of $200,000) for this purpose if necessary. Its sentiments are approved and applauded by its sycophant organizations, such as the Des Moines Chamber of Commerce, in its official monthly bulletin, which it proclaims is “the mouthpiece for Des Moines.”

Tut, tut! Obviously, Mason City leads directly into a pretty political mess. Willy-nilly, friends of the A. P. L., if not members of the Non-Partisan League, are pushed into ranks assigned to enemies. We may mildly animadvert on the fact that it is the members of the Non-Partisan League who largely buy the journal from which the foregoing quotation is made. It has had a long and honorable history, but is perhaps not so disinterested as the A. P. L. It does not, however, go to war with the A. P. L. so much as with the Greater Iowa Association, which presently voted the editor out of membership. The American Protective League might have been drawn into politics if it had lived much longer—perforce would be and ought to be drawn. One thing is sure, if a man must cater in business to a class which has disloyalty inborn and ingrained, that man is not catering to America and a great future for her.

It is all a question of the high heart of the gentleman unafraid—individual courage, clear-headedness, honest self-searching. That is as true for the native born as for the naturalized citizen. Perhaps for all these warring Iowans, some of whom were zealous and interested, there might very well, in these grave, troubled days of our country and of all the world, be put on the wall of our house the old Bible motto: “Blessed are the pure in heart.”

You ask, indeed, what shall we do with all these chameleon propagandists, these foreigners? How shall we classify them—as Americans or as enemies? Who is the American?

It is simple to answer that. It is he who himself knows in his own soul whether or not he is done with the damnable hyphen which has almost ruined America, and yet may do so. Liberty Bonds and public speaking do not prove Americanism. Not even service stars in a window make a man American. Blessed are the _pure in heart_, of Mason City or of Des Moines, of the Greater Iowa Association or the Non-Partisan League, of the Peoples’ Council, of the A. P. L., or of German or American birth. And when individual American courage is common enough to make a man fight pro-Germanism until it is dead forever, one thinks we shall indeed see God manifested again in the great civilization which once was promised for America. It can be had now in only one way, and that way will cost dear. If you are interested in your son’s future, see to it that he—and you yourself—shall be pure in heart. We want and will have no others for Americans to-day or to-morrow.