xxiv. The Venetian ambassador gives an interesting character-sketch of

Charles IX at this time (_Rel. vén._, I, 419).

[747] The estates of Burgundy declared in a memorial that it was impossible to maintain double worship in France and petitioned that Protestant worship might be abolished in that province, May 18, 1563 (D’Aubigné, II, 205; _Mém. de Condé_, IV, 413; Castelnau, Book V, chap. vi.)

[748] “S’étaient tous départis avec une hâte extrème causée sur la disposition du pape.”—Testu to Catherine de Medici, _L’Ambassade de St. Sulpice_, 207. “Les évêques français se déclarent obligés de partir, se voyant privés de ressources.”—Baschet, _Journal du Concile de Trente_, 239.

[749] The Pope sent the bishop of Vintimilla to Spain to persuade Philip II to enforce the Tridentine decrees in favor of the counter-Reformation (_L’Ambassade de St. Sulpice_, 174, 200, 217, 218). See also a letter of Luna, Philip II’s ambassador at Trent, of November 17, 1563, in _Correspondencia de los principes de Alemania con Felipe II, y de los Embajadores de Este en la Corti di Vienna (1556-98)_ in “Documentos inéditos,” CI, 24.

[750] _Annales Raynaldi_, 1564, No. 1; Labbé, XIV, 939; cf. _R. Q. H._, October, (1869), 402.

[751] For the grounds of objection see _R. Q. H._ (October, 1869), 365, 366, and 401-8; Frémy, _Diplomates du temps de la Ligue_, 45. In Vol. LXXXVI, _Coll. de St. Pétersbourg_, is a collection of letters, many of them from Lansac and the cardinal of Lorraine while at the Council of Trent. These are the letters whose disappearance Baschet wondered at and deplored (La Ferrière, _Rapport_, 58).

[752] Charles IX to St. Sulpice, February 26,1564, _L’Ambassade de St. Sulpice_, 229; D’Aubigné. II, 223; L’Estoile, I, 19; _Bulletin de la Soc. prot. franç._, XXIV, 412. Catherine makes no allusion to this scene in her letter to Elizabeth of Spain at this season (_L’Ambassade de St. Sulpice_, 237). But on a subsequent occasion, when the cardinal of Lorraine dropped the remark that the Council of Trent ought to be called _Spanish_, the queen mother replied “qu’il avait raison, et que aussi lui même s’était montré tel et plus de ce parti que de tout autre.”—_Ibid._, 383.

[753] _R. Q. H._, XXXIV, 462; Frémy, _Diplomates de la ligue_, chap. i.

[754] Tavannes, 291.

[755] Vargas, Spanish ambassador in Rome, to the cardinal Granvella, February 22, 1561 (_Papiers d’état du card. de Granvelle_, VI, 512, 513; _R. Q. H._, XXXIV, 460).

[756] On January 16, 1562, Granvella wrote to Perez from Brussels that it was already impossible to prevent this (Gachard, _Correspondance de Philippe II sur les Pays-Bas_, I, 198).

[757] Philip II to Quadra, Spanish ambassador in England, August 4, 1562 (_Papiers d’etat du cardinal de Granvelle_, VI, 606).

[758] La Popelinière, Book VIII, 591, 634, gives the text of these appeals.

[759] “Les états ne payeraient un maravédis aux bandes d’ordonnance si on voulait envoyer celles-ci en France.”—Gachard, _Correspondance de Philippe II sur les Pays-Bas_, I, 206.

[760] “Pour coupper la racine du mal, il ny puisse avoir de plus courte voye, ny de meilleur expédient que alluy d’armes.”—_Lettres du cardinal de Ferrare_, Letter xxx, 1563.

[761] “Après la déclaration que seigneurs ont envoyée en Espagne des deniers qu’ils y ont demandez, ils ne voyant pas qu’on se haste beaucoup de leur respondre.”—_Ibid._

[762] _Nég. Tosc._, III, 492.

