Book XI, without prejudice, and not be convinced of the fact that the

French Protestants infringed both the letter and the spirit of the Edict of Amboise. The fact that Damville, who had succeeded his father the constable as governor of Languedoc in 1562, and who was a moderate Catholic, was required to be so drastic in his measures of repression that the Protestants complained of him to Charles IX, supports this view. Cf. _Corresp. de Catherine de Médicis_, II, Introd., l and li.

[853] Castelnau, Book V, chap. x; La Popelinière, _loc. cit._

[854] _L’Ambassade de St. Sulpice_, 328; _Papiers d’état du cardinal de Granvelle_, VIII, 398.

[855] It was rumored also that the queen mother was ready to sacrifice the Italian protégés of France to curry favor with Spain (_Papiers d’état du cardinal de Granvelle_, VIII, 395-400, note; _L’Ambassade de St. Sulpice_, 300, 335).

[856] “Traité et renouvellement d’alliance entre Charles IX, roi de France, et Messieurs les Ligues de Suisse, faite et conclué en la ville de Fribourg, le 7 jour de Déc., 1564” (Dumont, _Corps dip._, V, Pt. I, 129).

[857] Abridged from Rott, “Les missions diplomatiques de Pomponne de Bellièvre en Suisse et aux Grisons (1560-74),” _Rev. d’histoire diplomatique_, XIV, 26-41 (1900); cf. _Papiers d’état du cardinal de Granvelle_, VIII, 630, 631; D’Aubigné, II, 210. M. Rott admirably observes (p. 42): “Ainsi donc, cinquante ans et plus avant Richelieu, la politique confessionnelle de la France s’inspirait déjà dans les rapports avec l’étranger, de principes fort différents de ceux qui dirigeaient son action à l’interieur du royaume.”

[858] _Papiers d’état du cardinal de Granvelle_, VIII, 72. The prince of Condé had secured leave to leave the court in order to visit her at Vitry in May, where she then lay ill. Her mother was Madeleine de Mailly, sister of the admiral and granddaughter of Louise de Montmorency, sister of the old constable (_ibid._, VII, 630, and note; cf. _C. S. P. For._, 592, August 4, 1564).

[859] “All go and come by the cardinal of Lorraine, for without him nothing is done.”—Smith to Cecil, November 13, 1564, _C. S. P. For._, 793, §2.

[860] Granvella to Mary Stuart, November, 1564, _Papiers d’état du cardinal de Granvelle_, VIII, 570; cf. 550, 591, 599.

Randolph to the earl of Leicester: “The prince of Condé is become a suitor here, supported by the cardinal.”—_C. S. P. Scotland_, IX, 67, November 7, 1564. Mary Stuart expressed her repugnance at such a prospect by saying: “Trewlye I am beholding to my uncle: so that yt be well with hym, he careth not what becommethe of me.”—Randolph to Cecil, _C. S. P. Scot._, II, 117, November 9, 1564. Another match, proposed simply for the purpose of leading Condé along, was between the young duke of Guise and the prince’s daughter, Margaret, who was a little child.—_C. S. P. For._, No. 642, §3; Smith to Cecil from Valence, September 1, 1564; No. 650, _ibid._, September 3, 1564; No. 784, November 7, 1564. Smith to Cecil: “News is that the prince of Condé and the cardinal of Lorraine have intervisited each other.” Cf. _Papiers d’état du cardinal de Granvelle_, VIII, 127. Bolwiller who disapproved of these plans in the interest of Philip II (_ibid._, VIII, 381, note) evidently believed the prince won over to Catholicism (_ibid._, VIII, 156). A propos of Condé’s relapse he sarcastically wrote to Granvella on July 8, 1564: “Ce que l’on est en oppinion que L’Admiral et D’Andelot se doibvent renger et hanger leur robbe, si le font, lors me semblera-il veoir une vraye farce, et pourront les femmes dire lors estre dadvantaige constante que les hommes, mesme madame de Vandosme et duchesse de Ferrare demeurans en l’oppinion où l’on les void.”—_Ibid._, VIII, 129.

[861] _Corresp. de Catherine de Médicis_, II, 106, note; _L’Ambassade de St. Sulpice_, 164; _C. S. P. Scot._, II, 153, Randolph to Cecil, March 1-3, 1565. Mary Stuart in 1564 was twenty-two years of age, Charles IX barely fourteen (_Papiers d’état du card. de Granvelle_, VIII, 347, note).

[862] Cf. the luminous letter of Philip to Granvella, August 6, 1564, in _Papiers d’état du card. de Granvelle_, VIII, 215, 216.

[863] _C. S. P. Ven._, November 6, 1575.

