CHAPTER LIII

_How the Viceroy, on receiving the news that Gonzalo Diaz had deserted, was much enraged, and what else happened._

We have related how Vela Nuñez returned from the snowy mountains of Pariacaca in great consternation owing to the monstrous treason of Gonzalo Diaz, fearing that the traitor might overtake him and murder him. Having descended into the valley of Lima he reflected much within himself, concluding that the evils which were coming on the land, by reason of the wars, could not be slight. Certainly he would desire that the Viceroy could check the disturbances arising in all parts, from the time that he arrived in Peru, and even after the suspension of the ordinances. On the other hand the evil character of the people, and their bad faith, showed that, even if the ordinances had been suspended from the beginning, the disloyal movements would not have ceased, for so rich and prosperous a land could not remain at peace. These things and others Vela Nuñez said to me in the city of Cali, when I wished to inform myself respecting these events. So Vela Nuñez arrived at Lima in the night, and gave the Viceroy a detailed account of what had happened, including the great treason of Gonzalo Diaz, and how ill he had requited the honour the Viceroy had shown him.

The Viceroy was deeply moved and his countenance could not conceal the deep sorrow which filled his heart. He said--“This land is the Devil! Great are the evils which surround it! Never are those who live in it at peace one with another! If I had not seen it, I could not believe that without reason, without the fear of God, without truth, without shame they could thus abandon loyalty to their king! In whom can I put trust. Not in those I chose as captains, and to whom I showed so much honour. For they deny me and cease to be loyal, preferring to live as traitors.” Saying this he went about, trying to show that he was not disturbed by the desertion of Gonzalo Diaz, for he said that it was better to have traitors outside the city than inside.

Great was the excitement in the city of Lima when the flight of Gonzalo Diaz de Pineda was known. Though some felt regret, others rejoiced exceedingly, both citizens and soldiers, because it brought the time nearer when Gonzalo Pizarro would enter with his banners. They talked one with another, and showed their delight by their words, saying “Now Pizarro comes. This time he will be Governor, and we shall have no Judges, and no rules about our Indians, nor ordinances, and Blasco Nuñez Vela will go back to Spain.”

The Viceroy, after having been fully informed by his brother the general, called an assembly of the Judges, captains, and principal citizens, and as soon as they were all present, he said to them, “It seems to me that Vela Nuñez has fortunately escaped. What think you of the treachery of Gonzalo Diaz? Yesterday I sent letters to the principal men of Cuzco who come as fugitives by way of Arequipa and will be here shortly. I believe that there is want of agreement in the camp of Pizarro, many regretting the course they have taken and desiring pardon. But when those traitors approach we must show no want of firmness. It is important that we all should animate the soldiers, remembering also that with the captains lies the greater force in war. Do not be too much depressed by the bad news. God our Lord often puts his hand in favour of causes that appear lost, and they are won.” The Viceroy having said these words to the assembly and made another speech to the captains, they all replied that they would carry out his orders.

It had been arranged that Diego Alvarez de Cueto, with a light body of horse, should go as far as Chincha on the coast, to meet Garcilasso de la Vega, Graviel de Rojas, and the others who were coming as fugitives from Cuzco. Although Captain Cueto got ready to start he did not go, having been ordered to remain for fear of desertions.

Soon afterwards there was a general review of the troops. The infantry mustered more than 500. Jeronimo de la Serna received the appointment of captain of the company of Gonzalo Diaz. This was a great grievance to Manuel de Estacio, ensign of that company, who had brought the banner to the great square. He said, now that Gonzalo Diaz was a traitor to his King in spite of the loyalty he owed to the Viceroy, he was the person entitled to succeed to the vacancy, for his services were not so small that he did not merit promotion. In a great rage he tore the banner, saying that the flag of a traitor had no place in a loyal camp. It was black with a red cross. So it was torn, and Gonzalo Diaz was declared a traitor publicly with the reason, and naming his parents and place of birth. The Viceroy said to Manuel de Estacio that he should not be aggrieved at Serna having been appointed captain, as he had enlisted more men; but Estacio still felt injured.

In the house of Illan Suarez de Carbajal there were many secret proceedings. One of his slaves had been sent with letters to the Licentiate Benito Suarez de Carbajal. But in sending the letters he did little contrary to his duty to the King our Lord, for after the death of the Licentiate Carbajal, I saw the letter in the city of Cuzco. It contained nothing but exhortations to the Licentiate to leave the company of Gonzalo Pizarro, and come to join the Viceroy and serve him.

LETTER

OF

FRIAR JUAN SOLANO, BISHOP OF CUZCO[59]

TO

THE KING

LIMA, _March 10th, 1545_.

I arrived in this kingdom, province of Peru, without waiting for the bulls, as your Majesty ordered, for by the provisions in my possession your Majesty orders me to occupy myself with the good treatment and conversion of the Indians, and in teaching them our holy catholic faith, bringing those who are warlike into the paths of peace. With this end and object I ventured to accept this office. It appears to me that I shall have great opportunities of usefulness, if the unsettled state of the land gives me a chance. As a servant of your Majesty I am bound to tell your Majesty the truth, without affection or passion, touching all that has been passing, and that I have seen in this land, from my landing until I reached the city of Lima, that your Majesty may apply the remedy that is needed, for the necessity is great.

I landed at Tumbez, which is a port in this land of Peru, 200 leagues from this city of Lima, arriving the last of the officials of your Majesty for I met with many hindrances, especially in the South Sea. As I came last, I had occasion to see all that had taken place along the road. As the Viceroy is such a zealous and fervent servant of your Majesty, as soon as he jumped on shore in this port of Tumbez, he put in force the ordinances and new laws which your Majesty gave for these kingdoms. Presently he gave freedom to all the Indians held to service by the Spaniards in Tumbez, telling them that, being free, they could go where they chose and act for themselves freely and according to their wishes. As regards all other provisions in the ordinances, the Viceroy went on executing them in accordance with your Majesty’s orders. With this liberty given to the Indians, I saw that those who had been taught our holy catholic faith and knew it, and were baptized Christians, having returned to their chiefs and their homes as before, also went back to their old rites and customs. Of this all the land is a witness. I also saw that in the houses of Christians and in the _tambos_ on the roads, where the Christian doctrine used to be taught every night, now there is no such custom because there is no one to teach, all having gone to their chiefs and their homes.

I arrived at the city of San Miguel, and I saw that in the church, where there used to be 40 little Indian boys serving and learning the things pertaining to the divine services, there did not remain more than two. All the rest had gone with their parents to the old homes, to live under their old laws and in blindness. I saw the same thing all the way to the city of Lima. I could only weep to see the Christians returning to be Infidels. For I know it is your Majesty’s wish that the Indians should become Christians and be taught the holy catholic faith, and not that they should abandon it. The reception their chiefs gave them was to sacrifice them because they were Christians and had served Christians. This was publicly stated on the roads. I am myself a witness as regards one chief, for I scolded him and he confessed that he had sacrificed a woman, and seeing this I could not but feel it much. For to have the Indians subject to our holy catholic faith, and gentle and domestic as regards our evangel and Christianity is not to deprive them of liberty, but rather to give them that liberty that _Christus liberavit nos_ not to make them slaves. They should be treated _non sicut servi sub lege sed sicut liberi sub gratia constituti_.

In the cities of San Miguel and Truxillo I saw the citizens much disturbed and rebellious, for they protested against the ordinances and laws, and their petitions were not agreed to; indeed they complained that the Viceroy had replied very harshly with menaces of their lives.

When I arrived at Lima my sorrow increased to find that all the labours of the past had only brought trouble all over the country and no peace. The Viceroy, on landing, at once began to enforce the laws and ordinances, refusing to concede anything to the supplications. The consequence was that the whole country rose when he reached Lima, where they received him very unwillingly. When the news came to Cuzco that he would consider no supplication, the people rose against the person of the Viceroy, and took up arms, saying that they would come to protest against the new laws, and they chose Gonzalo Pizarro for their captain. The Viceroy, knowing this, began to collect troops. When I arrived I saw that the troops were disorderly. Presently the Viceroy ordered 150,000 _castellanos_, which Vaca de Castro had on board ship for despatch to your Majesty, to be landed. He spent it all on his troops for hosen, doublets and other clothes. But though he paid them well, he did not gain the good will of fifty, as was seen afterwards. When the three Judges arrived, who had been left at Panama, they considered it advisable to suspend the new laws so as to quiet and pacify the land. But this did no good. It was too late. The people said that it should have been done before.

The people had no confidence whatever in the Viceroy, for he publicly talked of them as traitors and rebels, saying that when the country was at peace he would hang them by sixties and sixties until there was not a head left in the land. Hearing this, they were all afraid that he would do as he said, enforcing the new laws without listening to any supplication. In this your Majesty may believe that the fault was in the Viceroy, for he knew not how to keep anything secret in his heart, and he said publicly all that came into his head. What he thought at night he said in the daytime, and this was the cause of his fall. For these reasons the people of Cuzco prayed that the Judges of your Majesty’s Court would remain, and that the Viceroy would go to report to your Majesty.

[Sidenote: Sunday, Sept. 4, 1544.]

[Sidenote: Sept. 15, 1544.]

Things being in this state it happened that in the night of Sunday, September 14th, about 17 to 20 men on horseback left Lima to join the rebels at Cuzco, for the hearts and best wishes of all were with them, and every day some men went to join them. Among others two relations of the Factor Illan[60] Suarez went, and some men who lodged in his house[61]. Whether the Factor knew of this or not, there is no one who knows. When they went there was a call to arms at midnight, and as soon as the Viceroy was told who it was that had gone, he sent for the Factor and asked him whether this treason appeared good to him. The Factor answered that he was a servant of the King and not a traitor. This was told to me by a clergyman who was there all the time. The Viceroy was going to reply when the Factor again said that he was as good a servant of his Majesty as the Viceroy. When the Viceroy heard those words he was enraged. Then he, or his servants by his order, killed him there without confession, nor taking his statement nor anything else whatever. They wrapped the body in a mantle, and ordered some soldiers to take it away for burial, which was done. Great was the sorrow and amazement of the people when it became known. All were plunged in grief. On the Monday the 15th the Viceroy ordered the children of the Marquis Don Francisco Pizarro to be put on board a ship; and on Tuesday the 16th he talked of embarking the Judges and all the women, with what object I do not know[62]. He also said that he would sack the town on that day, at least that was the report, but I do not believe it. Yet all the people began to hide their valuables and bury their treasure.

[Sidenote: Sept. 17.]

In the morning of Wednesday the 17th of September the city was in a great state of commotion, and the people took up arms. The Judges came with some followers[63], though not many. They ordered a banner to be displayed, and caused it to be proclaimed that all should be on the side of his Majesty and his Royal Court of Justice. They came to the great square with this proclamation, and marched towards the troops of the Viceroy who were in front of his house. As the Judges approached, the Viceroy’s troops fired their arquebuses in the air, threw up their pikes and all went over to the side of the Judges. The people then entered the Viceroy’s house and arrested him without anyone being killed or wounded, or a drop of blood shed. It was all done so quietly that it appeared to me as if it had been arranged beforehand. It was either a miracle or I cannot understand it. It is beyond me that a Viceroy, having so many troops, should have been arrested and no one hurt. He was delivered to the Judges who sent him as a prisoner to the house of one of them, and thence he was taken to an island[64] near the port, until they could send him in a ship to Spain as a prisoner.

I believe that, if there had been resistance, they would have killed the Viceroy, there would have been many deaths, and the country would have been in great danger. The course taken by the Judges, therefore, appears to have been the best and to have averted worse evils. I know not. They will give an account of their proceedings to your Majesty. What I have been able to learn, and what I have seen is that the Viceroy was very unpopular with the people of this land, and that they would rather see him torn to pieces than be governed by him. All the fault lies with the Viceroy, for he knew not the art of governing. If he had entered this land dissimulating, and judging of the good and the bad in it until he reached Lima, he would have been received by the whole land, would have placed his own justices and officials, and would have dominated the country. Then he could have done what he liked, and could have enforced the new laws to the letter, without anyone attempting to thwart him. But he did not wish to receive any advice from the officials and servants of your Majesty. The only advice the Viceroy listened to, came from those of Chile[65], opponents of Gonzalo Pizarro, men he brought from Panama, whither they had been banished by Vaca de Castro. Thus he boldly entered the country, ordering and talking, and it seems to me that all went wrong because he did not listen to the advice of your Majesty’s servants.

Also I will not omit to say another truth to your Majesty. All that Blasco Nuñez Vela has done, he has done with the greatest love and devotion, and with zeal to serve your Majesty, and he has not failed in a single point in your Majesty’s service, and in the desire to execute all that your Majesty has ordered.

The commander appointed by the Viceroy burnt two ships, and sunk another. With the rest he made sail with the brother and brother-in-law of the Viceroy, and with Vaca de Castro, who had for many days been a prisoner on board, I know not for what reason. They went to a port 18 leagues distant[66]. There they put the Viceroy on board, in charge of the Licentiate Alvarez, one of the Judges, who was to take him to Spain under arrest. But on the voyage the two made friends, concerted together, and landed at Tumbez. The Viceroy fled thence, by land, to the city of Quito.

On the 24th of October Gonzalo Pizarro entered the city of Lima. Three days previously his captains had arrived, with the Procurators of all the cities. They and the captains demanded of the Royal Judges that they should appoint Gonzalo Pizarro to be Governor and Captain-General of all these kingdoms until his Majesty should order otherwise. The Judges did this, and it appeared to the servants of your Majesty that this would be in furtherance of your Majesty’s service, and pleasing to God[67].

Now it is positively stated that the Viceroy is in the neighbourhood of Quito with 200 men to march against this city, and that he has taken your Majesty’s rents in the neighbouring districts, to pay his troops. I fear that this is so.

Your Majesty will be able to see how great are the evils in this land, and will continue until your Majesty orders a remedy which will bring us peace. Your Majesty may also see to the way in which the rents and the gold of your Majesty are spent, and the great sorrow it is to see the natives who remain, destroyed, lost, and dead, to the very great weight on our consciences. Those who suffer most, as it seems to me, are your Majesty and the natives. I, therefore, entreat your Majesty, for the love of Jesus Christ, that you will have pity on them, and send peace without delay, for all is in your Majesty’s hands, and the necessity is urgent in the extreme. Do not permit this land to be lost, and the natives to be destroyed, for now they are beginning to understand our laws and to avail themselves of the things appertaining to our holy catholic faith. With these troubles and wars all is dropped and lost. Your Majesty should feel sorrow for them, because it is a very heavy load on the conscience to leave them to perish. With peace and rest in the land very great results would be seen in very few years, and their conversion will be a very great service to your Majesty because they are all inclined to be Christians.

I have also ascertained that the citizens of Lima have taken $25,000 from your Majesty’s treasury, and the citizens of Cuzco $12,000 for the expenses of the war. When I knew this, I spoke to Gonzalo Pizarro on the subject of having taken the treasure of your Majesty. He said that those who took it had given acknowledgments and receipts, and had mortgaged their persons and goods, that they were substantial men whose estates are worth over $200,000 and that your Majesty would not lose a _blanca_. All the others said the same, that your Majesty’s interests were safe.