[763] _Papiers d’état du cardinal de Granvelle_, VI, 620, September 13, 1563. It is interesting to observe the objections of Margaret of Parma and Granvella. According to the former, “l’impossibilité de donner secours au roi de France était notoire, à moins qu’on ne voulût la perte et la ruine totale des Pays-Bas.”—Gachard, _Philippe II et les Pays-Bas_, I, 211; Margaret to Philip, August 6, from Brussels. The latter deplores the reduction of the forces of the country because “les ligues et confédérations (c’est ainsi qu’on les appelle) formées contre lui, continuent.”—_Ibid._, August 6, 1562. Three future patriots of the Netherlands were in this session of the Council of State—William of Orange, Egmont and Hoorne. Cf. Gachard’s note.

[764] La Popelinière, Book viii, 499; _Rel. vén._ II, 99.

[765] “Cependant la ligue ne s’est pas renfermée dans l’enceinte de Paris. Paris, qui l’avait incertaine et hesitante encore, la renvoya aux provinces, toute brûlante et toute armée. Elle s’associa à leur intérêts, réfléta leur passions et leur caractère, feroce en Languedoc, durement obstinée en Bretagne, partout modifiée dans sa nature et sa durée par la politique locale des municipalités.”—Ouvré, _Essai sur l’histoire de la ligue à Poitiers_ (1855), 6.

[766] Ranke, _Civil Wars and Monarchy in France_, 226, notices this contrast between the north and the south.

[767] This local organization did not seem strong enough for Montluc, whose activity against the Protestants in 1562 was already notable and who was suspicious lest some Huguenots might creep into the body and betray it; so the power was taken out of the hands of the _jurats_ of the city at his suggestion and vested in the hands of Tilladet, governor of Bordeaux, who also had possession of the keys of the city. This proceeding was destined to be revolutionary in the development of the municipality. The _jurats_ pleaded their ancient privileges, which were as old as the English domination, which Louis XI had confirmed after the wars of the English in France were over. But the parlement of Bordeaux approved the change and thus the form of government of the greatest city of the Gironde was altered by stress of circumstances (O’Reilly, _Hist. de Bordeaux_, II, 241-44; Montluc, _Lettres et commentaires_, IV, 214, note). Cf. Gaullieur, _Histoire de la réformation à Bordeaux et dans le ressort du parlement de Guyenne_. Tome I, “Les origines et la première guerre de religion jusqu’à la paix d’Amboise” (1523-63), Paris, 1848.

[768] “Tellement que les pauvres fidèles trembloyent dans Aix et plusieurs firent constraints de s’enfuyr.”—_Mém. de. Condé_, IV, 240. At p. 278 is an account of the formation of this league. Cf. _Discours véritable des guerre et troubles advenus au Pays de Provence en l’an 1562._

[769] This was Henri Damville, the second son of the constable Montmorency.

[770] This association, in the words of D’Aubigné, was the “prototype et premier example de toutes les ligues qui ont despuis paru en France.”—Vol. II, 137. Extended accounts of its origin may be found in the _Annales de Toulouse_, II, 62 ff.; De Thou, IV, Book XXXIV, 496, 497; La Popelinière, Book VIII, 602, gives the text of the compact, which shows the financial measures adopted in the support of the league; _Lettres et commentaires de Montluc_, ed. De Ruble, II, 398; _Hist. du Languedoc_, V, 249 ff. Protestant accounts are in Beza, Book X; D’Aubigné, III, chap, xviii.

[771] _Commentaires_ (Eng. trans.), Book V, 232.

[772] “Ordonnance de Blaise de Montluc, chevalier de l’ordre et lieutenant du roi en Guyenne, sur l’opinion qui devoit estres les sujets fidèles à sa Majesté en la séné-chaussée d’Agenois, et sur l’ordre qu’ils devoient tenir pour résister aux entreprises des sujets rebelles.”—Ruble, _Comment. et Lettres de Montluc_, IV, 190; La Faille, _Annales de Toulouse_, II, 62. The preamble is a recital of Catholic grievances and Huguenot violence.