[864] Fortunately for Philip, a whim of passion helped the Spanish King’s purposes, and Catherine and the Guises failing to carry the match between Mary Stuart and the prince were content to keep the prince alienated from his party. The prince of Condé had become enamored of one of the queen mother’s maids-of-honor, Isabel Limeuil, while the court was at Roussillon, and had seduced her.

On this liaison see _Corresp. de Cath. de Méd._, II, 189, note; Louis Paris, _Négociations_, Introd. XXVI, XXVII; _Nég. Tosc._, III, 572, and especially La Ferrière, “Isabel de Limeuil,” _Revue des deux mondes_, December 1, 1883, 636 and the duc d’Aumale, _Histoire des princes de Condé_, I, Appendix, xix. A suggestion of the manners prevailing at court is found in the following information: “Orders are taken in the court that no gentleman shall talk with the queen’s maids, except it is in the queen’s presence, or in that of Madame la Princesse de la Roche-sur-Yon, _except he be married_; and if they sit upon a form or stool, he may sit by her, and if she sits in the form, he may kneel by her, _but not lie long_, as the fashion was in this court.”—_C. S. P. For._, 1091, April 11, 1565.

[865] Unknown to Charles IX, the Spanish ambassador Chantonnay, whose recall Catherine had insisted upon for months past and who was finally replaced late in 1564 by Alava, traversed the provinces of France in disguise, in the interest of his master, journeying through Auvergne, Rouergue, Toulouse, Agen and Bordeaux, before he reported at Madrid for new duty.

St. Sulpice to Catherine de Medici, June 12, 1564; _L’Ambassade de St. Sulpice_, 711; _Papiers d’état du cardinal de Granvelle_, VII, 592. For some correspondence between Philip II and Granvella, and Granvella and Antonio Perez regarding Chantonnay’s recall see Gachard, _Correspondance de Philippe II sur les Pays-Bas_, I, 251-53. Upon Chantonnay’s successor, Alava, see _L’Ambassade de St. Sulpice_, 227, 228, 236; _Papiers d’état du cardinal de Granvelle_, VIII, 393; _Correspondance de Catherine de Médicis_, II, 359, 534; Poulet, I, 570, n. 1; Forneron, _Histoire de Philippe II_, II, 256.

On the secret service of Philip II, see Forneron, I, 218, 290, 334; II, 304, 305; _Papiers d’état du cardinal de Granvelle_, VII, 498, 499; VIII, 128, 182.

Alava exceeded his instructions in threatening France with war. Philip II, far from wishing war with France, repudiated his ambassador’s statements (_R. Q. H._, January, 1879, p. 23).

[866] Upon one of the fits of madness of Don Carlos see letter of the Bishop of Limoges to Catherine de Medici in La Ferrière, _Rapport_, 48, 49. The Raumer Letters from Paris, Vol. I, chap. xv, contain an interesting account of Don Carlos, with long extracts from the sources. The editor rightly says that Ranke in his treatise on the affair of Don Carlos, as acute as it is circumstantial, has adopted the only right conclusion for the solution of this mysterious episode of history. See also _Wiener Jahrbücher_, XLVI; Forneron, _Hist. de Philippe II_, II, 103 ff.; Louis Paris, _Négociations_, etc., 888; _Papiers d’état du cardinal de Granvelle_, VIII, 317, note; _L’Ambassade de St. Sulpice_, 17, 29, 101, 597; Lea, in _Amer. Hist. Rev._, January, 1905; _English Hist. Rev._, XIV, 335.

[867] Cf. _Papiers d’état du card. de Granvelle_, VIII, 334 and note; cf. 215, 343, 344, 595, 596. Philip found a new prospective husband for Mary Stuart in the person of the archduke Charles. He had abandoned the idea of marrying Mary Stuart to his son even before the death of Don Carlos.

[868] See _R. Q. H._, XXXIV, 461.

[869] Catherine turned to her own advantage an almost forgotten wish of Philip II that he might see her, expressed in July, 1560, when his anxiety was great because of her lenient policy toward the French Protestants (_R. Q. H._, XXXIV, 458).

[870] Challoner, English ambassador to Spain, to the queen: “Hardly shall a stranger by his countenance or words gather at any great alteration of mind, either to anger, or rejoicement, but after the fashion of a certain still flood;” quoted by Forneron, I, 319, n. 2, from Record Office MSS No. 466.

[871] See the extremely interesting account of the passing of the Turkish embassy through Provins, in Claude Haton, I, 342-44.

[872] On the conspiracy of Bajazet and his flight to Persia see D’Aubigné, Book III, chap. xxviii.

[873] _Négociations dans le Levant_, II, 729.