I am also informed that the Judges, by a royal decree, have ordered Gonzalo Pizarro to march north and drive the Viceroy out of the country, that he may not continue devastating and destroying, but go to give an account to your Majesty. All the troops are got ready to march with him and all are starting. Gonzalo Pizarro has a great power, and I fear that all are hostile to the Viceroy, while Pizarro has not taken upon himself to defend the Viceroy that he may not be killed. By these feuds the country is lost and destroyed, and the natives perish. I entreat your Majesty to look upon it with eyes of pity, as the Prince, Lord, and Father of all this land.

What I see and what I hear is that all are well with Gonzalo Pizarro, that he is friends with all classes, and that all desire his rule. All too desire mercy from your Majesty, and to serve your Majesty transmitting much treasure, and paying all that the Viceroy spent, and this is what is most desired in this land. Otherwise the country is in very great doubt and danger. This is truth concerning all that is passing here, and anything further will be told by the father who takes this, and who can give your Majesty full information.

I have written to your Majesty because if I did not send a full account of all that has passed, I should be left with a heavy load on my conscience, and should not be doing my duty to your Majesty.

I have sent this father, who is a person of credit and a provincial vicar in this land of Peru, a very religious man of good fame. To him I refer your Majesty for all further particulars.

I again entreat your Majesty, for the love of Jesus Christ, to send us peace, and not to allow these natives to receive such evil treatment, which is a very great load on the conscience. For they were on the point of becoming Christians, but these disturbances have caused everything to be dropped. With peace all would be remedied, and so I hope in our Lord.

May the Lord guard the imperial person of your Majesty, with increase to your kingdoms and lordships, as is desired by your servants and vassals. From this city of the Kings, the 10th of March 1545. Your devoted servant and chaplain who kisses your imperial feet and hands, Fray Juan Solano.

INDICTMENT

OF THE

JUDGES AGAINST THE VICEROY

BLASCO NUÑEZ VELA

Report made by order of the Judges Cepeda, Tejada and Alvarez on the proceedings of the Viceroy Blasco Nuñez Vela, 19-23 Sept. 1544.

[Sidenote: Embargo on precious metals at Panama.]

1. As soon as the Viceroy arrived at Nombre de Dios and Panama, he put an embargo on all the gold and silver coming from Peru, on the ground that it had been taken from the Indians, and respecting this he made public proclamation with heavy penalties. Owing to this many were forced to return to Lima, following the Viceroy, having to expend considerable sums on the voyage. This scandalized the country and disturbed men’s minds.

[Sidenote: Native servants on the isthmus sent back to Peru.]

2. Many natives of Peru, men and women, who were in the service of various citizens of Nombre de Dios and Panama, were collected by him and sent back to their native places at the expense of their masters. Some died on the voyage, others were put on shore at Tumbez and died of hunger, others returned to their idolatry.

[Sidenote: Judges left behind.]

3. On leaving Panama, he would not take with him the Judges Cepeda, Alvarez, Zarate, Tejada who had come with him from Spain, though they were ready, and there was room in the ship.

[Sidenote: Judges arrive at Tumbez.]

4. This cost Cepeda and Tejada $3000 in hiring a ship in which they embarked and sailed a few days after the Viceroy, arriving at Tumbez some days after him.

[Sidenote: Viceroy would not wait for the Judges.]

5. He would not wait for them at Tumbez, before entering the country, acting absolutely without counsel, before he had been officially received.

[Sidenote: Acted alone instead of jointly with the Judges.]

6. He entered alone to enforce the ordinances, it being his duty to act jointly with the Judges, and thus threw everything into confusion.

[Sidenote: Release of all Indians at Tumbez.]

7. In Tumbez he turned all Spaniards out of the place, deprived them of the Indians who were in service there, ordered all the native chiefs of the district not to give food to any Spaniard, whether resident or travelling, which had been the custom since the conquest.

[Sidenote: Released all Indians at the _tambos_: not to supply food without payment.]

8. He did the same at all the other _tambos_ as far as Lima leaving the road desert, without men or food. Hence there was hunger, sickness and deaths on the road. The passengers found no support, were generally scandalized and cursed the Viceroy.

[Sidenote: Showing the ordinances to everyone.]

[Sidenote: Violent conduct at Tumbez.]

9. He wanted to show, even to the commonest people, the ordinances and provisions he brought with him, and he swore that he would put them in effect and enforce them even before he was officially received. In Tumbez he took away the Indians from Cabrera (Don Pedro Luis de?).

[Sidenote: Violent conduct at San Miguel and Truxillo.]

10. From all the citizens of San Miguel and Truxillo and from all the soldiers he took the Indians for service. Especially he left Pedro de los Rios of San Miguel, son of the former governor of Nicaragua and Panama, with none, and one Cordova, a highly qualified person.

[Sidenote: Violence at Truxillo.]

11. In Truxillo he took away the Indians from Diego de Mora and from Garcia Holguin, one of the veteran conquerors who was 80 years of age and who had nothing else, a proceeding which shocked the whole country.

[Sidenote: Provisions at _tambos_ to be paid for.]

12. The provisions which the Indians used to supply for nothing were ordered to be paid for, a measure which troubled all travellers.

[Sidenote: Violent threats.]

13. In San Miguel and Truxillo, far from consenting to receive supplications about the new laws, he used injurious words to monks and others who brought them, telling one he would cut out his tongue, and another that he would hang him, which was the cause that many went to join the rebels in Cuzco.

[Sidenote: Loss to the revenue.]

14. By not suspending ordinance 3 or 4, your Majesty lost a million of gold with which they would have done service, but afterwards these and other ordinances were suspended by public proclamation.

[Sidenote: Treatment of Aldana. Violent threats made publicly.]

15. Lorenzo de Aldana, a principal citizen of Guamanga, had written two or three letters with news, and came to offer himself. The Viceroy put him on board a ship, and kept him a prisoner there for many days. This caused general scandal. He was suspicious of everyone, and threatened some with death. The worst of it was that he published his suspicions, thus incurring the hatred of all, so that a great number went to Cuzco, to join those who were marching against him.

[Sidenote: Threats to kill the Judges and Martin de Robles.]

16. The hatred against him was increased by his threats to kill the Judges and many others, especially Martin de Robles, to whom the Viceroy himself had given the command of 130 soldiers, and he would have done it, if his brother Vela Nuñez had not interfered.

[Sidenote: Threats to kill several others.]

17. He wanted to kill Diego de Urbina, the Master of his Camp, Lorenzo Mexia, and the Mayor-domo of Maria de Escobar.

[Sidenote: Treatment of Solar.]

18. He ordered Antonio Solar, the Mayor-domo or Overseer of Lima, to be hanged because he did not wish to send a Portuguese to his Indians, and said that the valuations would cause a rebellion. He ordered Solar to be hanged, and though he desisted owing to the prayers of many people, he was kept for 3 months in the public prison.

[Sidenote: Order for a shipmaster to be hanged.]

19. He ordered Baltazar Rodriguez, Master of a ship to be hanged, without trial and without consulting the Judges, for having taken his ship from the port of Arequipa to that of Lima without permission, and this was only stopped at the last moment.

[Sidenote: More threats.]

20. He wanted to kill Don Baltasar de Castilla, son of the Count of Gomera, who came to offer his services, and the same with Gaspar Mexia and others, who for that reason fled to Cuzco.

[Sidenote: His wild talk in the _tambos_. Opinions of his character.]

21. To show his powers, in the _tambos_ and elsewhere he made a display of them, recounting his severities in other posts he had held, with details. All his hearers took him for an imprudent, injudicious, cruel, violent man who neither wanted nor sought for counsel.

[Sidenote: Hated by all.]

22. Every one, even his brothers, relations, and servants detested and were unable to endure him.

[Sidenote: Partiality and temper.]

23. In many lawsuits he showed himself to be passionate and partial.

[Sidenote: Corrupt practices.]

24. He gave powers of attorney of the Court of Justice to incapable persons, to whom they were sold by his brother Vela Nuñez and his brother-in-law Cueto.

[Sidenote: Nepotism.]

25. He ordered that all the Constables of the kingdom should contribute half of fees to his brother-in-law Diego Alvarez Cueto as Chief Constable and, in spite of the Judges, he caused them to be paid by the court and the city.

[Sidenote: Despotism.]

26. Cueto despised the appointment, and a servant of the Viceroy acted as his substitute, very violently, so that neither the Judges nor the Alcaldes could do anything but what the Viceroy liked.

[Sidenote: Brother and brother-in-law lawless.]

27. Cueto and Vela Nuñez always took out of prison anyone they chose.

[Sidenote: Nepotism.]

28, 29. In spite of the citizens, he made them, by menaces, receive his brother-in-law as Chief Constable.

[Sidenote: Misgovernment.]

30. He settled the tributes by the statements of certain persons who had received grants, or only of Indians, without consulting the Judges, without information, or keeping the rules of the ordinances, or the instructions. For this he brought the chiefs and principal Indians to Lima maintaining them and their followers, leaving their districts without Indians or provisions, and thus causing troubles followed by famines, robberies, and disturbance.

[Sidenote: Corrupt practices.]

31. He fixed the tributes with partiality and without knowledge, doubling the tax on some, reducing it by a half for others who were friends of Cueto and Vela Nuñez.

32. The Indians of Melchor Verdugo, a citizen of Truxillo, because he came from Avila, were rated higher than those of all the other citizens put together. The valuation of Verdugo was over 9000 _pesos_ of gold and other things, and that of all the others put together did not amount to that sum.

[Sidenote: Opinions against him.]

33. To those whom he dismissed from lieutenancies he increased the tributes. For these reasons the people would not receive him in Cuzco, Arequipa, Huanuco, Chachapoyas, Charcas and Quito. Many went to Cuzco with arms and horses, wishing to march against him to kill him or drive him out of the country, for they said that he was a man without justice, proud, very cruel, one who neither kept his word nor promise, and one in whom they could have no faith.

[Sidenote: Failure of his attempts to treat with rebels.]

34. He treated many times with Gonzalo Pizarro and others who had risen against him, but they always answered that he must leave the country and that they would not be governed by him.

[Sidenote: H. M. treasure spent on armaments.]

35. He proposed to the Judges and officials that 50 arquebusiers and 30 mounted soldiers should be raised for a guard for himself and the city, and on this pretext he spent 150,000 _castellanos_ of your Majesty’s treasure, by the hand of Vela Nuñez, whom he made Captain-General, and of Cueto who has taken 30,000 _castellanos_ without giving any account, for his servants.

[Sidenote: Soldiers disloyal.]

37[68]. Most of these soldiers, by reason of their bad treatment, say that they do not want the Viceroy to win, nor to fight for him. Every day some desert to the enemy.

[Sidenote: Bad appointments.]

38. He gave the captaincies to inexperienced men. A captain of arquebusiers fled, and another he threatened to stab.

[Sidenote: Wild threats.]

39. He treats everyone as a traitor, threatening to kill them. At the same time that he tried to treat with those of Cuzco, he publicly declared that he would kill some and banish others; and that he wished ill to all and would defeat them.

[Sidenote: Conduct of Judges a contrast.]

40. The Judges had lived at their own cost and honestly, had given advice to the Viceroy and sent two bishops to treat with the rebels.

[Sidenote: Viceroy’s conduct cause of the rebellion.]

41. The Viceroy by his attempt to enforce the ordinances untimely and without the consent of the Judges, and by his follies, evil speeches, and cruelties has been the cause of the rebellion.

[Sidenote: Treatment of two women.]

42. He condemned a married woman, with Indians, on the ground that she had perjured herself respecting an emerald cross which she said she had given to the Licentiate Vaca de Castro, to imprisonment and to do public penance in the church. He ordered another to be sent to prison for sitting near him in church. As regards the first sentence he enraged everyone. As regards the second all the relations rose in rebellion and wanted to kill him.

[Sidenote: Acted alone in criminal cases and actions for debt.]

43. In criminal cases, and suits for debts he alone heard and sentenced.

[Sidenote: Favouritism.]

44. Under colour of the war he gave his servants double the pay received by the other soldiers.

[Sidenote: Murder of Carbajal.]

45. In the night of Sunday the 14th of September Don Baltasar de Castilla and Gaspar Mexia, with 18 others, fled from Lima, owing to the abuse and bad treatment they had received. The Viceroy ordered the Factor Illan Suarez de Carbajal to be summoned in the middle of the night. When he came the Viceroy said: “Say cunning traitor! how is it that you have committed this treason in allowing your nephews and some servants to go to the rebels at Cuzco?” The Factor replied: “I know nothing of it, and I am no traitor. On the contrary I serve his Majesty.” On this the Viceroy stabbed him with a dagger[69], and ordered Cueto and the servants to finish him. When he was dead they put the body into the corridor, and thence, after an interval, two negroes took it away for burial[70].

[Sidenote: Character of the murdered man.]

46. The Factor was a quiet and virtuous person who knew nothing about the flight of nephews or servants. He had a very large house with four doors and 40 or 50 persons living there. He was retired in his own room, and took no notice of what was going on. He took a great part in advocating the reception of the Viceroy, when the magistrates and people were against it.

[Sidenote: Question of Judges remaining if the Viceroy left.]

47. The Judges convened a meeting in the morning of Tuesday, the 16th of September, to discuss the questions whether the Viceroy should wait in Lima for the arrival of Gonzalo Pizarro and the others who were coming from Cuzco; and if he arranged to go, whether the Judges should remain. It was decided that the Judges should remain for many reasons offered by officials, magistrates and captains who were consulted.

[Sidenote: Decision repudiated by the Viceroy.]

48. But the Viceroy had resolved to embark and take the Judges and officers of the Court, and all the citizens, and to kill anyone that resisted[71]; while his brother Vela Nuñez was to march by land with the soldiers, for Pizarro would not come across him. The Viceroy repudiated the opinion of the majority, saying that he would wait in Lima to be sure that all the others should not think that he wanted them to embark.

[Sidenote: Decision of the Judges to remain.]

49. It remained to deliberate on so serious a matter, and the two Bishops of Quito and Cuzco who were then in Lima, joined in consultation with the Judges and the officials of the municipality. The Judges then published their resolution not to depart. The Viceroy called together his captains with whom he consulted without the intervention of the Judges or anyone else.

[Sidenote: Captains concur.]

50. The decision of the captains was that, although the Viceroy might depart, the Judges ought to remain, maintaining the country in the name of His Majesty.

[Sidenote: Wild conduct of the Viceroy. Taken to Cepeda’s house.]

51. Nevertheless the Viceroy resolved to take the royal seal, the Judges and officials with all their property, and that of many citizens with their wives, children, horses, farriery, &c. In the night of Tuesday the 16th of September the soldiers assembled under Vela Nuñez, and at dawn of the 17th there was a call to arms at the Viceroy’s door with the cry, “Sack! Sack!” The Judges wished to stop the sacking of the town, and came to the Viceroy’s door with three banners. They did not dare to go in to speak with him, because they had been told that he would kill them. But they sent the choir master with some monks and clergymen to entreat him not to insist on the destruction of the city and kingdom, but to embark if he desired to do so, and to leave the citizens with their property. He would not condescend to talk with them, but many of the citizens had taken up arms and wished to oppose the Viceroy and his soldiers. If it had not been for the Judges who ordered, on pain of death, that no one should injure the person of the Viceroy, he would have been killed. He took refuge in the house of the Licentiate Cepeda, where he was quite safe from the citizens, and the soldiers who hated him.