[773] D’Aubigné, II, 213, and n. 6; _Commentaires et lettres de Montluc_, IV, 214.

[774] _C. S. P. For._, No. 1,000, _anno_ 1563.

[775] Mourin, _La réforme et la ligue en Anjou_, 21, 22.

[776] It is interesting to observe how history is repeating itself in the formation of these local associations or confraternities against the Huguenots. In 1212 in the course of the war against the Albigenses the “Confraternitas ad ecclesiae defensionem Massiliae instituta” was formed at Marseilles by Arnaud, the papal legate. See Martène, _Thesaurus anecdotorum_, _sub anno_.

[777] Martin, _Histoire de France_, IX, 201; Anquetil, I, 213.

[778] “Si la Réforme acquit une si grande importance, au point que les esprits superficiels y virent l’origine des libertés actuelles, c’est qu’auparavant avait éclaté une révolution sociale et économique, dont les luttes religieuses ne furent que les arrière-maux. Tant que les historiens, dans leurs études sur la Réforme, ne tiendront pas compte de ce dernier point de vue, ils n’écriront à son sujet que les romans ou des pamphlets.”—Funck-Brentano, Introd. to new ed. of Montchrétien’s _L’Œconomie politique_, LXXI.

[779] Hauser, “The Reformation and the Popular Classes in France in the Sixteenth Century,” _American Historical Review_, January, 1899, 220.

[780] See Hauser, _Ouvriers du temps passé_; Pariset, _Histoire de la fabrique lyonnaise_, 1901; Roussel, “Un livre de main au XVI^[e] siècle,” _Revue internationale de sociologie_, XIII (1905), 102, 521, 825.

[781] Eberstadt, “Der französische Gewerberecht und die Schaffung staatlicher Gesetzgebung und Verwaltung in Frankreich vom dreizehnten Jahrhundert bis 1581,” _Schmoller’s Forschungen_, XVII, Pt. II, 270. This is a pioneer work in the economic subject here briefly outlined. The reader will find Unwin’s _Industrial Development in the Sixteenth and Seventeenth Centuries_, London, 1905, an admirable survey of the same subject, dealing chiefly with England, but with frequent reference to the continent, where the conditions were much the same. There is a copious bibliography prefixed to the work. The article by M. Hauser referred to in the _American Historical Review_, January, 1899, should also be examined.

[782] Weiss, _La chambre ardente_, cxlv. The early identification of the French nobility with Calvinism has been exaggerated. One must be cautious in the use of the term “nobility,” for it is to be remembered that the eldest son received the largest share of the inheritance and that younger sons and small nobles, in many instances, had much in common with the small farmers in the provinces. As Mr. Armstrong aptly says: “All that separated them from their neighbors was ‘privilege,’ and to this they clung all the more desperately.”—Armstrong, _The French Wars of Religion_, 4. In the decade between 1550 and 1560 there is an increase in the number of aristocratic names identified with French Protestantism, but it was not till 1557 that the first great noble espoused its cause and that covertly. This was Antoine of Bourbon. In the same year Coligny and D’Andelot also inclined to it (Whitehead, _Gaspard de Coligny, Admiral of France_, 63-66). On the whole matter, see Lavisse, _Histoire de France_, V, Pt. II, 238-42.

[783] Relazione IV, 242. The great store-house of information on this head is M. Noel Weiss, _La chambre ardente_, 1889—the trials for heresy during the years 1547-49 of the reign of Henry II—a book which has revolutionized the point of view of the history of the French Reformation (see a review of this work in _English Hist. Review_, VI, 770).

In the town of Provins there were but a few Huguenots. Among them were 1 doctor; 2 lawyers; a notary; 1 barber and surgeon; 1 dyer; 3 apothecaries; 1 draper; 1 fuller; 1 salt dealer.—Claude Haton, I, 124, 125.