[874] _Ibid._, 730.

[875] Spain suspected the Sultan was desirous of securing a French roadstead for his fleet during the siege of Malta. See _Commentaires et lettres de Montluc_, V, 38, note; D’Aubigné, 221, and n. 1; _Papiers d’état du cardinal de Granvelle_, VIII, 162; _L’Ambassade de St. Sulpice_, 398; _R. Q. H._, XXXIV, 473-78.

[876] _Corresp. de Cath. de Méd._, II, Introd., lxxxvi, lxxxvii; _R. Q. H._, XXXIV, 470.

[877] _L’Ambassade de St. Sulpice_, 14, Letter of March 27, 1562.

[878] Perez writes to Granvella on November 15, 1563: “La reine mère de France tourmente sa majesté catholique pour la déterminer à une entrevue.”—_Papiers d’état du card, de Granvelle_, VII, 256; and two weeks later (December 4, 1563) we find Philip II writing to Alva, saying that “L’ambassadeur de St. Sulpice lui a proposé une entrevue avec la reine de France,” and desiring the duke’s opinion in the matter (Gachard, _Correspondance de Philippe II sur les Pays-Bas_, I, 277). The actual text is in Philip’s correspondence, No. XXVI.

[879] _L’Ambassade de St. Sulpice_, 226.

[880] “Ne se passoit jour sans nouvelle sorte de combatz, passe-temps et plaizirs.... L’on dréçoit joustes, tournoy, commédies et tragoedies.”—Fourquevaux to St. Sulpice, _L’Ambassade de St. Sulpice_, 266; cf. _Papiers d’état du cardinal de Granvelle_, VIII, 466. For an account of one of these entertainments, see Castelnau, Book V, chap. vi.

[881] “Le pays est tel que vous avez entendu, pleins de montagnes et bandoliers.”—Catherine to St. Sulpice, January 9, 1564, _L’Ambassade de St. Sulpice_, 331.

[882] Charles III had been educated in France and was a French pensioner to the amount of 250,000 francs annually (_Rel. vén._, I, 451). On this Spanish pressure to revoke the Edict of Amboise see _Papiers d’état du cardinal de Granvelle_, VII, 461, 468; Poulet, I, 576, note; Castelnau, Book V, chap. ix; _R. Q. H._, XXXIV, 462, 463. The Huguenots quickly divined it (Languet, _Epist. secr._, II, 268, November 18, 1563; _Arch. d’Orange-Nassau_, I, 136).

The anxiety of the French Protestants over the King’s visit of Lorraine is well expressed in the letter of Lazarus Schwendi to the Prince of Orange, August 22, 1564, in _Arch. d’Orange-Nassau_, I, 191.

[883] Ranke, _Civil Wars and Monarchy in France_, 226.

[884] Davila, _Guerre civile di Francia_, III, 144. On September 27, 1564, the prévôt Morillon wrote to the cardinal Granvella: “L’édit de France contre les apostatz me faict espérer que la royne mère passera plus avant, puisque la saison est à propos; et si elle ne le faict, je crains qu’elle et les siens le paieront.”—_Papiers d’état du card. de Granvelle_, VIII, 361.

[885] Castelnau Book V, chap. x. Granvella expressed impatience at Catherine’s slowness in repressing the Huguenots. See his letters to vice-chancellor Seld and Philip II at this time in _Papiers d’état du cardinal de Granvelle_, VIII, 598, 599, 632, 633.

[886] Unless the order forbidding Renée of Ferrara to hold Protestant service even in private while at the court, be taken as the first; see _R. Q. H._, XXXIV, 467.

[887] Near Lyons, where on account of the plague the court was stopping July 17 to August 15; it belonged to the cardinal Tournon, who held it in apanage.

[888] Isambert, XIV, 166; Castelnau, Book V, chap. x; La Popelinière, II, Book XI, 5, 6; Chéruel, _Histoire de l’administration monarchique de la France_, I, 196.

[889] D’Aubigné, II, 211. On the last complaint see _Correspondance de Catherine de Médicis_, II, 195, 203, and notes. These Catholic associations generally at this time went by the name of “Confréries du St. Esprit,” as D’Aubigné’s allusion shows.

[890] For an episode showing at once the manners of some in the court, and the Catholic intensity of the people of Marseilles, see _Papiers d’état du cardinal de Granvelle_, VIII, 475.

[891] Lamathe, “Délibération des consuls de Nismes au sujet de l’entrée de Charles IX dans ladite ville (1564),” _Rev. des Soc. savant des départ._, 5^[e] série, III (1872), 781.