[Sidenote: Judges’ version of the Viceroy’s departure.]

52. The Viceroy was well served and attended all the time that he was in Cepeda’s house. Of his own accord he said that he was hated, and that he wanted to go to Spain. By his order they took him to embark. Those who had command of the ships did not wish to receive him, and there were mutinies on board six or seven that were in the port. Two were burnt and two others were sent to the bottom by Geronimo de Zurbano, Martin de Arauco, and Diego Alvarez de Cueto, the Viceroy’s brother-in-law, or by their order. They did this to rob all that was on board the ships, of a value of more than 130,000 _castellanos_. The ships were in charge of Alvarez de Cueto, and it is believed that all this was done with the consent of the Viceroy.

[Sidenote: Judges’ version.]

53. At the time when the Judges came out of the house of Maria de Escobar, where they met that morning from fear of the Viceroy, the Licentiate Alvarez said: “Be my witnesses that we go to entreat the Viceroy not to kill us, take us, nor force us to embark, and to tell him that the people have risen against him. We go neither to enrage him nor to injure him and let it be punishment of death for any who acts otherwise.” He repeated this at the corner of the street, and on the steps of the church.

[Sidenote: Judges claim to have saved the Viceroy.]

54. Without doubt the people would have killed the Viceroy, if the Judges had not intervened.

[Sidenote: Hatred of the people.]

55. But he was not safe on land, nor to govern. For he was so detested that the people would have torn him to pieces rather than consent to his government, as they publicly declared.

[Sidenote: Viceroy’s temper.]

56. When anyone opposed his decisions, he became so furious that he seemed to have lost his senses, abusing and menacing the objector.

[Sidenote: A foolish talker.]

57. He was such a talker that he told the contents of the reports and letters he received at his table, however secret they might be.

[Sidenote: Necessary that he should go.]

58. If he should be longer in Peru, there would be a thousand misfortunes, so it was absolutely necessary that he should go back to Spain, and that your Majesty should be informed.

[Sidenote: When he was gone peace restored.]

59. In effect, as the people know that he wishes to return to Spain, all things are quiet and peaceful.

SEQUEL

(BY THE EDITOR.)

The first part of the _War of Quito_ closes just before the murder of Illan Suarez de Carbajal. It was a final death-blow to the Viceroy’s rule. He knew this himself and no doubt felt sorrow and remorse at his sudden gust of passion. But it was too late. The deed was done.

On assuming the governorship of Peru Gonzalo Pizarro was advised to send envoys to Spain to urge the greatness of his services, explain the course of events, and obtain confirmation of his position. The wise and far-seeing Carbajal alone opposed. He said that the best _Procuradores_ were many arquebuses, soldiers and horses. But it was resolved that Dr Tejada, one of the Judges, should go to represent his colleagues, and Francisco Maldonado for Pizarro. There was only one ship, the one on board of which Vaca de Castro had long been kept a prisoner by the Viceroy. Vaca de Castro was informed of the intention by his relation Garcia de Montalvo. The crew willingly agreed to seize the ship and take Vaca de Castro to Panama, for he was respected and beloved by all on board. So she sailed away, leaving Gonzalo Pizarro furious, for there was no other vessel to take his “Procurators.”

Luckily a brigantine arrived from the port of Arequipa and Dr Tejada, Maldonado, and Bachicao embarked, sailing along the coast. At Payta they heard of the release and landing of the Viceroy.

As soon as the vessel with the Judge Alvarez on board, taking the Viceroy and his brothers to Panama, was well out at sea, there was another act of treachery. Alvarez went to the Viceroy, declared he had only taken charge of him to get him out of the power of his colleague Cepeda, and that now he was free to do as he pleased. The Viceroy took charge, very ungratefully covered Alvarez with abuse, and landed with his few followers.

Bachicao went on to Panama. On his arrival Vaca de Castro, and the Viceroy’s envoys--his brother-in-law Cueto and Zurbano--fled to Nombre de Dios, and embarked for Spain. They were joined by Tejada and Maldonado. But Tejada died during the voyage. Cueto and Maldonado arrived, and went off to the Emperor in Germany to tell their stories. Vaca de Castro landed at Terceira, and went thence, by way of Lisbon, to the Court of Spain. He was falsely accused and imprisoned in the castle of Arevalo for more than five years. Finally he was acquitted, and declared to have been a good ruler. He was restored to his seat in the Royal Council of Castille. Garcilasso saw him at Madrid in the end of 1571. His son Antonio was granted a large _repartimiento_ in Peru.

The Viceroy having landed, managed to get together 150 men and marched to Quito where he was well received, and increased his force by 200 more men. With this force, and a native of Quito named Diego de Ocampo as general, he returned to Piura. The Judge Alvarez was always with him. Gonzalo Pizarro sent Gonzalo Diaz de Pineda and Geronimo de Villegas along the coast to Truxillo and Piura to collect men. They reached Piura, but fled on the approach of the Viceroy and sent the news to Pizarro. The Viceroy made a night march and surprised them, putting them and their followers to flight. Pineda fled alone into the mountains and died of hunger. Villegas escaped to Truxillo, while the Viceroy returned to Piura.

Gonzalo Pizarro, when he received the news that the Viceroy was still in the country at the head of a large force, resolved to attack him without delay. He left Lorenzo de Aldana as Governor of Lima, with 80 arquebusiers. He went himself by sea to Truxillo, with 150 picked officers and men, stores and munitions of war. The rest marched by land. The Judge Cepeda had become a fighting man and a strong partisan of Pizarro. The _Audiencia_ or Court of Justice had ceased to exist, for Alvarez was with the Viceroy, Tejada had gone to Spain, and Zarate remained at Lima, keeping aloof from all recent proceedings.

Pizarro took the royal seal with him, and embarked in March 1545. Landing at Santa he marched to Truxillo, where all the troops were assembled, going thence to the province of Collique. He had 600 men, horse and foot, about the same number as the Viceroy but Pizarro’s were more experienced soldiers. Supplies of all kinds were got together in Collique, and arrangements were made for carrying water across the deserts. On his approach to Piura, the Viceroy made a rapid retreat into the mountains. Pizarro, without entering Piura, followed in pursuit. Each day the work became more severe. Many stragglers from the Viceroy’s force were captured. Reaching Ayahuaca Pizarro halted to rest his men and obtain supplies. The Viceroy continued his march to Quito. Pizarro resumed the pursuit, but the mountain route was extremely difficult. At last he sent Carbajal ahead with 50 mounted men, who reached the enemy’s camp at 4 A.M. The Viceroy got his men into some order and continued his march. At dawn, when he saw the small number of his pursuers, he turned to attack them. His men were perishing with cold and hunger, and Carbajal declined the combat. Fresh troops joined Pizarro under Juan de Acosta[72], and the Viceroy was so closely pressed that he fled with 60 mounted men. He reached Tumibamba where he put his Camp Master Ocampo and several others to death, on suspicion of traffic with the enemy--the captains Geronimo de la Serna and Gaspar Gil.

The Viceroy marched from Tumibamba to Quito without difficulty, where he put three more officers to death. Pizarro sent Juan de Acosta to follow the Viceroy with 60 cavalry.

Gonzalo Pizarro had sent Francisco de Almendras to Charcas as his Lieutenant, a staunch adherent. He put a citizen of Chuquisaca named Gomez de Luna in prison for some speech against Pizarro’s rule. The municipality ordered him to be released, upon which Almendras went to the prison and had him strangled. Many people were furious, especially a citizen named Diego Centeno. He made a plot with others (Luis de Mendoza, Alonso Perez de Esquivel, Alonso de Camargo, Hernan Nuñez de Segura, Lope de Mendieta, Juan Ortiz de Zarate) to murder Almendras[73]. This they did, and then declared for the King, appointing Diego Centeno their Captain-General. Alonso de Toro marched against him from Cuzco. When the news reached Gonzalo Pizarro near Quito, he sent Carbajal to put down the insurrection. The indefatigable old man set out with an escort of 20 men. He collected men on the way at Truxillo and Guamanga, and then took the route by Lima to Arequipa, thence to Cuzco where he found Alonso de Toro. He marched against Centeno who retreated before him. Carbajal gave him no rest, and hunted him down to the coast.

Meanwhile Gonzalo Pizarro continued the chase of the Viceroy by day and night, over a country purposely made bare of provisions by the pursued. Pizarro was joined by Bachicao who came from Panama with 350 men, artillery, and 20 ships. Pizarro’s force then amounted to 800 soldiers. The Viceroy continued his flight to Pastos, within the jurisdiction of Sebastian de Belalcazar. Pizarro, after a short stay at Quito, continued the pursuit, and the Viceroy fled to Popayan. Pizarro then returned to Quito. He appointed Pedro de Hinojosa to command the fleet which was at Puerto Viejo, with 250 men. Hinojosa obtained information that the Viceroy’s brother, Vela Nuñez, was coming to the coast on a mission to Spain, with a natural son of Gonzalo Pizarro as a hostage. Hinojosa captured them both, and proceeded with them to Panama. He arrived there in October 1545, and took possession without interfering with the civil government.

The Viceroy busily collected arms and assembled troops at Popayan and, having received false news respecting the strength of the enemy, he began his march southwards, hoping to destroy the forces of Puelles and Pizarro. In reality Pizarro had 200 arquebusiers, 350 pikemen and 150 cavalry, with plenty of good powder.

Captains of Arquebusiers Juan de Acosta, Juan Velez de Guevara.

Captain of Pikemen Hernando de Bachicao.

Captains of Cavalry Pedro de Puelles, Gomez de Alvarado.

Standard bearer Francisco de Ampuero.

The fighting Judge Cepeda was there, and the Licentiate Benito Suarez de Carbajal, brother of the murdered Factor, with thirty friends and relations to avenge his death.

The Viceroy faced his enemies near Quito, thinking that he only saw the detachment of Puelles, and that Pizarro was not there. His captains advised a flank march over most difficult country to Quito. This took all night, and at dawn they were a league from the town, worn out with fatigue. The idea was to take the enemy in rear, but it was a fatal mistake. The Viceroy came out of Quito, while Gonzalo Pizarro’s army turned and advanced to meet him.

The Viceroy’s Captains

of Infantry were Sancho Sanchez de Avila[74], Juan Cabrera his cousin[75], Francisco Sanchez.

of Cavalry were Sebastian de Belalcazar[76], Pedro de Bazan, Francisco Hernandez Giron[77].

The two bodies of cavalry encountered each other but the Viceroy’s men were worn out by the long night march. It was a desperate battle at close quarters, both infantry and cavalry. The Viceroy received a blow from Hernando de Torres of Arequipa, which brought him to the ground. Puelles would have protected him, but the Licentiate Carbajal, after searching for him, came up and caused a negro to cut off his head. Gonzalo Pizarro was enraged at this treatment of the Viceroy, and caused his body to be honourably buried, he himself being chief mourner. Pizarro’s victory was complete: 200 of the Viceroy’s men were killed. The Judge Alvarez died of his wounds a few days afterwards.

Gonzalo Pizarro sent the news of his victory to all the cities in Peru, and Captain Alarcon brought the glad tidings to Hinojosa at Panama in a ship. Pizarro trusted Hinojosa fully, as he owed everything to his benefactor. Hinojosa’s treason was the cause of Pizarro’s fall. Alarcon brought back Gonzalo Pizarro’s son, and Vela Nuñez, the Viceroy’s brother: who received full pardon and went with Pizarro to Lima. Gonzalo Pizarro was now at the height of his power. Always just and inclined to mercy, he never put anyone to death without trial. On his return to Lima he enacted some excellent laws for the protection of the Indians. Gasca confessed that Gonzalo Pizarro was a good governor.

Old Carbajal had been hunting Diego Centeno, who hid himself in a cave for eight months. Of his accomplices Lope de Mendoza and Nicolas de Heredia were executed, the rest pardoned, including Luis Pardomo and Alonso Camargo.

Carbajal wrote a long letter to Gonzalo Pizarro urging him to assume the kingship of Peru. He said that no pardon could be expected after killing the Viceroy, nor would it be safe to trust to any promises that might be sent to him. He should divide all the vacant land among his supporters as perpetual tenures, instead of two lives, with titles of Dukes, Marquises, and Counts, and should create military orders. He strongly advised Pizarro to secure the devotion of the natives by taking an Inca Princess as his Queen. Puelles and Cepeda concurred. Pizarro had entered Lima in triumph, accompanied by four Bishops, of Lima, Quito, Cuzco, and Bogota, by Lorenzo de Aldana and all the municipal officers and magistrates, and nearly all the citizens.

Vela Nuñez, the Viceroy’s brother, had been brought back to Lima. There was also at Lima one Juan de la Torre who had married a daughter of a Curaca near Puerto Viejo. He got with her a large treasure, and he wanted to return to Spain to enjoy it. He proposed to Vela Nuñez to join him and seize a ship to which Vela Nuñez agreed. The ruffian then thought he might gain more by betraying his victim to Pizarro. Vela Nuñez was beheaded.

When Carbajal heard of the arrival of Gonzalo Pizarro at Lima, he came from Charcas where he had restored tranquillity. Pizarro came out some distance to meet him. He brought with him great store of treasure, and had a grand reception. Alonso de Mendoza was left as Pizarro’s Lieutenant in Charcas.

All seemed hopeful for the future, with a good administration under a most popular Governor. The treachery of Hinojosa and Aldana in delivering up the fleet to Gasca at Panama, renewed all the trouble, with six more years of civil war.

LETTER FROM FRANCISCO DE CARBAJAL TO GONZALO PIZARRO.

Most illustrious Sir,

As God alone is the true master of all things and knows what He says, arranging all things according to His will and pleasure, although I wrote to you the other day, by Diego Lopez de Segura, that we should enter Guamanga on the day that you received the letter, He was not served that we should do so. For on the following Tuesday, in the night, after I had despatched Segura, we were to sleep at Lucumaes, I had a pain in the stomach followed by a severe pain in the side, with which I was unable to take the road, though there was no want of doctors and medicines.

Feeling a little better I left Lucumaes where I was taken ill, and came to Andahuaylas. I was there attacked again so severely that it would have been desperation to continue the journey, so I remained to be cured. I give your honour an account of this, that you may not think I am enjoying myself.

Your honour’s page Burgos arrived at Andahuaylas, who gave me two despatches sent by you, and I saw all that they contained. Your honour need have no anxiety, for I have brought Cuzco to a healthy state as well in one part as another, bringing with me all those who are suspected and can do anything, that they may be known to you and serve you, and leaving there the sowing that seemed convenient. In fine, until I can see your honour, and can tell you all by word of mouth that seems advisable for the security of all, it will be well to be as secret as such affairs require.