[784] It would be a narrow view of the history of France at this time to infer that religious and economic changes were the only sort. The truth is, the reigns of Francis I and of Henry II, were an age of transition in religion, in institutions, even in manners.

“La corruption des bonnes mœurs a continué en tous estatz, tant ecclesiastique que aultres, depuis les cardinaux jusques aux simples prebstres, et depuis le roy jusques aux simples villagloix. Chascun a voulu suyvre son plaisir; on a délaissé mesme l’ancienne coustume de s’habiller. De temps immémorial, nul homme de France n’avoit esté tondu ni porté longue barbe avant le régne dudit feu roy; ains tous les hommes, garçons et campagnons portoient longs cheveux et la barbe rasée au menton.... Les prebstres et évesques se sont faict tondre des derniers; et ont porté longue barbe, ce qui a esté trouve fort estranger depuis le commencement du règne dudit feu roy, ont commencé les nouvelles façons aux habillemens toutes contraires à l’antiquité, et a semblé la France estre ung nouveau peuple ou ung monde renouvelé.”—Claude Haton, I, 112.

[785] The _cahier_ of the estates of Orleans was published at the eve of the French Revolution (_Recueil des cahiers généraux des trois ordres_, chap. i).

[786] Isambert, XIV, 63 ff.

[787] I am indebted for much of this information to M. Henri Hauser, “Les questions industrielles et commercielles aux Etats de 1560,” _Revue des cours_, XIII, No. 6, December 15, 1904. Cf. Funck-Brentano, Introd. to Montchrétien, _Traicté de l’œconomie politique_, LXXIV-VI.

[788] Hauser, “The Reformation and the Popular Classes in France in the Sixteenth Century,” _American Historical Review_, January 1899, p. 223. “The trade-unions fell under the sway of the religious brotherhoods, which excluded the non-Catholics and were soon to lead the revolutionary movement of the League.”—_Ibid._, 227.

[789] “L’origine des ligues en ce royaume vient des Huguenots.”—Tavannes, 222; Martin, _Histoire de France_, IX, 125.

“En face des Protestants, qui s’associaient et s’organisaient contre les catholiques, ceux-ci avaient de bonne heure formé des unions locales pour résister aux entreprises des hérétiques. Ces premières ligues ont seulement un but religieux. Elles sont généralement composées de bourgeois dévoué à la royauté et sincèrement émus des dangers auxquels est exposé la catholicisme.”—_La grande encyc._, XXII, 234, _s. v._ “Ligue,” article by M. de Vaissière.

“La jalousie entre les deux Religions ne se borna pas l’émulation d’une plus grande régularité; elles cherchèrent s’appuyer l’une contre l’autre de la force des confédérations et des serments. Depuis longtemps la Romaine entretenoit dans son sein des associations connues sous le nom de confréries. Elles avoient des lieux et des jours d’assemblée fixés, une police, des repas, des exercices, des deniers communs. Il ne fut question que d’ajouter à ce la un serment d’employer ses biens et sa vie pour la défense de la Foi attaquée. Avec cette formule, les confréries devinrent comme d’elles-mêmes, dans chaque ville, des corps de troupes prêtes à agir au gré des chefs, et leur bannières, des étendarts militaires.”—Anquetil, I, 213.

[790] Coligny expressly denied having made any promise to return Calais to England, and as to the occupation of Havre, he said: “J’en ignorais les termes jusqu’à la venue de Throckmorton en Normandie, et lorsque j’en ai signé la confirmation, je n’ai jamais pu croire qu’il y eut autre clause que l’assurance donnée à la reine du remboursement des sommes qu’elle nous avançait.”—_Correspondance de Catherine de Médicis_, II, Introd., xiii. See the extended discussion of this controverted subject in Whitehead, _Gaspard de Coligny_, Appendix I, where he shows that the admiral is to be exonerated from the odium of having sought to betray Havre-de-Grace into the hands of the English and puts the blame for this article of the treaty of Hampton Court upon the vidame de Chartres.