[892] While here, Catherine dispatched the marshal Bourdillon into Guyenne for the purpose of dissolving the league formed at Cadillac on March 13, 1563 (D’Aubigné, II, 213). As we shall see, the mission was fruitless.

[893] _Correspondance de Catherine de Médicis_, II, Introd., lviii. The editor adds: “De toutes les villes du Midi, c’était [Beziers] celle qui comptait le plus de Protestants.” On account of the alarm evinced by the Huguenots of the south—300 gentlemen of Beziers visited the King in a body—Charles IX, when at Marseilles on November 4, “confirmed” the Edict of Amboise. Yet so apprehensive was the court that whenever it stopped an effort was made to disarm the local populace (_C. S. P. For._, No. 788-1564).

[894] On the incident of Catherine reading a MS chronicle about Blanche of Castile, see the extract of the Venetian ambassador in Baschet (_La diplomatie vénetienne_, 521, 522).

[895] _Correspondance de Catherine de Médicis_, II, Introd., lix.

[896] Claude Haton, I, 378.

[897] The order of the King of December 13, 1564, prohibiting any nobles whoever they might be, unless princes of the house of France, from entering the government of the Ile-de-France is still unpublished. It is preserved in a report of the Spanish ambassador, Arch. nat., K. 1,505, No. 31. It is to be distinguished from the general _ordonnance_ of the year before—“Lettres du roy contenans defenses à toutes personnes de ne porter harquebuzes, pistoles, ni pistolets, ni autres bastons à feu, sur peine de confiscation de leurs armes et chevaulx,” Paris, 1564. Cf. Isambert, XIV, 142.

[898] All the historians notice this episode. See D’Aubigné, Book IV, chap, v; _Corresp. de Catherine de Médicis_, II, Introd., lix, lx, and 253-56 where the letters of the marshal and the queen mother on the subject are given. The editor, in a long note, sifts the evidence. Other accounts are in Claude Haton, I, 381-83 (other references in note); _C. S. P. For._, No. 942, January 24, 1564; _Mém. du duc de Nevers_, V, 12, 13; Castelnau, Book VI, chap. ii.

In _Papiers d’état du cardinal de Granvelle_, VIII, 600-2, is an account from the pen of Don Louis del Rio, an attaché of the Spanish embassy at Paris; and on pp. 655, 656 is the “Harangue de l’admiral de France à MM. de la court du parlement de Paris du 27 janvier 1565 avec la réponse.” The baron de Ruble has written the history of this incident in _Mém. de la Soc. de l’hist. de Paris de l’Ile-de-France_, Vol. VI.

According to a letter of Mary Stuart to Queen Elizabeth, February 12, 1565, the resentment due to the old law-suit over Dammartin flashed out at this time. But it must have been a conjecture on her part, for she adds: “I have heard no word of the duke of Guise or monsieur d’Aumale.”—_C. S. P. Scot._, II, 146. The prince of Condé’s Catholic leanings at this critical moment are manifested in a letter to his sister, the abbess of Chelles, in which he states that he is annoyed at the outrage committed on the cardinal of Lorraine by the marshal Montmorency; that the union of these two houses is more than necessary; that if he had been with the cardinal, he would have given proof of his good-will by deeds. See Appendix VII.

[899] “Les confraires du Sainct-Esprit et autres reprenoient plus de viguer, et les provinces ne pouvoient plus souffrir les ministres ny les presches publics et particulièrs, et se séparoient entièrement des huguenots; qui estoient argumens certains qu’en peu de temps il se verroit quelque grand changement.”—Castelnau, Book VI, chap. ii.

[900] Ardent Catholics, like Cardinal Granvella, believed both the marshal Montmorency and Damville to be Protestants at heart (_Papiers d’état du cardinal de Granvelle_, VIII, 278).

[901] “Des catholiques formèrent des ‘unions’ pour défendre l’honneur de Dieu et de la Sainte Eglise, et ces unions, en se rapprochant constituèrent la Ligue.”—Beulier, “Pourquoi la France est-elle restée catholique au XVI^[e] siècle,” _Revue anglo-romaine_, January 11, 1896, 257. The Jesuits worked hard in France for Philip II. Forneron, II, 304, quotes an interesting letter to this effect from a Jesuit working in France.

[902] The procès-verbal of this league is in _Mémoires de Condé_, ed. London, VI, 290-306. For the court’s sojourn at Agen see Barrère (l’abbé), “Entrée et séjour de Charles IX à Agen (1565),” _Bull. du Com. de la langue, de l’hist. et des arts de la France_ I (1854), 472.

For the King’s sojourn at Condom (1565) see Barrère (l’abbé), _ibid._, 476.

[903] _Commentaires et lettres de Montluc_, III, 80, 81; De Thou, V,