From this same place I sent Burgos to Cuzco to accompany the escort bringing some treasure from your Honour’s estate, and I shall send it forward with the care that is necessary, doing all in my power to forward your service.

With regard to the pikes which you ordered me to burn, I have sent for them that they may be brought to Guamanga by little and little, and thence they shall be sent to Lima. I beseech your Honour that you will deem that I do well in this. For the kingly crowning with which we are, in a few days, to crown your Honour there will be a great concourse of people, and on that occasion I wish to have charge of such details as may be convenient. I assure your Excellency that the most terrible war that can be made for the security of your army and your person, and for the rout of an enemy, is with pikes, and I know very well what I am saying.

Rodrigo de Zamudio arrived here last night, who resides at Chuquiapu (La Paz). He came with Father Ortun Sanchez from your Honour’s estates, bringing 35,000 _pesos_ of gold from Chuquiapu and in silver from Potosi, respecting which the Father informed me. I have sent it from here with the best escort I could arrange. I pray that you will give the bearers good treatment and presents, for it is true that much work is done each day, backwards and forwards, in your Honour’s service, and I will look upon it as a reward to myself. May the illustrious person of your Honour be maintained with all the health and increase of prosperity that you can desire. From this station of Andahuaylas to-day Thursday the 17th of March 1547.

Your Servant who kisses

Your Honour’s hands

FRANCISCO DE CARBAJAL.

LA GASCA’S VOYAGE.

Document in the special library of the King of Spain (_16 f^{s} cuaderna 17_), in the handwriting of one of La Gasca’s secretaries, quoted by the Palentino. Neither Prescott nor Barros Arana had seen it.

_Abridged._

We arranged that Lorenzo de Aldana should sail with two ships and a frigate, and in his company Palomino and Juan de Illanes, and the Provincial of the Dominicans with letters, provisions, and pardons, and 300 soldiers.

Finding all quiet in Peru, and himself popular, while Tierra Firme was in his hands, for he was ignorant of the treason there, his Council advised Gonzalo Pizarro to become King by an Act similar to that made at Avila by Alonso, in the time of his brother Henry IV, to be approved by all the citizens and principal persons in Peru. Carbajal, who was at Cuzco, was ordered to Lima. Meanwhile the Licentiates Cepeda and Carbajal, and Juan de Acosta a great favourite of Gonzalo, tried to persuade Gonzalo that the Camp Master was a traitor and advised Gonzalo to kill him. Carbajal set out, but was taken very ill at Andahuaylas. He wrote to Gonzalo of the Kingship he was about to assume, and of the great concourse of people there would be at Lima. The letter is dated at Andahuaylas 17 March 1547.

Lorenzo de Aldana, Hernan Mexia, Palomino, and Juan de Illanes, and the Regent Friar Tomas San Martin sailed from Panama with two ships and a frigate 17 Feb. 1547. I made sail from Panama to Taboga 10 April 1547, where there were 22 other ships. April 12 we left Taboga, I, General Pedro de Hinojosa, Diego Garcia de Paredas, &c. in the _capitana_.

Aldana, joined by Paniagua with another ship, put into Guayaquil.

Gasca encountered bad weather and put into Buenaventura. The captain wanted to return to Panama. There were very heavy seas, thunder and lightning, and a downpour of rain, wet through fore and aft. Those with him entreated him to let the captain shorten sail. He refused. At last he went to his cabin to see how his papers had fared with the water. Then Paredes and others told the sailors that I had ordered the mainsail to be lowered. Having done my best to protect the papers from wet, I came out and found the men on the yard and the sail being lowered. I shouted that it was not to be done, but no one wanted to hear me. At this juncture a number of lights of St Elmo appeared on all the yards, which gave great consolation, all the sailors falling on their knees and saying their St Elmo prayer. This led to silence, and I and Pedro de Hinojosa, with some others, got the sail up again. This reminded me of what Aristotle and Pliny said that when there are many of these lights, it is a sign that the tempest will cease. Next day we were able to anchor under the shelter of Gorgona. Don Pedro Cabrera’s ship reached Buenaventura, where he and his people landed and marched by Popayan and Quito, reaching Xauxa after seven months, in November. I found 12 ships at Gorgona. The Bishop of Lima, Hinojosa, and Paredes went in the galliot. April 30th all sailed from Gorgona, I also in the galley with 30 of the best arquebusiers, to go by rowing if sails were of no use. Paniagua met me off Gallo with a letter from Gonzalo Pizarro. He dwelt on the services of his brothers and himself, on the necessity for expelling Blasco Nuñez, and on his care of the royal treasury.

MURDER OF THE INCA MANCO DESCRIBED BY HIS SON.

Titu Cusi Yupanqui, younger son of the murdered Inca Manco, being a neophyte in the beginning of 1570, dictated to an Augustine friar named Marcos Garcia, who was with him at Vilcapampa, the following “Narrative of the entry of the Spaniards into Peru, and of what happened to him when they were living with him.”

All these things having happened, both those which I have mentioned and many others which I have not touched upon to avoid prolixity, my father returned to Vilcapampa as head of all this province, where he rested for some days. From this place, because he did not like to be without me, he sent to Cuzco for me, where I was, until they took me to Viticos, in the house of Oñate[78]. The messengers took me and my mother secretly to the town of Viticos, where my father had come for fresh air, it being a cold land. There I and my Father stayed for many days. At different times seven Spaniards arrived, saying that they were fugitives owing to having committed offences, and they protested that they would serve my Father with all their power, for the remainder of their lives. They prayed that they might be allowed to remain in that land and end their days there. My Father, thinking that they came with good intentions, ordered his captains to do them no harm, for he wished to keep them as his servants, and that they should have houses in which to live. The captains would much rather have put an end to them, but obeyed my Father’s orders. My Father had them with him for many days and years, treating them very well, and giving them all that they needed, even ordering his own women to prepare their food and their beverage, and taking his meals with them. He treated them as if they were his own brothers.

After these Spaniards had been with my Father for several years in the said town of Viticos they were one day, with much good fellowship, playing at quoits with him: only them, my Father, and me, who was then a boy. Without having any suspicion, although an Indian woman, named Banba, had said that the Spaniards wanted to murder the Inca, my Father was playing with them as usual. In this game, just as my Father was raising the quoit to throw, they all rushed upon him with knives, daggers, and some swords. My Father, feeling himself wounded, strove to make some defence, but he was one and unarmed, and they were seven fully armed; he fell to the ground covered with wounds, and they left him for dead. I, being a little boy, and seeing my Father treated in this manner, wanted to go where he was to help him. But they turned furiously upon me, and hurled a lance which only just failed to kill me also. I was terrified and fled amongst some bushes. They looked for me, but could not find me. The Spaniards, seeing that my Father had ceased to breathe, went out of the gate, in high spirits, saying, “Now that we have killed the Inca we have nothing to fear.” But at this moment the captain Rimachi Yupanqui arrived with some Antis, and presently chased them in such sort that, before they could get very far along a difficult road, they were caught and pulled from their horses. They all had to suffer very cruel deaths and some were burnt. Notwithstanding his wounds my Father lived for three days. Before he died, he sent for me and all his captains, and spoke these words....[79]

All the above writing was done and ordered to give the information dictated by the most illustrious Lord Don Diego de Castro Titu Cusi Yupanqui, son of Manco Inca Yupanqui late natural Lord of these kingdoms of Peru, to the Reverend Father Friar Marcos Garcia, Friar Presbyter of the order of Saint Augustine, who resides in that province of Vilcapampa, having in charge the cure of all the souls within it, to the honour and glory of Almighty God.

I Martin Pando, clerk, commissioned by the Illustrious Lord the Licentiate Lope Garcia de Castro, late Governor of these kingdoms, solemnly declare that all that is above written was composed and ordered by the said Father under the instructions of the said Don Diego de Castro, and which I myself wrote with my proper hands in the manner dictated by the said Father, being witnesses the Reverend Father Friar Diego Ortiz, professed presbyter of the said order, who jointly resides in company with the author of this, and three captains of the said Don Diego de Castro, named Suta Yupanqui, Rimachi Yupanqui, and Sullca Huarac. In token of the good faith of all the aforesaid, I signed my name. Done in the town of San Salvador of Vilcapampa, on the 6th of February 1570, which, to make it more authentic is also signed with the names of Father Friar Martin Garcia and Father Diego Ortiz.

I Don Diego de Castro Titu Cusi Yupanqui, natural son of Manco Inca Yupanqui late Lord of these kingdoms of Peru declare that, as it is necessary for me to make this statement to the King Don Philip our Lord, containing things of importance to me and my successors, and not knowing the style and manner used by Spaniards in such reports, I requested the very Reverend Father Friar Marcos Garcia and Martin de Pando that, in conformity with the usage on such occasions, they would order and compose the above narrative, for the very illustrious Lord, the Licentiate Lope Garcia de Castro to send to Spain; that for me, in my name, holding, as I do hold, my power, all may be explained to his Majesty Don Philip our King and Lord, that he, seeing the grounds of my request, may show favour to me, to my sons and my descendants and I sign my name on the day aforesaid.

Don Diego de Castro Titu Cusi Yupanqui.

To Don Lope Garcia de Castro,

Having received letters from your Lordship, asking me to become a Christian and saying that it would conduce to the security of the country, I enquired of Diego Rodriguez and Martin de Pando, who was the principal monk among those who were in Cuzco, and who were the most approved and of most weight among the religious orders. They replied that the most flourishing were those of St Augustine, and their Prior was the most important religious in Cuzco. Having heard this, I became more attached to the order of St Augustine than to any other. I wrote letters to the Prior, requesting him to come in person to baptize me, because I would rather be baptized by him than by anyone else. He took the trouble to come to my country and to baptize me, bringing with him another monk, and Gonzalo Perez de Vivero and Atilano de Anaya who arrived at Rayangalla on the 12th of August 1568, whither I came from Vilcapampa to receive baptism. There, in that village of Rayangalla, were the said Prior named Juan de Vivero and his companions. I was instructed in the things of the faith for a fortnight, at the end of which time, on the day of the famous Dr St Augustine, the Prior baptized me. My godfather was Gonzalo Perez de Vivero and my godmother Doña Angelina Zica Ocllo. After I was baptized the Prior remained for eight days to instruct me in the holy catholic church and to initiate me into its mysteries. He then departed with Gonzalo Perez de Vivero, leaving me a companion named Friar Marcos Garcia, that he might little by little instil into my mind what the Prior had taught, that I might not forget, and also to teach the word of God to the people of my land. Before he departed I explained to my followers the reason why I had been baptized, and had brought these people into my land. All replied that they rejoiced at my baptism, and that the friar should remain. In effect the friar did remain with me[80].

DIEGO RODRIGUEZ DE FIGUEROA.

_Notice._

[Sidenote: Thin 4^{to} MS.]

The manuscript of the Report of Diego Rodriguez de Figueroa on his mission to Titu Cusi Yupanqui Inca, came into the possession of Eugene Jacquet, a French orientalist, who gave it to Alexander von Humboldt, in 1833. Humboldt left it to the Royal Library at Berlin. The text was published by Dr Pietschmann of Göttingen in 1910.

Rodriguez came to Peru in about 1552. The Count of Nieva, Viceroy from 1561 to 1564, appointed him _Defensor de todos los Indios_.

Rodriguez took part in the subjugation of Vilcapampa by order of the Viceroy Toledo in 1571, and an _encomienda_ of 100 Indians was given to him, in that province, where he was Alguazil Mayor. He was there four years, but quarrelled with the Governor. In a petition to the Viceroy Don Martin Henriquez, successor to Toledo (1 Dec. 1582), Rodriguez mentions that he has five daughters and three sons, that he had lived many years at Potosi, and had fought in three battles for the King. He had occupied himself with writings and pictures representing the history of the Incas and all sorts of reports and memoirs. He had been Corregidor of Potosi.

NARRATIVE

OF THE ROUTE AND JOURNEY MADE BY

DIEGO RODRIGUEZ

FROM THE CITY OF CUZCO TO THE LAND OF WAR OF MANCO[81] INCA WHO WAS IN THE ANDES IN INSURRECTION AGAINST THE SERVICE OF HIS MAJESTY, AND OF THE AFFAIRS TOUCHING WHICH HE TREATED WITH THE OBJECT OF ESTABLISHING PEACE, AS WELL AS TO INDUCE THE PEOPLE TO RECEIVE THE EVANGELICAL DOCTRINE OF OUR LORD JESUS CHRIST

as follows:

I left Cuzco on the 8th of April after having received letters from the Judge Matienzo to the Inca Titu Cusi Yupanqui, with leave to make an entrance, after having offered my services to go by that route. I went to sleep at Tambo, where they gave me seven Indian carriers to show me the way. Three men of this town were to enter with me, after the cacique had told them that if the Inca asked them whence they came they were to say they came from another part and that they were not natives of Tambo, because it was a garrison of the Inca frontier, and he might kill them, if they said they came from thence.

On the 9th of April I went to the other part of the cordillera, crossed the uninhabited snowy region and slept at Yanamachi, where there are large caves. There I heard that the runners of the Inca had arrived at Chuquichaca which is near the land of peace, and ready to pass to the other side of the river which is subject to the Spaniards. I encouraged the Indians and told them to fear nothing as I would go with them to see what people they were and what they wanted; but they were unwilling. That night seven Indians fled from fear. They carried loads containing some presents for the Inca, bought with my own money and at my cost. Considering one thing and another, I should have wished to return, if it had not been that I was ashamed, and for other secret reasons.

I concealed the loads under some straw, and went on for five leagues to the valley of Amaibamba, three leagues within the land of the Inca, where they gather much coca, and where there are always many Indians at harvest time. The place was devoid of inhabitants, because all had concealed themselves in the forests. There was no one to show me the ford over the river, but I passed, I and the horse, God seeing fit to guide the horse miraculously, the depth being more than 300 _estados_.

Later in April some of the Indians who had fled, as well as the runners, came to me. I encouraged them and said that I would go to the bridge to see what was going on. I said to them that those others were infidels and were not Christians, and that one Christian could fight all the infidels put together; because those others were infidels and they were Christians. They answered that they had been robbed more than ten or fifteen times, and some of those others had got their wives and children, that they were not men but devils with no fear of God, and that when they had stolen everything they burnt the house, and to insult the Christians they burnt the churches, and had broken the images, and with the cross placed in front they had made a fire and cooked a sheep. It is true that I saw the burnt church, and the pieces they showed me, which may have been bits of the cross. I explained to them that God permitted this for our sins, but that He would inflict a great punishment on those others. I told them that I was going to speak to the Inca on the part of the President of the Municipality and of the Royal Audience of the city of La Plata, and to warn him that if he would not live in conformity with our Holy Catholic Faith and in obedience to his Majesty, war would be declared. While I should be there, they were to keep a good watch on the bridge to see when the runners should arrive, that I might speak with them. They replied that they did not dare, and they also advised me not to, because those others would kill me, and give my body to be eaten by the Anti Indians.