[791] The conduct of La Rochelle in the fourth civil war is the most pronounced instance of Huguenot willingness to subordinate French territory to a foreign domination and this action was of the municipality, not of a single Huguenot leader, nor did it, of course, imply the subjection of the government of France to English rule as the Triumvirate contemplated in the case of Spain.

[792] _Mém. de Condé_, IV, 93: “Traicté d’Association faicte par Monseigneur le Prince de Condé avec les Princes, Chevaliers de l’Ordre, Seigneurs, Capitaines, Gentilhommes et autres de tous estats, qui sont entrez, ou entreront cy-apres, en la dicte association, pour maintenir l’honneur de Dieu, le repos de ce royaume, et l’estat et liberté du Roy sous le gouvernement de la Roy sa mere.”

The third article provides for implicit obedience to the prince of Condé, “chef et conducteur de toute la Compagnie,” i. e., the army; _there was no league_. Minute regulations follow for the government of the camp, for services of prayer both morning and evening, etc. The fourth article, which has to do with the ways and means of raising revenue, is the nearest approach to _political_ organization: “ ... nous jurons and promettons devant Dieu et ses Anges nous tenir prests de tout ce qui fait en nostre pouvoir, comme d’argent; d’armes, chevaux de service, et toutes les autres choses requises, pour nous trouver au premier Mandement du dict Seigneur Prince.”—_Mém. de Condé_, III, 210-15. Cf. La Popelinière, Book VIII, 582 ff., upon the same subject.

[793] In 1567 when the Huguenot chiefs tried to seize Charles IX by surprise at Meaux, thus precipitating the second civil war, the Venetian ambassador, Correro, expressed astonishment at the perfection of the Huguenot organization (_Rel. vén._, II, 115).

[794] Edit de confirmation de l’édit de pacification du 19 Mars 1562, sec. 6: “Nous ... prohibons et défendons, sur peine de crime de leze-majesté à tous nos dits sujets, quels qu’ils soient, qu’ils n’ayent à faire practique, avoir intelligence, envoyer ne recevoir lettres ne messages, escrire en chiffre n’autre escriture feincte, ne desguisée, à princes estrangers, ne aucuns de leur subjects et serviteurs, pour chose concernant nostre estat sans nostre sceu et exprès congé et permission.”—Isambert, _Recueil des lois_, XIV, 145; the “Ordonnance explicative” of April 7 is on p. 333; cf. _Mém. de Condé_, IV, 311; La Popelinière, Book X, 724.

[795] We find repeated orders for their dissolution, e. g., F. Fr. 15,876, fol. 201.

[796] Lettres-patentes of Charles IX extended the right of Protestant worship to Condom, St. Sevère, and Dax, towns which did not figure in the edict of March 19 (Ruble, _Commentaires et lettres de Montluc_, IV, 257, 272, and notes). A royal ordinance was later issued giving a list of those towns where Calvinist worship was permitted, specifying that it must be conducted in the faubourgs, however (_Mém. de Condé_, IV, 338).

[797] Within a month the government received anonymous information of Candalle’s activity (_Archives de la Gironde_, XXI, 14 [April 16, 1563]). Cf. “Lettre de Candalle à la reine, du mai 20, 1563” (F. Fr. 15,875, fol. 495). In the same volume, fol. 491, is a joint declaration of the gentlemen of Guyenne upon the purposes of this association.

[798] _Commentaires et lettres de Montluc_, IV, 214.