Seeing the small courage of these Indians, I sent them for the loads, to the place where they were hidden, and left the horse here, in the valley of Amaibamba, as the road was very rough, and in places one could not even walk on foot, but like cats. I arrived at the bridge, which is between two great hills, on the 11th of April. I made great lights on the banks of the river to see if any of the Inca’s runners had arrived. I also made a flag of a pocket handkerchief, and put it on the top of a tree as a sign of peace, and a very large cross on the bridge, that they might understand that a Spaniard and Christian had come. Then two runners came from Yucay, which is in the land of peace. They told me that my luggage had arrived and was waiting at Amaibamba, that the Indians who had fled to the mountains had now returned, that they were not frightened now that I was at the bridge, that they would feel safe while I was there, and that the Inca had gone back with his captains.

On the 11th they made great fires, and there was much smoke on the other side of the river. That night two Indian runners fled to the mountains because they did not dare to sleep where I slept, which was close to the bridge. There I was, in much trouble with the mosquitos, which bit me by night and by day, but in no trouble about the Inca’s people. This being the case I determined to return to Amaibamba, and wait there for the runners. If they made any remark I could say that it was three leagues away, and that the bites of mosquitos had swollen my hands and feet, and brought on a fever.

On Good Friday, the 20th of April, in the evening, a runner arrived with the news that six Indians of the Inca had arrived at the bridge, and there appeared to be more behind. It did not appear what object they had, but they had left the cross which I had set up. All the Indians armed themselves and some, from fear, fled to the mountains. I presently went to the bridge, commending myself to our Lord. I went by a very bad road and in the night, having several falls by the way, and much hard work. I took with me two Indians against their will, with coca, bread, and other things to eat. I arrived at the bridge at about 3 o’clock in the morning, and began to cry out and struck a light. The runners then came together and, with many torches of straw alight, we began to talk. I said that I came, with peaceful intent, to speak to the Inca, bringing letters from the Municipality and Judges of the city of La Plata, and another from the Judge Matienzo, requesting permission for me to enter the country, speak to the Inca, and deliver the letters into his hands. They replied that they were satisfied. The letters were thrown over the river with a sling, and coca and bread were passed over on a rope, that they might eat. I asked them to let me leave one of the two Indians until the reply came from the Inca, to which they agreed.

On the 28th of April the Inca replied in a very brief letter. He thanked me for the trouble I had taken, but for the rest he said that he did not want any Spaniard to enter his territory either in peace or in war, for they would only come as spies and to deceive him. He ordered me not to enter, and that if I did his captains would kill me. Further he kissed the hands of the Judge Matienzo and of all the others who had written, and did not reply as he was in bad health. I was to return with this message. I was to be so good as to send him the letters, which I told him I was bringing, that he might have them in his hand. On the day that I received this reply from the Inca, I reflected that if I returned they would say at Cuzco that I was afraid and sought an excuse for not going to the Inca. So I determined to give the letters to the runners, as well as some presents which I had brought, such as raisins and comfits, quince jam, three pieces of cloth, three pairs of scissors, four knives with sheaths, some needles and other things. I wrote that I was his friend, and that he should understand that I had no wish to deceive him, but to tell him what it would be convenient for him to know. If he would give me permission I would enter his territory to recognize him as a Lord. I further said that if I could serve him in anything I would do so. That he might know this to be the truth I sent him a provision appointing me Defender of all the Indians of this kingdom signed by the Count of Nieva[82].

On the 5th of May ten captains came to the bridge, richly dressed with diadems of plumes, and lances in their hands which they brandished, and wearing masks on their faces. They came to the passage of the bridge where I was, and asked if I was the man who had the audacity to want to come and speak to the Inca. I said yes. They replied that I could not fail to be much afraid, and if I felt fear I could not come, because the Inca was a great enemy of cowards. To this I answered that if he was an elephant or a giant I might be afraid, but as he was a man like myself I had no fear, but I would offer him respect. If he would let me enter under his word, I would do so, for I knew that he would keep it. On this they produced two letters. One was from a mestizo who is there, named Pando, and the other from the Inca. They sent them across to me. Some of the Indians who were with me then fled. In both letters there were expressions of joy to understand, from the Provision, that I was not a spy and that I did not come to deceive them. They were pleased that I should come as far as a town called Aramcalla, and that the Inca would come there with his Governor and Master of the Camp.

On the 6th of May I crossed the river in a basket travelling along a cable, and seven Indians came with me. The ten Indians of the Inca helped me to cross, and accompanied me. That night I slept at the foot of a snowy mountain, in an uninhabited village called Condormarca, where there had been a bridge in ancient times, which crossed the river to go to Tambo, Sapamarca, and Viticos in the country of peace.

On the 7th of May as many as a hundred Indians came to meet me and accompany me over the road of Marainiyo, a very rough country with much vegetation and some swamps. They asked me if it was I who had put up the flag which I mentioned before. I said yes and that I had hoisted it as a signal that I came on an errand of peace. They answered that it was a great piece of insolence for anyone to hoist a flag in the territory of the Inca, and if it had not been that the Inca had given orders for me to enter, they would have killed me there and then. Each one then began to brandish his arms, calling the Spaniards bearded cowards and thieves. Others said, “May we not kill this little bearded one, to avenge what his brethren have done to us.” I appeased them by saying it was true than when the Spaniards came they did much harm; but that now there was justice, that the people were favoured and had their liberty. They then asked me if I was one of those who came first, or whether I had arrived recently. I answered that it was seventeen years since I came from Spain, that in all times there were some good and some bad, and that now they deserved much honour for it seemed to me that they were good men. As to what others had done, the fault did not lie with me. I then gave them some drink, and I gave some of them needles, ornaments, knives, and other things, so we made friends. I then wrote to the Inca to say that I had entered his country, but had not yet come to where he was, and that in token of friendship I sent him two glass jars and two dozen buttons of green glass that looked like emeralds.

On the 8th of May we departed from the station of the Inca called Marainiyo, and marched to an Indian village named Lucuma where four Indians came to see me from a captain, who was on that frontier, named Cayanbi. I sent him salt and knives, and in return he supplied me with maize and chicha, asking me not to pass on, because he had not sent to tell the Inca anything about my arrival, but that he would come and sleep that night, to accompany me. Considering the abominable road, and the discomfort of having to travel on foot, and seeing that though I was near the goal they would not let me reach it, I sent to say that I would not go, and that I wanted to return to Cuzco. So I ordered the Indians to take the road by which we had come, and I wrote a very angry letter to the Inca saying that I had arrived at Lucuma by his order, and that one of his captains, who was on that frontier, had refused to receive me in his land. With the letter I sent a hat with two plumes of feathers. When the captain saw my determination to return to Cuzco he came to me, on the road, and begged me not to go until a reply came from the Inca. He also brought plenty of food of the country.

I remained with the captain until another day when the reply of the Inca came, the runner having covered 40 leagues in two days, saying in his letter that he was very angry with the captain who would be well punished. He sent another in his place named Vilcapaniguana, with a hundred Indians to help in my journey. I was lodged in Arancalla, a village of a hundred Indians, in a very rough country near the snows, where there was a large fort.

I arrived there on the 9th of May, and they made me two houses on a hill two arquebus shots from the village. Presently the inhabitants of the village came with provisions for my party. Above all things they asked me to show them the contents of my loads, because they desired much to know. At first I refused, but as it seemed to me that they would manage to find out, against my will, I thought that it would be well to let them see. So they looked at everything. They saw that I carried a sword and dagger, and said that I should show them to the Inca as he would rejoice to see them. The same day a servant of the Inca arrived, with two baskets of earth nuts[83], to visit me on his part. I received him well and gave him a head cloth and an ornament; and for the Inca two packs of cards and two pair of scissors. I understood that he came to see what manner of man I was, and to learn from those who came with me what I had asked, said, and done. They took leave, very well contented.

On the next day, the 11th of May, I received another letter from the Inca, in which he made great offers to me, owing to the good report he had heard of me from Cuzco, and that I was to come to a village further on called Bambacona that we might sooner meet, and that he would be there in two days.

I set out on the 12th of May and went on to Viticos where the seven Spaniards killed the Inca, and their heads are exposed. The Indians told me that those Spaniards had killed him to raise the land, and that they determined to kill him while playing at _la herradura_. One Mendez[84] did it with four or five stabs behind until he killed him; and to Titu Cusi, the Inca who is now, they would have done the same, but he escaped down some rocks, which they showed me. They, however, succeeded in giving him a stab in the leg, the mark of which he afterwards showed me. If they had wanted to kill some Indians they could have done so, but their object was to kill the Inca. Then many Indians and captains assembled, who seized the Spaniards and killed them.

On the 13th of May I sent two of my Indians to the Inca with some refreshments of raisins, figs, and other things. The Inca received them well, and gave them two baskets of earth nuts which they were to take to me, with a message that next day he would arrive, so that we should see each other soon, and that I need not travel further.

On the 14th of May the Indians of Bambacona had made a large house on a strong height surrounded by entrenchments. Below were the houses of the inhabitants. The road by which he was to come was very clean and passed over a great plain. The three hundred Indians with their lances, and others from the surrounding country, had made a great theatre for the Inca, of red clay. They were awaiting his arrival, and wished me to go out to meet him. They told me that the people of the village would wait on the plain, and that they would show me a place where they had brought two loads of straw, half a stone’s throw from the rest of the people. They told me to wait there, and see the entry of the Inca, and not to move until the Inca sent for me.

Many lances were drawn up on a hill, and messengers arrived to say that the Inca was coming. Presently the escort of the Inca began to appear. The Inca came in front of all, with a head-dress of plumes of many colours, a silver plate on his breast, a golden shield in one hand, and a lance all of gold. He wore garters of feathers and fastened to them were small wooden bells. On his head was a diadem and another round the neck. In one hand he had a gilded dagger, and he came in a mask of several colours. Arriving on the plateau where the places of the people were, and his seat was set up, and mine, he gazed where the sun was, making a sort of reverence with his hand, which they call _mucha_, and then went to his seat. There came with him a mestizo with a shield and sword, and in a Spanish dress and a very old cloak. Presently he turned his eyes in the direction where I was, and I took off my hat. The Indians did not notice this. I held up an image of our Lady which I carried in my bosom, and though the Indians saw it, they took no notice. Then two _orejones_ came near the Inca with two halberds, dressed in diadems of plumes with much adornment of gold and silver. These made obeisance and reverence to the sun and then to the Inca. All the rest were standing near his seat, encircling him in good order. Presently the governor came, named Yamqui Mayta, with 60 or 70 attendants with their silver plates, lances, belts of gold and silver, the same dresses as were worn by all who came with the Inca. Then came the Master of the Camp with the same gaily dressed following: and all made obeisance first to the sun and then to the Inca, saying, “Child of the Sun thou art the child of the day[85].” Then they took up their positions round the Inca. Then another captain entered, named Vilcapari Guaman, with about thirty Indians bearing lances adorned with feathers of many colours. Then twenty men with axes, making reverences to the sun like the rest. All wore masks of different colours, which they put before their faces. Next a little Indian entered who, after making reverences to the sun and the Inca, came towards me, brandishing a lance, and raising it with great audacity. He then began to cry out in Spanish “Get out! get out!” and to menace me with his lance. Next another captain entered named Cusi Puma, with about 50 archers; who are Antis eating human flesh. Presently all these warriors took off their plumes of feathers and put down their lances. With their daggers of bronze and their shields of silver, or leather, or of feathers, each one came to do reverence to the Inca who was seated, and then returned to their places.

Presently he sent for me, and passing through that multitude of Indians, I took off my hat and made a speech to him. I said that I had come from Cuzco solely to know and serve him. If I wore a sword and dagger it was to serve him with them, and not to offend him. To this he answered that it was for men to bear arms and not for women or cowards, and he did not, therefore, hold me in more esteem for that. But he said he was pleased at the trouble I had taken to come from such a distance to him, adding that he had come 40 leagues only to see and converse with me. Then he gave me a cup of chicha, asking me to drink it for his service. I drank a quarter of it, and then began to make faces, and wipe my mouth with a handkerchief. He began to laugh, understanding that I did not know that liquor. Then he spoke to the mulatto, asking him how this was, and that our Lord Jesus Christ should be remembered for he had blessed such work. He said that he would show me the governor Yamqui Mayta, that I might talk to him. He came and embraced me as the Inca had done, and he was seated on the Inca’s right hand.

Presently I returned to my lodging, with permission of the Inca, and he sent me, by the governor, a macaw and two baskets of earth nuts. Then the mestizo came with a very small cup of chicha, with a message from the Inca asking me to drink it, that he looked upon me as a friend, and that when I liked, we could treat of the matters about which I had come. I took a sip, and gave the rest to one of the Indians who had come with me. He sent a message by the mestizo that I must rest, that I must be tired, and that another day he would do all that I desired. I sent him four pieces of glass, and a case of comfits, which were the presents the Judge Matienzo had sent, and had mentioned in his letter. I also sent half an _arroba_ of crystals and pearls, and seven bracelets of silver, saying that the glass was sent by Matienzo, because it was a thing held in high estimation and that as the comfits gave a pleasant taste to the tip of the tongue, so I trusted that my words would give satisfaction, and that I wished to be of service as the messenger and ambassador who came to him. He took it all in, and rejoiced greatly. That he might not hesitate to eat the comfits, I said that they were very good, and that he might be sure that they would do him no harm, I wished to eat some in his presence. I did eat with the mestizo and invited him, who ate them also. Then I gave two sheathed knives, a head cloth, and other things to the governor Yamqui Mayta. I distributed presents to all the other captains pointed out to me by the mestizo, embraced them all, and returned to my lodging.

Then the people of the village brought much food and presented it to the Inca, and to those who had come with him. The Inca did not eat on cloths, but on green rushes, and the rest on the ground.

The Inca was a man of forty years of age, of middle height, and with some marks of small-pox on his face. His mien rather severe and manly. He wore a shirt of blue damask, and a mantle of very fine cloth. He is served on silver, and there are also twenty or thirty fairly good-looking women, waiting behind him. He sent for me to eat where he was with his women and his governor. The food consisted of maize, potatoes, small beans, and the other products of the country, except that there was very little meat, and what there was consisted of venison, fowls, macaws, and monkeys, both boiled and roasted. When night came on he asked me whether I had made the acquaintance of his captains. I replied in the affirmative, and he then took leave of me. He went to the house that had been prepared for him, in exactly the same order as when he arrived, with music of silver flutes and trumpets. That night there was a guard of a hundred Indians who were divided into watches, and flutes and drums were played to call each watch. They placed a guard of fifteen Indians over me with their lances, I being in a house outside the village. I calculate that all the Indians who came with the Inca, and those of the village, numbered 450.