[799] _Correspondance de Catherine de Médicis_, I, 552, col. 2. At the same time Catherine wrote to certain members of the Parlement of Bordeaux. Montluc’s reply, both the personal letter he wrote to the queen mother (April 11), and the more official remonstrance he forwarded to the King, is a palpable lie. He wrote to the queen “Je vous puis asseurer ... que despuis la nouvelle de la paix, il n’y a eu traicté d’association aucune; que, au moindre mot que j’en ay dict, tout ne soit cessé comme s’il n’en avoit jamais esté parle.”—_Commentaires et lettres_, IV, 206. Cf. his similar declaration to Charles IX, on p. 214. The clergy of Bordeaux sustained Montluc in this deception, and when the queen’s suspicion continued, justified the association on the ground of religion. _Corresp. de Catherine de Méd._, I, 552, note. Candalle in a letter of May 20, 1563, still evaded the truth in writing to the queen (F. Fr., 15,876, fol. 495), and Catherine, upon more suspicious information from d’Escars, determined to satisfy herself of certain facts, and sent two commissioners to Guyenne to secure better information (_Commentaires et lettres de Montluc_, IV, 270, note). Unfortunately for the government, the Parlement of Bordeaux resented their coming as an invasion of their jurisdiction, and the inquiry degenerated into a quarrel between the Parlement and the commissioners (_ibid._, IV, 292, n. 1; _Corresp. de Catherine de Médicis_, II, 114, 115).

[800] Claude Haton, I, 266.

[801] “A Lyon, les catholiques y sont pour le jour d’huy en plus grand nombre des troiz partz pour une que les huguenotz; mais les dits huguenotz sont les principaulx et ceulx qui ont les forces en mains.”—Granvella to the emperor Ferdinand I, April 12, 1564, _Papiers d’état du cardinal de Granvelle_, VII, 467.

[802] The coast trade with England and Holland probably explains the prevalence of Protestantism in Lower Normandy, at least in part. But the reasons of the prevalence of rural Huguenotism on an extensive scale in Normandy are quite obscure. On this subject see La Ferrière, _Normandie à l’étranger_, 2-5, 82; Hauser, “The French Reformation and the French People in the Sixteenth Century,” _American Historical Review_, January 1899, 225, 226.

[803] Hauser, _op. cit._, 226, 227. I find in Montluc an interesting allusion to the prevalence of the Reformed belief among the peasantry of Guyenne, which M. Hauser has not noticed. It occurs in a letter of “Instruction au cappitaine Monluc [Pierre-Bertrand, called captain Peyrot] de ce qu’il dira à la royne et au roy de Navarre, de la part du sieur de Monluc, touchant l’état de Guyenne,” March 25, 1561, and is as follows: “Et ce, à cause des insollences, scandalles et contemnements que _les paisans_ dudit païs leur ont faict depuis ung an en cà,” etc.—_Commentaires et lettres de Montluc_, IV, 115.

[804] Hauser, “The French Reformation and the French People in the Sixteenth Century,” _American Hist. Review_, January 1899, 224. For further information upon this change in the condition of the lower and middle classes in France in the sixteenth century see Avenel, “La fortune mobilière dans l’histoire,” _Revue des deux mondes_, August 1, 1892, pp. 605, 606; _idem_, “La propriété foncière de Philippe-Auguste à Napoléon,” _Revue des deux mondes_, February 1, 1893, pp. 128, 129; April 15, 1893, pp. 796, 797, 801-3, 812, 813; August 15, 1893, pp. 853-55; Lavisse, _Histoire de France_, V, Pt. I, 262-65.

[805] Remonstrance sent to the Pope out of France, _C. S. P. For._, No. 1453 (1562).

[806] _Ibid._

[807] _Rel. vén._, II, 121.

[808] Du Bois, _La ligue: documents relatifs à la Picardie d’après les registres de l’échevinage d’Amiens_ (1859), 5.

[809] _Mém. de Condé_, II, 812.

[810] Montluc, Letter 48, March 25, 1561, _Comment. et lettres_, IV, 115. “Cette appréciation de Montluc est digne d’être signalée à cause de sa conformité absolue avec les conclusions de l’érudition actuelle. On admit généralement que le parti protestant, à l’époque même de sa plus grande force, n’a jamais compté plus de dixième de la population en France.”—Note appended by M. de Ruble.

[811] _Synodicon in Gallia_, I, lix.

[812] A Venetian syndicate interested in France in 1566 estimated the population to be between fifteen and sixteen millions (_Rel. vén._, III, 149). I assume this estimate to be more reliable than most. According to Levasseur, economically France could support a population of 20,000,000 in the sixteenth century (Foville, “La population française,” _Revue des deux mondes_, November 15, 1891, 306).

[813] _C. S. P. For._, No. 935, §4, March 14, 1562.

[814] Upon the details of this famous tour see _Correspondance de Catherine de Médicis_, II, Introd., xlv ff.; D’Aubigné, Book IV, chap iv; Jouan, _Voyage du roi Charles IX_, new ed.; _L’Ambassade de St. Sulpice_, 243, 254, 255, 270, 272, 274-76, 287, 300, 319.

[815] _Rel. vén._, I, 108.

[816] _C. S. P. For._, No. 43, March 7, 1574.

[817] “Entrée du roy Charles IX et de la reyne-mère Catherine de Médicis en la ville de Sens, le 15 mars 1563,” Relation extraite du MSS d’Eracle Cartault, chanoine, et des déliberations de l’Hôtel-de-Ville. Préface de M. H. Monceaux, 1882.

[818] Coutant, “Dépenses du roi Charles IX à Troyes le mercredi 5 avril 1564 après Pâques,” Annuaire admin., etc., pour 1860 (Troyes); “Depenses du roi Charles IX à Troyes le samedi 8 avril 1564,” Annuaire admin., etc., pour 1859 (Troyes).

[819] Claude Haton, I, 364.

[820] The visit of the King to Bar-le-Duc (to attend the baptism of the child-prince Henry of Lorraine) profoundly stirred the Calvinists of France and Switzerland. Charles IX in person, Ernest of Mansfeldt, governor of Luxembourg, representing Philip II, and the dowager-duchess of Lorraine, Christine of Denmark, acted as god-parents.

[821] Fourquevaux to St. Sulpice, May 19, 1564, _L’Ambassade de St. Sulpice_, 266.

[822] Armstrong, _French Wars of Religion_, 22, admirably observes: “Geneva was practically a French republic, constantly recruited by raw refugee material, and circulating in return trained ministers and money, giving unity to measures which local separation was likely to dissolve. Hence came the propagandism, the organization for victory, the reorganization after defeat, the _esprit de corps_, the religious zeal which whipped up flagging political or military energies.”

[823] See a letter of Alva in K. 1,502. Montluc later informed Philip II of it (_Commentaires et lettres_, V, 25, letter of June, 1565). The rumor seems not to have passed unheeded, for the marshal Vieilleville cautioned the King and his mother to be moderate in their course, saying that the Huguenots were many and the soldiers few (_Papiers d’état du cardinal de Granvelle_, VIII, 632). On the state of Geneva at this time see Roget, _L’église et l’état à Genève du vivant de Calvin; étude d’histoire politico-ecclésiastique_, 1867.

[824] The constable to St. Sulpice, June 21, 1564, in _L’Ambassade de St. Sulpice_, 273.

[825] _L’Ambassade de St. Sulpice_, 275, 276; _Nég. Tosc._, III, 515, 516; Nyd (l’abbé) “Notes écrites en 1566, à la fin d’un missel de l’abbaye de Malgrivier (evénements rel. à Lyon, 1562-66),” _Bull. du Com. de la langue, de l’hist. et des arts de la France_, IV, 300 (1857). The copper and lead mines of the Lyonnais had been profitable in the Middle Ages, but the wars of the English in France and the Black Death ruined the industry. See Jars, “Notice historique des mines du Lyonnais, Forez et Beaujolais,” MS, Bibliothéque de Lyons, No. 1,470.

[826] _Rel. vén._, I, 35-37.

[827] A letter of his published by La Ferrière, _Deux années de mission à St. Pétersbourg_, Paris (1867), 56, 57, casts an interesting light upon the state of the city at this time.

[828] _L’Ambassade de St. Sulpice_, 266.