In the morning of the 14th of May the Inca sent for me to his house, for it was raining. The greater part of his troops were seated round a large fire. The Inca was seated, dressed in a shirt of crimson velvet, with a mantle of the same. All his captains had taken off the masks they wore on the day before. As I entered I saluted, making many compliments, and taking off my cap. He saluted me in his language. The mestizo was on a seat in front. I presented the Inca with a very good looking glass, two necklaces of coral beads, and a paper book. He was very much pleased with the presents, and ordered my seat to be placed near him, next to the governor and two captains. I understood that the Inca had been told by one of the captains who came with me, respecting what I had said and asked, and that I had expressed discontent at the want of proper respect shown to me by the Indians. Presently he asked for the letter I brought, and what I had come for. I answered that he had already seen the letters, before my arrival, and that he had then read what I now wished to put before him in words. He said that that was true. I then said that what I had to communicate to him was a matter of great importance, both for the salvation of his body and his soul; and that it might be seen that I did not wish to deceive on any point as regards what I had to say, I suggested that he should send for all the wisest men he had with him, that what I had to say might be better understood. At the same time he was himself a man of such sound judgment, his own understanding would be quite sufficient to deal with all that might be submitted to him. He replied that all were there present, and that I might now say what I wanted, as on another day I should have to return to Cuzco with his reply. The Christians, he added, had never given more than one day for audience and another for departure. If they stayed longer his people might kill them from fear and terror, without his permission to kill. I answered that it would occupy more than two days to complete the negotiations, and to make what I had come to say clearly understood. Especially this was the case when I did not wish to cause discontent by being given so short a time, my intention being rather to cause satisfaction and not annoyance. The Inca was pleased and said to me that he and his captains would not answer until I had represented everything, and after that I could make answer to their view of what I had said.

Presently I said to the mestizo, who was the interpreter, that I requested permission to say something in praise of God and of our holy Christian religion. The Inca gave permission. I then said many things which were the fruits of study in books I had brought, but to avoid prolixity I will not write down my discourse. I have it written in a little book with other things. The Inca and all his captains expressed themselves pleased at having heard it, and enquired whether there were any Christians among the Indians who were there. If so they were ordered to stand up. Twenty or twenty-five among the chiefs did so. I asked each one his name, and every one of them gave me Christian names. So I asked the permission of the Inca to animate and console them, which he was pleased to give. I said to them that they should not turn back but trust in our Lord Jesus Christ, remaining firm in what they had professed when they received baptism. And I told them to serve the Inca as he was their Lord, and also God the creator of all things. I said many other things to them until they began to cry, in presence of all those captains of the Inca, and the Inca himself was moved to anger. He spoke very fiercely to me, saying that no Spaniard who had entered his territory had dared to treat of these things and to praise their Lord Jesus Christ, nor in the time of his father, that it was great insolence on my part, and that he was disposed to order me to be killed. I answered that I came as a man who had to do this, that I had confessed and taken the sacrament as a Christian, and that no time could be better for me to die than the present. I reminded him that what I had said, was said with his permission. Then I delivered a discourse in praise of truth and against what was false, representing that so I must deal with him, being as truthful as if I was on oath. I then spoke of the Judge Matienzo who had given permission for me to come with a letter from him to the Inca. I told him how well fitted I was to manage affairs for the Indians, and I showed them some papers I had brought with me, by which the Inca would be convinced of it. He should not think that I came as a spy, or for a bad object, nor would he believe it when he knew what I had done for him in his absence. They had all thought that the entries into their lands on foot or on horseback had been secret, but we had known of them and they were quite public. For this there was indeed no need of spies, and presently I would tell them all, and how I desired to take up the negotiation from further back.

During this discussion three of their Indians arrived who had been sent as messengers to the President. They brought eight yards of yellow damask, half a dozen masks, and a letter from the President in which he said that if the Inca would come peacefully to Cuzco, he should have a grant of certain villages of Indians with a revenue of over $15,000, which the Treasurer Merlo would show, sending the account in three or four days, and showing what the rents are from those Indians, which would be paid in the name of his Majesty. Merlo also wrote out a translation of what was in the decrees respecting the Indians. Another letter was sent, signed by the President, which was for Merlo. It said that the letter was written by the President and that if the Inca did not wish to accept the grant that was offered to him, he was requested to reply at once, because an officer, on the part of the city of Cuzco was to force an entry and make war. The question should be settled for his word had been given. There were letters saying that the chiefs of Xauxa and of the whole kingdom were arrested, and that the municipalities of Cuzco and Guamanga wished to make war.

The Inca and his captains received the news bravely. The Inca rose up and declared that they were not afraid of the Spaniards. He said, before his assembly, all he could think of in abuse of the Spaniards and in praise of his Indians. Then all the Indians arose and began to worship, and those Indian captains began to make offerings, each one for himself, with daggers of bronze or iron in their hands. Some said they would kill four Spaniards, others five, others six, and others ten. One of them, named Chinchero, said that as I was there, why was he not ordered to kill me, for he wanted to stab me with the dagger in his hand. The Inca kept silence, answering nothing, so the Indian went back to his seat.

As daylight was now appearing, and they had all drunk freely, I asked permission of the Inca to return to my lodging and get something to eat, and that on another day I would state frankly what I had come for. So I departed, leaving them to boast loudly, but all much disturbed in their minds.

Soon afterwards they sent me a sheep of Castille, many fowls and partridges, and the other food which their country produces. To those who brought them I gave some trinkets, needles, and other Spanish things. Presently the Inca sent for me. I went there, and was there until night, without a word being spoken, when I returned to my lodging. The reason for this appeared to be that too much chicha had been drunk.

Next day, the 15th of May, the Inca came out in the morning with all his people in the same order as before. He sent for me in the open space. When I came I found them at breakfast, and they gave me, and my Indian attendants, plenty to eat. Afterwards I asked permission to state what I had come for. I said, through the mestizo interpreter, that the President and Judges of the Royal Audience took great pains to favour the Indians, and for that reason I had come with instructions to offer many advantages, wishing to establish peace, not to make war, not that the Indians should make incursions into the land of peace. The President had been strictly charged by his Majesty to grant many favours to the Inca and his captains, and the Judge Matienzo had sent me to ascertain the Inca’s wishes and intentions. To this it was replied that news had now arrived of the desire to make war both from Cuzco and Guamanga, and that threatening movements had been made at other places. In consequence of this, incursions had been made into the land of peace. Further they knew that Hurtado[86] had asked leave to attack them in the time of the Count[87], and had made incursions from Guamanga and in Amaibamba. I replied that the invasion was given up to avoid damage and evil, and not from fear of the Inca’s people, also because the Archbishops, friars, and clerics had intervened to prevent war. The Inca said that this was true, that so he had been informed, and that now, as then, the clergy would be against war. I told him that the face of things was altered. The reason was that his people had entered the land of peace, burnt the churches, pulled down the images, and destroyed the crosses: also that the Indians who were there had been made to worship the sun, though they were Christians. For these reasons the Archbishop, friars, and clergy could not show them favour. The Inca denied it, saying that he had not given such an order; and the first instruction he had given to his people, whenever they made a raid, was not to touch either the churches or the crosses. I then said that I had many witnesses to the facts, who had seen him and the mestizo take the images and burn the churches. He then admitted that he had taken the images and that he had them well guarded and could show them, but that he had never burnt the church. I told him that in Amaibamba I had seen the bits of the cross, and that they had cooked a sheep with it. He replied that he had not gone personally on that raid, that the Indians had done it, and that he regretted it much. He also said that none of the friars, clerics, or soldiers in Peru could complain that he had killed one of them, though he might have done so many times. He could easily have killed two Augustine friars and two other Spaniards who were shut up in a house at Curahuasi, and many others at many times and in many places, but he would not do such a thing, and he had ordered his people not to kill them. Nor had he killed the Indians that I had brought, and that the Indians had more liberty in his land than the Spaniards. He only took Indians who had belonged to his ancestors. To this I replied that here in Peru it was said that he was not the heir of the Incas of this kingdom, but the sons of Atahualpâ, because the Spaniards found him in possession of the kingdom when they arrived. He answered that Atahualpâ was a usurper and a bastard who had murdered Huascar Inca the legitimate heir, and that after him came his father Manco Inca. I then observed that the report was that he was an illegitimate son. He then told me that among them, when there was no legitimate son, the custom was that a bastard succeeded. He was, therefore, high priest in what we call spiritual things. This was in default of another brother, at least one who was older than himself. He thus inherited the temporal lordship. He was in possession and was recognized by the other Incas. They all obeyed him, and if he had not the right they would not obey him. For the rest the question had better be settled by arms and not by talking. All who come try to deceive him. He told me I might go next day. He would write to the Judge Matienzo that he had given me plenty to eat, and let me go in peace. He said he was surprised that I should have shown such prejudice against him in my conversation. In this way he took leave of me, and I went back to my lodging where I remained all that day. From the top of a rising ground I saw the festivities made for the Inca, and heard the songs. The dances were war dances with spears in their hands, throwing them from one to the other. I believe that they did such things by reason of the quantity of chicha they had drunk.

The Inca sent for me late in the afternoon and I went against my will. He told me to sit down and began to boast, saying that he could himself kill fifty Spaniards, and that he was going to have all the Spaniards in the kingdom put to death. He took a lance in his hand and a shield and began to act a valiant man, shouting “Go at once and bring me all that people that are behind these mountains; for I want to go and fight the Spaniards and to kill them all, and I want the wild Indians to eat them.” Then there marched up about 600 or 700 Anti Indians, all with bows and arrows, clubs and axes. They advanced in good order, making reverence to the sun and to the Inca, and took up their positions. Then the Inca again began to brandish his lance, and said that he could raise all the Indians in Peru, he had only to give the order and they would fly to arms. Then all those Antis made an offer to the Inca that, if he wished it, they would eat me raw. They said to him, “What are you doing with this little bearded one here, who is trying to deceive you? it is better that we should eat him at once.” Then two renegade Inca _orejones_ came straight to me with spears in their hands, flourishing their weapons and saying, “The bearded ones! Our enemies.” I laughed at this, but at the same time commended myself to God. I asked the Inca to have mercy and protect me, and so he delivered me from them, and hid me until the morning.

On the morning of the 16th of May the Inca sent for me to come to the open square which he entered in the same order as before, and as I came in I saluted the Inca and sat down. The Inca and all the captains then began to laugh heartily at what had happened the day before, and they asked me what I thought of yesterday’s festival. I replied that I thought it rather exceptional, and that to have treated me so was wrong, seeing that I had come on serious business. They explained that it was only their fun, and that they could not give it up. I then observed that I had to go without having settled anything. We should arrange some kind of peace in the way which seemed to them best, with a fixed period. From such an agreement they would derive much good, by having many new things in their land through which they might make much money and become very rich. They said they would agree if they had any confidence in our promises. The Inca then asked me what kind of peace appeared to me to be good. I said that the King would give more than $15,000 of rent for his maintenance, with which he might be in Cuzco, or here in the Andes, if he would consent to have a town of Indians in Vilcapampa. They answered that this was well, because I said that they should sell coca and wood to Spaniards who settled here, and become very rich.

On this proposal we were occupied for two days. Afterwards the Inca said that if the Spaniards lived amongst them and there was some grievance, owing to which the Spaniards killed one of them or they killed a Spaniard, there would be trouble. For this reason he did not wish that there should be a town, or that the Spaniards should live among them. I replied that I did not wish that to happen, and that it would be better for the Inca or his son to come out and take possession of the estates which the President had promised him in the name of his Majesty. A Corregidor might then come here in the name of his Majesty to administer and maintain justice in that land, the inhabitants receiving the evangelical law and holy baptism. From this much good would come and they would possess their houses and estates. They received this proposal very well, with the condition that his Majesty should pardon everything that had been done up to that time. The Inca’s conditions were that estates should be given to those who were with him and had served him; that the lands which he and his father had desolated near the land of peace and the valley of Amaibamba should be granted to him; that the Indians taken from there should be his; that his Majesty should gratify the persons favoured, that they should be given a promise that they should enjoy the liberties and privileges enjoyed by people of noble birth; that friars and clerics should enter to preach the holy evangel; and that he should be obedient to his Majesty. As the Inca was poor and unable to appear in conformity with the dignity of his position, he stipulated that his son Titu should go out, and be married to the Inca’s niece Doña Beatriz. He also stipulated that the friars and clerics should not be admitted until Doña Beatriz had been delivered to him. He feared that if she was married to anyone else, he and his son would be left without the _repartimiento_ of Indians granted to his brother Sayri Tupac. After a year or two the Inca undertook to come out peacefully, having collected the means to buy what was necessary. He would settle near Guamanga or Cuzco, whichever locality he liked best, with his son Titu and the governor Yamqui Mayta. This arrangement appeared convenient, and he and his captains would swear to observe it, if it was necessary. I was to go out by the way of Guamanga, to complete the treaty with the President.

At this time a letter arrived from the Judge Matienzo announcing that he intended to leave Cuzco in ten days, and that I was to return, bringing the statement of what the Inca wanted. I then said to the Inca that, to show his sincerity, and that the Christians might see that he was acting in good faith, I would request him to allow me to assemble the Indians who were Christians, to set up a cross, and there to preach the law of our Lord Jesus Christ and the holy evangel. The Inca consented and ordered a great cross to be made. In order that the agreement might be more secure I asked and prayed him to tell me the truth. For I had seen in the baptismal book of the principal church (in Cuzco) that the Inca had been baptized and named Diego. He told me that it was true, and that he was a Christian, and he confessed it before the Indians. He said that they had poured water over his head, but that he did not remember the name. Presently about 120 Christian Indians assembled before the cross, kneeling and taking off their _llautus_. Those who were not Christians stood apart, wondering at our proceedings. We carried the cross, I and four Indians, and set it up. Then I said many things about our holy Christian religion and the salvation of their souls. Then I told them to pray for God’s mercy on their knees, which they did three times, crying for mercy with their clasped hands raised to heaven. Then I asked permission of the Inca to preach to those who were not Christian, as he was one. He agreed, and ordered them to come and hear me preach. I explained to them that the things which God had created were for the use of man, that the sun and moon were creatures made by God for man’s service, and to give him light. After they had adored the cross, I said it would be well for me to write to the Judge Matienzo to tell him that they wished to receive the evangel, to make peace, and to send me to Lima on horseback, by way of Guamanga, to settle the agreement with the President. They sent Indian runners, and I sent two of those I had brought with me, to convey the writing as agreed.

On the 17th of May the Inca sent certain macaws and baskets of earth nuts to the Treasurer Merlo and the Judge Matienzo. I then said it would be a good thing for the Inca to send thirty captains to the city of Cuzco, that they might see how well treated they would be, and how freely they could pass over the whole land. I should remain as a hostage until their return. The Inca said that if I thought such a proceeding advisable he would agree; but if the slightest injury was done to any one of those Indians, he said he would hang me. I replied that I was willing to run the risk. Then the Inca sent the thirty captains to arrive there in six days, and send an account of their treatment in another five days. He ordered them to go first to the chief or principal church and worship the holy sacrament, and then to the house of the Judge Matienzo. He also wrote to the friars of our Lady of Mercy, and to the Franciscan friars, to ask two of them to come and preach in his territory, and that he would give them the products of the land in exchange for their doctrine. He also wrote to the Judge Matienzo, thanking him for having sent me, for that I had made known to them the law of our Lord Jesus Christ. He asked for two friars as his people wished to be Christians and to be convinced that the things they had worshipped up to that time were foolishness. As his honour had expressed a wish to have an interview with the Inca at the frontier of the land of peace, the Inca would rejoice to comply, if his honour would come with not more than three Spaniards, and that he would be at the bridge of Chuquichaca, at such time as the Judge might appoint.