[829] La Cuisine, _Histoire du parlement de Bourgogne_, I, 60; Castelnau, Book V, chap. vi, says the petition was printed. The bishop of Orleans, Jean de Morvilliers, in a letter dated August 21, 1563, called the queen mother’s attention to this growing prejudice (Frémy, _Les diplomates de la Ligue_, 30-32).

[830] _L’Ambassade de St. Sulpice_, 129-31. Philip II, as has been observed, expressed his disapproval of this practice (_ibid._, 152), and when the French government endeavored to make it apply to the property of the French church in the Low Countries, he set his foot down hard (_ibid._, 188). An endeavor was made to restrain speculation in church property by law.

[831] For details see _ibid._, 152, 156, 165, 185, 186, 226.

[832] _Castelnau_, Book V, chaps. vi and x is very clear in the statement of various motives.

[833] Claude Haton, I, 368.

[834] See the wonderful word-picture drawn by Castelnau at the beginning of Book V, and Montluc, Books V, VI, _passim_. For the brigandage that prevailed see Montluc, IV, 343 (letter to the King from Agen, March 26, 1564).

[835] Franklin, “La vie d’autrefois,” _Hygiene_, chap. ii, especially pp. 67-75. For the plague of 1563-64 in Languedoc see _Hist. de Languedoc_, XI, 447 (Toulouse), 464 (Montpellier, Nîmes, Castres, etc.). It was at its height in July, 1564. It seems to have come into Languedoc from Spain. See also _Papiers d’état du card. de Granvelle_ (March 11, 1564), VII, 387, 401; VIII, 36, 382, 470; _C. S. P. For._ (1564), Introd., xi-xii, and Nos. 544-53, §2; No. 592; Claude Haton I, 332. Those exposed to the infection were required to carry white wands as a sign (_C. S. P. Ven._, No. 824, November 20, 1580).

[836] Claude Haton, I, 332.

[837] Vingtrinier, _La peste à Lyon_, 1901.

[838] _C. S. P. For._, No. 553 (1564).

[839] On the state of medical science at this time see Franklin, “La vie d’autrefois,” _Hygiene_, chap. ii; cf. _C. S. P. For._, No. 544, July 1, 1564 (summary of a pamphlet printed by the city authorities).

[840] Claude Haton, I, 224-28.

[841] Claude Haton, I, 332.

[842] “Non-seulement la France fut agitée en ceste année de guerres, diminution des biens de la terre et de peste, mais aussi fut remplie et fort tormentée des voleurs, larrons et sacrilèges, qui de nuict et de jour tenoient les champs et forcoient les églises et maisons, pour voller et piller les biens d’icelles pour vivre et s’entretenir.”—_Mémoires de Claude Haton_, I, 332 (1562).

Smith declared that Lyons was the “most fearful and inhuman town he had ever seen. Men show themselves more fearful and inhuman than pagans.”—_C. S. P. For._, No. 553, July 12, 1564.

[843] Castelnau, Book V, chap. x.

[844] Claude Haton, I, 378.

[845] _C. S. P. For._, No. 327, §11, April 14, 1564; No. 389, §12, May 12, 1564.

[846] _Ibid._, No. 755, October 21, 1565.

[847] Jeanne d’Albret had an interview with Catherine after the court left Macon; she demanded possession of Henry of Béarn, and leave to return to her estates. But the queen mother, feeling that to grant either of these requests might injure her cause with Philip II, sought to satisfy her with the gift of 150,000 livres and the assignment of Vendôme as the place of her residence (_Corresp. de Catherine de Médicis_, Introd., II, l).

[848] _C. S. P. For._, No. 384, §7; _Papiers d’état du cardinal de Granvelle_, VII, 529. His opinion of the synod is expressed in Vol. VIII, 17; _Correspondance de Catherine de Médicis_, II, 179, note; Claude Haton, I, 384.

[849] _C. S. P. For._, No. 358.

[850] Castelnau, Book V, chap. x, p. 284, attests this miscarriage of justice.

[851] _C. S. P. For._, 755, October 21, 1564.

[852] No one can read the Huguenot historian, La Popelinière, Vol. II,