In the meantime I preached and explained the Christian doctrine every morning, and they came to hear me. The Indian messengers who went to Cuzco did not return at the appointed time. They thought that their friends had been put to death and were sad. The governor Yamqui Mayta said to me, that morning, that I had committed some sin in Peru, because they sent me here and here I should be killed. Before I arrived, he continued, they had resolved that, with 700 Antis and 2000 other Indians, they would attack the towns near their frontier, seize all the Indians they could capture, and kill all the clerics, friars, and other Spaniards they could catch. They had abandoned this plan out of regard for me. Yet, notwithstanding that they had received the evangelic law, I had deceived them. If within two days the messengers did not return, he added, they would make the raid which had originally been intended.

On the 20th of May the news came that the captains who took the message to Cuzco had been received and well treated. Out of joy at this news they played on drums and trumpets and had a great feast. They sent for me and told me I had told the truth. Then they read the letters from the Judge Matienzo which had arrived. In them he said that he wished to have an interview with the Inca, and that on the last day of Easter he would set out, arriving at the bridge on Friday or Saturday, making all haste. He said that he would bring fourteen or fifteen men with him, being the guard that his Majesty granted, to accompany him. At this the Inca was undecided, fearing that it might be a plot to kill him and his Indians, but that I would counsel him and that he would trust me. I said that not only could he trust the word of the Judge in going to Chuquichaca, but that he might trust it in going to Cuzco. If he brought a hundred men with him it would not be for offence but for service. All those he brought with him would come as friends. If the King of Spain wished to conquer him, not all the Indians in the kingdom and 10,000 more could stand against his power. His Majesty had done this because his thought was to maintain peace, and to advance the knowledge of God; not that the Spaniards should invade their land and seize their wives and children. To this he replied that the power of the King was great, and though he had so many nations, as well black men as Moors, subject to him, yet he, the Inca, like Manco Inca his father before him, knew how to defend himself in those mountains. At the same time, as I said he should go, he would do so, and presently he sent to Vilcapampa for more men.

On the 25th of May one of his generals arrived with 300 men, armed with lances, who entered the open place where the rest were drawn up, and made obeisance to the sun and to the Inca. Then a hundred captains of those who came from Vilcapampa went to where Yamqui Mayta was standing and asked why he had consented to have the cross planted in their land, seeing that it had not been set up in the time of Manco Inca. Why then was it there now? If I had persuaded the Inca to do this, they intended to kill me. The Inca replied that it was done by his order, and that it was well that they should accept the cross of the creator of all things. Having received this answer they went to their seats, and the festival proceeded.

On the 28th of May we set out for the bridge of Chuquichaca to meet the Judge who was coming. A garrison of 200 Indians was left in Arancalla and the rest went with us. We arrived on Saturday, the eve of the Trinity, at the bridge of Chuquichaca, where we received the news that the Judge Matienzo was at the bridge of Amaibamba with 30 Spaniards, 10 negroes, 20 arquebusiers and 150 Cañari Indians with their lances. Presently we received a letter from the Judge Matienzo in which he said that he had come with this escort, that the Inca should cross the river to see him, and that the Treasurer Merlo, a clergyman, two other Spaniards and I would be hostages for his safety. The Inca wished to comply, but the captains would not consent. The Inca then wrote to the Judge Matienzo proposing that he should come with all his company to the passage of the bridge, that his honour should pass over, and that he, the Inca, would send as hostages his governor and camp master, who would go to the other side. The Inca then detached 300 Indians to keep watch and ward. I said that the Judge Matienzo would not consent to this, not having a royal commission, but that he would cross with all his escort and that, in that open space which was large, the Inca and Judge could see each other and discuss what they desired. The Inca wrote a letter to that effect. Then there were prepared litters of silver and gold and much carving, and he had 25 _alcabuçes_ brought out, which he distributed among those who knew. He said to me that, as I was his friend, he wanted to tell me a secret. He had had 300 cloaks and also breeches of dead people brought. Then he called an assembly, saying that those who brought those clothes had been killed, and if the Spaniards intended to attack, each one would become a good soldier in defence of his lord.

At that moment the Judge Matienzo arrived at the bridge with all his people. Then Garcia de Merlo, the clergyman, and the two other Spaniards crossed over and explained to the Inca the proposals of the President. He said that he understood and that he would come across the river. But the captains said that the bridge was tricky, that the Inca’s legs were bruised from a fall he had recently had, and that he could not pass over. Then he sent me, with the governor and two other captains, to be hostages together with the thirty captains who had come from Cuzco. I took the Judge apart and explained everything to him, but those who were with him would scarcely let us talk in secret. I began to understand that it was not intended to settle anything owing to the intriguers who were with the Judge, and who were unreasonable. The Indians were noting everything. The Judge said he did not wish to cross the river, and I returned with the governor and all the other captains of the Inca. I then asked the Inca to come over, and he agreed to do so, contrary to the wishes of all his captains, as I advised it. Then he went with all his followers richly dressed and with their arms in good order. They marched to a cross that had been put up and all did reverence to it. The Inca’s escort amounted to 600 Indians. Then I went to the Judge Matienzo and asked him to go alone to the bridge without any of his followers, so that he and the Inca might converse without anyone hearing them. He consented and went with the mestizo Porras as interpreter. He was armed with sword and arquebus, and the Inca also had his weapons. The Inca had passed from the other side with his governor, camp master, ten captains, and the mestizo.

The Inca threw himself at the feet of the Judge weeping, and relating the misfortunes of his father and himself. He told how they had been kept in prison by Juan Pizarro, like dogs in a collar, until they should give him a box full of gold. They also seized his mother and one of his sisters in the valley of Tambo. His father had taken refuge in these mountains and four times Juan Pizarro, Hernando Pizarro and Orgoñez came to conquer him by order of the Marquis, when many Spaniards and Indians lost their lives. As a return for his father’s hospitality to seven Spaniards of the party of Almagro, they murdered him. He said many other things which were not confided to us. Finally he asked for peace on the basis that had been negotiated. Then he sent for some small baskets of feathers and presented them to the Judge.

The Judge said that he was also anxious for peace and that he would consent to all the terms in the name of his Majesty, except as regards the Indians who had been taken from citizens of Cuzco. They must be given up. The Inca said that this might be settled afterwards. The Judge replied that that could not be. Then the Inca said that he must go to consult with his captains, and that he would return with the answer. The Judge pressed the Inca to come out of the mountains, and the Inca said that he was poor, and unable to maintain the expense. He put forward the excuse that he was in the Andes, 60 leagues from whence the Judge came, and it would be necessary for him to wait more than a month before they could go together. It is true that this was so. The Judge said that he would wait for him at Cuzco. At this juncture the arquebusiers who were with the Judge Matienzo began to press nearer to hear what was said, notwithstanding that they were called to and told to stop. The Inca wanted to return from fear of them. But reason did not prevail and there was confusion. The Inca took leave, saying that he wished to tell what had been said to his captains, and that he would return. I passed backwards and forwards four or five times to ascertain when the Inca would resume the interview, for the Judge wanted to depart. The Inca said that he was so pressed upon that he was afraid, and that he thought treachery was intended. I went to the Judge and asked him not to go that day as he had arrived very late. Amaibamba was distant more than three leagues, and he could not get there before night. I urged him to stay and hear what the Inca would say when he resumed the conversation. So he waited until the morning, the Spaniards guarding one side and the Indians the other. The Indians made many fires and played on their trumpets and whistles. In the morning the camp master came and told me that the Inca would come to answer the Judge, and to tell me his view of the negotiation. The Judge did not wish it, and said the Inca could send what he had to propose further in a letter. If he would not come out in peace the bridge must be destroyed. The Inca answered that he would comply with the treaty he had made with me, and he ordered the bridge to be broken down on his side. This was done and we departed. They also retired.

This is a true account of what happened in this journey, abridged so as to avoid prolixity, and I sign with my name the truth of what happened in my presence.

MOLINA

(_See Hakluyt Society’s volume for 1873._)

Father Cristobal de Molina was a priest who devoted his life to the investigation of the history, religion and customs of the ancient Peruvians, of which he gave an account to the Emperor in a letter dated Lima, 12 July, 1539 as follows: “I went with Almagro (the elder) in his discoveries and, that your Majesty may be well informed, he sent Henao, a servant of the Comendador Mayor Cobos, to delineate all the route he traversed and discovered, that is to say from Tumbez in 3 S. to the river Maulé in 39, which by land is 1024 leagues, besides what he discovered between Panama and Tumbez; and drew the nations and tribes, their dresses, rites, and each one in his manner of living, with many other things.” He adds: “I do not speak of what happened between Hernando Pizarro and Almagro because I am a Priest and wish to give no opinion unless by command of my Prince. I am now advanced in years, and tired with the labours in the service of your Majesty under Almagro.” (_Coll. Muñoz, Ee_ 1, fo. 260 _and_ 261.)

Molina dedicated his Laws and Rites of the Incas to Sebastian de Lartoun, Bishop of Cuzco, who took possession of the see on July 28th, 1573. Molina died, when assisting at the Council of Lima, on October 9th, 1583. (_Historia del Cuzco._ _Vasco Contreras y Valverde MS._)

INDEX

=Abancay=, artillery placed in, 101

=Acosta=, Juan de, in command of troops, 155; career of, 155 (_n._)

=Acuña=, Doña Brianda de, wife of the Viceroy, 115, 115 (_n._)

=Aguero=, Diego de, Captain, appointed to meet the Viceroy, 16; career of, 16 (_n._), 17 (_n._); receives despatches from the Viceroy, 17; sets out for the city of Truxillo, 22, 23; informs the Viceroy of events in Lima, 45; returns to the municipality of Lima, 54; takes part in receiving the Viceroy, 56, 57

=Alamos=, Diego Maldonado de, signs the document appointing Gonzalo Pizarro Chief Justice, 68, 69

=Aldana=, Lorenzo de, Captain, writes to the Viceroy, 74, 75; career and death of, 74 (_n._); goes to see the Viceroy, 86; his imprisonment on board a ship, 86, 145; released, 86

=Alexander=, King of Greece, account of his treatment of Parmenion, 84, 84 (_n._)

=Almagro=, Diego de, supporters of, favoured by the Viceroy, 18; defeated by Vaca de Castro at Chupas, 36

=Almagro=, Diego de, the lad, 23, 124, 178 (_n._)

=Almao=, Luis de, a servant of Gonzalo Pizarro, 35

=Almendras=, Diego de, joins Gonzalo Pizarro, 41

=Almendras=, Francisco de, Captain, joins Gonzalo Pizarro, 40; his career, 40 (_n._); acts as witness to a proposal with regard to Gonzalo Pizarro, 67; is sent to Guamanga for artillery, 79, 80, 81; ordered to seize despatches, 101; intercepts Francisco de Ampuero and Pero Lopez, 102; his further treatment of them, 103, 104; prevents Bishop Don Jeronimo de Loaysa from proceeding further on his mission, 108; sent to Chuquisaca as Lieutenant of the Governor, 140 (_n._); murder of, 156

=Almendras=, Martin de, joins Gonzalo Pizarro, 41

=Altamirano=, Antonio de, Alcalde, 8; accompanies Vaca de Castro on his journey to the city of the Kings, 13; career and death of, 13 (_n._); in favour of Gonzalo Pizarro being made Chief Justice, 68; leaves the meeting to avoid voting, 69; but afterwards signs, 70; named as Ensign General, 79

=Alvarado=, Alonso de, Captain, 111

=Alvarado=, Hernando de, Captain, sent to Truxillo, 111

=Alvarez=, the Licentiate, sails with Blasco Nuñez, 1 (_n._); one of the four Judges appointed to carry out the new laws in Peru, 4 (_n._); opposes the Viceroy, 7; attends a meeting of Alcaldes and perpetual magistrates, 37; summoned to meet the Viceroy, 94

=Alzate=, Simon de, Public Notary, goes with despatches, 90; Captain Francisco de Almendras wishes him to be killed, 103, 104

=Amaibamba=, 171, 172, 173, 187, 188, 191, 196, 199

=Amendariz=, Diaz, Licentiate, Commissary General, 78

=Ampuero=, Francisco de, at the city of the Kings, 18; takes part in receiving the Viceroy, 56, 57; to accompany Pero Lopez to Cuzco, 89, 90; his career, 89 (_n._), 90 (_n._); arrives at Guamanga, 93; intercepted by Francisco de Almendras, 102; allowed to return, 104

=Añaquito=, 51, 98; death of Blasco Nuñez at, 2; Hernando Bachicao at, 13 (_n._); the Licentiate Benito Suarez de Carbajal at, 26 (_n._); Diego de Mora at, 34 (_n._)

=Anaya=, Atilano de, 167

=Andahuaylas=, province of, 47; letters from, to Cuzco, 65; letter to, from Gonzalo Pizarro, 65; Bishop Don Jeronimo de Loaysa in, 109

=Anti Indians=, 165, 180, 189, 194

=Apurimac=, 124, 170

=Arancalla=, 175, 177, 196

=Arauco=, Martin de, takes part in destroying four ships, 151

=Arbieto=, Martin Hurtado de, 187 (_n._)

=Arequipa=, 9 (_n._), 10 (_n._), 29, 37 (_n._), 48, 73, 98, 147; discontent in, at the ordinances, 30

=Arevalo=, 9 (_n._)

=Arrian=, 84

=Arvés=, Juan de, goes to the city of Leon, 112

=Asdrubal=, 49

=Atahualpa=, 17 (_n._), 28 (_n._), 40 (_n._), 70 (_n._), 188

=Aurelio=, Antonio de, chosen to accompany the royal ordinances, 93

=Avila=, Alonso de, 126

=Avila=, Juan Vazquez de, 16

=Aviles=, 45

=Aviles=, Alonso de, disloyalty of, 116

=Ayavire=, town of, 42, 42 (_n._)

=Bachicao=, Hernando, 11; accompanies Vaca de Castro on his journey to the city of the Kings, 13; career of, 13 (_n._); resolves to go to Cuzco, 34; desires to leave Lima, 45, 46; arrives in Huarochiri, 47; departure from Lima, 59; the Cuzco citizens disturbed by his news, 64; is interviewed with others by Pedro de los Rios, 65; signs in favour of Gonzalo Pizarro being made Chief Justice, 68, 69; in charge of the artillery, 79, 140 (_n._), 156

=Badajos=, 19

=Balsa=, Juan, 42 (_n._)

=Bambacona=, 178

=Banba=, 165

=Barba=, Francisco, with King Manco Inca, 124

=Barbaran=, Juan de, appointed to meet the Viceroy, 17; receives despatches from the Viceroy, 17; returns to the city of the Kings with the news of the Viceroy’s coming, 18; receives the rod of office, 19

=Barcelona=, 2 (_n._)

=Barco=, Pedro del, hanged, 139 (_n._)

=Barrionuevo=, Alonso de, supports Vela Nuñez, 126, 127

=Bazan=, a soldier, sent to Arequipa by Gonzalo Pizarro, 40

=Beatriz=, Doña, 191

=Belalcazar=, Sebastian de, Adelantado, 13 (_n._), 74 (_n._), 156; ordered to execute and enforce the new laws, 77, 78

=Berrio=, Juan de, at Guamanga, 80; chosen to accompany the royal ordinances, 93

=Buenaventura=, port of, 77

=Bustillo=, servant of Comendador Hernando Pizarro, carries letters to Gonzalo Pizarro, 35

=Cabrera=, Juan, arrival of, at the town of Timana, 77

=Caceres=, Alonso de, Captain, 105, 106, 139 (_n._); quiets the tumult at Arequipa, 30

=Caceres=, Juan de, the Accountant, 7, 92 (_n._)

=Caciques= and the new laws, 15

=Cadiz=, the isle of, 49

=Cali=, town of, 77, 129

=Callao=, 16, 40, 42, 43

=Camargo=, Alonso de, plot of, 156; receives pardon, 159

=Camporedondo=, Gaspar Rodriguez de, 11; accompanies Vaca de Castro to the city of the Kings, 13; career of, 13 (_n._); great friendship for Vaca de Castro, 46; departs from Lima, 46, 59; Gonzalo Pizarro converses with, 66; seeks pardon of the Viceroy, 92; action of Francisco de Carbajal against, 92 (_n._); beheaded, 136 (_n._)

=Cañari Indians=, 196

=Canary Islands=, 70 (_n._)

=Canela=, 38, 49

=Canelos=, Gonzalo Diaz de Pineda sent to explore, 115 (_n._)

=Cañete=, Marquis of, 42 (_n._)

=Caravaya=, mines of, 42

=Carbajal=, Benito Suarez de, the Licentiate, accompanies Vaca de Castro on his journey to the city of the Kings, 13; receives a letter of advice from his brother the Factor, 26; his career and death, 26 (_n._); his arrival at Cuzco, 48

=Carbajal=, Diego de, 136 (_n._)

=Carbajal=, Francisco de, departs from Cuzco, 8; his arrival at the city of the Kings, 8; lodges at the house of Antonio Riquelme, 8; receives an insult from the members of the municipality, 9; date and place of birth, 9 (_n._); his career, 9 (_n._), 10 (_n._); wishes to return to Spain, 30; departs from Lima, 31; summoned to come to Cuzco with arms and troops, 73; action against Gaspar Rodriguez de Camporedondo, 92 (_n._); appointed as Master of the Camp, 118; gives advice to Gonzalo Pizarro, 118, 119; deserts the Viceroy, 135 (_n._); copy of letter to Gonzalo Pizarro, 160, 161

=Carbajal=, Jeronimo de, 26, 136 (_n._)

=Carbajal=, Rodrigo de, 26

=Carbajal=, Yllan Suarez de, the Factor, 13 (_n._); appointed to meet the Viceroy, 16; career of, 16 (_n._); receives despatches from the Viceroy, 17; sets out for the city of Truxillo, 22, 23; returns to Lima, 24; is induced to make friends with Vaca de Castro, 33; goes to meet the Viceroy, 54; converses with the Viceroy, 55; takes part in receiving the Viceroy, 56, 57; cypher letter of, to Benito Suarez de Carbajal, 72; secret proceedings in the house of, 131; death of, 136, 149; character of, 149

=Cardenas=, Francisco de, 89, 94; sends news to Gonzalo Pizarro, 100

=Carrasco=, Pero Alonso, Procurator, does not fall in with Gonzalo Pizarro’s suggestion, 70; badly wounded, 71

=Carrero=, Puerto, 140 (_n._)

=Cartagena=, 106

=Carthage=, 49

=Carvajal=, the Licentiate, leaves Cuzco, 106

=Carveo=, Hernando, father of Diego Centeno, 61

=Castilla=, Baltasar de, career of, 135 (_n._); the Viceroy desires to kill, 146; flight of, from Lima, 149

=Castilla=, Jeronimo, excuses himself from going with Gonzalo Pizarro, 106; flight of, from Cuzco, 116

=Castilla=, Sebastian de, the murderer of Hinojosa, 38 (_n._), 135 (_n._)

=Castillo=, Pedro Gonzalez del, the Scrivener, 92 (_n._)

=Castro=, Diego de, 166

=Castro=, Lope Garcia de, 166, 167, 168

=Castro=, Vaca de, the Governor, 4; consents to Francisco de Carbajal’s return to Spain, 8; replies to those who wished him to remain as Royal Governor, 11, 12; his letter to Captain Gonzalo Pizarro, 12; sets out from Cuzco, 13; is ordered to give up the position of Governor, 17, 18; on leaving Cuzco, with all the artillery and arms, proceeds to Guamanga, and then to the valley of Xauxa, 21, 22; sends Pero Lopez to welcome the Viceroy, 22; letter to, from the municipality of the city of the Kings, 22; is perplexed as to what course to pursue, 25; proceeds unarmed, 26; numerous missives of, 27; arrives at Lima, 29; sends a letter to the city of Arequipa, 29; his procedure at Lima, 32, 33; sends a letter of advice to Gonzalo Pizarro, 35; goes to meet the Viceroy, 54; the Viceroy’s hatred of, 82; is imprisoned, 85, 86; is released, 86; is again imprisoned, 86; flight of, to Nombre de Dios, 153; lands at Terceira, 153; imprisoned in the castle of Arevalo, 153; his release, 153; restored to his seat in the Royal Council of Castille, 153

=Cauca=, valley of the, 63 (_n._)

=Caxamarca=, 16 (_n._), 40 (_n._), 70 (_n._)

=Cayanbi=, 176

=Ccoya=, Leonora, an Inca Princess, wife of Francisco de Villacastin, 42 (_n._)

=Centeno=, Diego, Alcalde, 13 (_n._); nominated as Procurator, 37; career and death of, 37 (_n._); sets out for Lima, 38; arrival at Lima, 59, 60; mission of, 60, 61; character and career of, 61; arrives at Cuzco with despatches and provisions of the Viceroy, 79; seeks pardon of the Viceroy, 92; plot of, 156

=Cepeda=, Diego de, the Licentiate, joins Blasco Nuñez’s expedition, 1; one of the four Judges appointed to enforce the new laws in Peru, 4 (_n._); opposes the Viceroy, 7; summoned to meet the Viceroy, 94; his reply to the Viceroy’s speech, 95, 96

=Cermeño=, Pedro, Captain, says that Vaca de Castro was the Royal Governor, 11; Gonzalo Pizarro converses with, 66; acts as witness to a proposal concerning Gonzalo Pizarro, 67; brings Diego Maldonado to Gonzalo Pizarro, 70; Captain of arquebusiers, 79, 140 (_n._); ordered to Xaquixaguana, 106

=Cespedes=, Luis de, accompanies Bishop Don Jeronimo de Loaysa on his journey to Cuzco, 88

=Chachapoyas=, the Viceroy not received in, 147

=Chaqui=, Gonzalo Pizarro at, 35, 38

=Charcas=, 9 (_n._), 31, 34, 37 (_n._), 147

=Charles V=, new laws signed by, at Barcelona, 2 (_n._); letter to, from Blasco Nuñez, 18 (_n._); Alonso Riquelme appointed Treasurer by, 28 (_n._)

=Chaves=, Gomez de, Public Notary, proposal made concerning Gonzalo Pizarro in presence of, 67; scheme of, 122

=Chicama=, valley of, 34 (_n._)

=Chimu=, ancient name of Truxillo, 23, 34 (_n._)

=Chincha=, 130

=Chupas=, battle of, 10 (_n._), 13 (_n._), 17 (_n._), 26 (_n._), 28, 34 (_n._), 36, 37 (_n._), 71 (_n._), 73, 74 (_n._), 178 (_n._)

=Chuquichaca=, 171, 194, 195, 196

=Chuquinga=, 74 (_n._)

=Chuquisaca=, 37 (_n._), 40 (_n._), 53 (_n._)

=City of the Kings= (_see_ Lima)

=Ciudad Real=, 34 (_n._)

=Ciudad Rodrigo=, 37 (_n._), 61

=Cleander=, 84 (_n._)

=Cobos=, Comendador Mayor, 200

=Coca=, Sebastian de, appointed to meet the Viceroy, 17; loyalty of, 126; returns to Lima, 128

=Cochacaxa=, an Indian village, 107

=Collique=, province of, 154

=Colonna=, 9

=Columbus=, 6

=Conde=, Beltran del, departs from Lima, 46

=Condesuyos=, 105

=Condormarca=, 175

=Contreras=, Rodrigo de, sails with Blasco Nuñez, 1 (_n._); at Panama, 5; his complaint to the Viceroy, 5, 6

=Cordova=, Gonsalvo de, Captain, 9 (_n._)

=Cornejo=, Miguel, 9 (_n._), 10 (_n._); reads the new laws to the people of Arequipa, 30; with King Manco Inca, 124

=Cueto=, Diego Alvarez de, Captain, the Viceroy’s brother-in-law, arrives at Tumbez with the Viceroy, 14; at Truxillo, 34; accompanies the Viceroy on the way to Lima, 46; appointed Captain-General of the fleet, 86; appointed Captain of cavalry, 99; arranged to go to meet the fugitives, 130; the plan abandoned, 130; half the Constables’ fees ordered to be paid to, 146; takes part in destroying four ships, 151

=Curahuasi=, 188

=Curamba=, Bishop Don Jeronimo de Loaysa at, 109

=Cusi Puma=, 180

=Cuzco=, city of, 4, 8, 11, 12; Vaca de Castro departs from, 13, 21; departure of Captain Gonzalo Pizarro from, 34; siege of, 37 (_n._); citizens of, go out to meet Gonzalo Pizarro, 44; flight of citizens of, from Lima, 46; anger of the citizens at the new laws, 64; proposal of the municipal officers, 67; many citizens of, hesitate to take up arms, and write to the Viceroy for pardon, 91, 92; movements in, on behalf of the Viceroy, 121, 122, 123; Manco Inca advances on, with an armed force, 123; the Viceroy not received in, 147

=Diminus=, 84

=Diogenes Laertius=, quoted, 97

=Dionysius of Halicarnassus=, quoted, 97

=Encomenderos= and the new laws, 5, 15, 30

=Enriquez=, Juan, the common crier, ordered to proclaim the new laws publicly, 83

=Escobar=, Francisco de, 137 (_n._)

=Escobar=, Maria de, 145, 151

=Escobedo=, Francisco de, 136 (_n._)

=Esidoro=, Friar, appointed to meet the Viceroy, 17

=Espinal=, Manuel de, Treasurer, ordered to go to Arequipa, 112

=Espinosa=, a soldier, 43

=Espinosa=, Francisco de, leaves Huanuco, 113

=Esquivel=, Pantoja Alonso Perez de, the Licentiate, 19; proceeds to Truxillo to join the Viceroy, 19; flight of, from Cuzco, 116; takes part in a plot to murder Francisco de Almendras, 156

=Estacio=, Manuel de, discontent of, 131

=Estopiñan=, Lorenzo de, appointed to meet the Viceroy, 17; negotiations with the Licentiate de la Gama, 28; is sent to Vaca de Castro with documents to sign, 33; goes to meet the Viceroy, 56; mission of, 60

=Estremadura=, 37 (_n._)

=Felipe=, Don, orders the new laws to be enforced, 77

=Felix=, a servant of the Viceroy, 114

=Figueroa=, Diego Rodriguez de, report of, on his mission to Titu Cusi Yupanqui Inca, 168, 169; narrative of the route and journey made by, 170 ff.

=Florencia=, Martin de, hanged, 139 (_n._)

=Frederick Barbarossa=, 98

=Fuentes=, Pedro de, sent to Arequipa as Lieutenant of the Governor, 140 (_n._)

=Gama=, Antonio de la, the Licentiate, sets out to meet Vaca de Castro, 19; career of, 19 (_n._); meets Vaca de Castro, 22; precedes Vaca de Castro’s entering Lima, 27, 28; departs from Lima, 47, 48; letters from, 66; is ordered to the bridge of the Apurimac, 124

=Garay=, Antonio, remains at Huanuco, 114

=Garcia=, Marcos, the narrative of Titu Cusi Yupanqui dictated to, 164, 166, 167, 168

=Garcilasso=, the Inca, 13 (_n._)

=Gasca=, 17 (_n._), 26 (_n._), 31 (_n._), 34 (_n._), 37 (_n._), 38 (_n._), 53 (_n._), 71 (_n._), 74 (_n._), 76

=Gavilan=, Diego, at Guamanga, 80

=Gil=, Gaspar, Captain, accompanies Vaca de Castro on his journey to the city of the Kings, 13; put to death, 155

=Giron=, 17 (_n._), 31 (_n._), 34 (_n._), 53 (_n._), 71 (_n._), 74 (_n._)

=Gomera=, Conde de, 135 (_n._)

=Gonzalez=, Diego, kills Alonso de Toro, 42 (_n._)

=Grado=, leaves Huanuco, 113

=Gran Canaria=, island of, Blasco Nuñez reaches, 1

=Griego=, Jorge, 126

=Guadachevi=, 26

=Gualle=, town of, 89

=Guamanga=, city of, Vaca de Castro at, 22; artillery sent for from, 79, 80; Pero Lopez and Francisco de Ampuero arrive at, 93

=Guayaquil=, the Viceroy’s letter to, 10

=Guelpone=, Count of Angleria, 98

=Guevara=, Anton Ruiz de, 139 (_n._)

=Guevara=, Juan Velez de, Captain, says that Vaca de Castro was the Royal Governor, 11; is interviewed with others by Pedro de los Rios, 65; votes in favour of Gonzalo Pizarro being made Chief Justice, 68, 69; Captain of infantry, 79; ordered to Xaquixaguana, 106; in charge of arquebusiers, 140 (_n._)

=Guevara=, Vasco de, Captain, at Guamanga, 80, 81; arrives at Lima, 100

=Gumiel=, Diego, Captain of infantry, 79; pardon granted to, 92 (_n._); execution of, 140 (_n._)

=Gutierrez=, Felipe, 105, 136 (_n._)

=Hannibal=, 49

=Hector=, son of Parmenion, 84, 84 (_n._)

=Henao=, 200

=Henriquez=, Martin, 169

=Heredia=, Nicolas de, executed, 159

=Hernandez=, Garcia, leaves Huanuco, 113

=Hinojosa=, Pedro Alonso de, 17 (_n._); nominated as Procurator, 37; career of, 37 (_n._); murder of, 38 (_n._); sets out for Lima, 38, 59; returns to Cuzco, 60; sent to Arequipa for arms and troops, 73

=Hojeda=, Juan Julio de, signs the document appointing Gonzalo Pizarro Chief Justice, 69

=Holguin=, Alonso, Indians taken away from, 34, 64

=Hontivéros=, 79

=Huacho=, 53 (_n._)

=Huanuco=, 23, 75, 102, 147

=Huara=, a town of Indians, 22

=Huarina=, battle of, 10 (_n._), 13 (_n._), 37 (_n._), 64, 98

=Huarochiri=, province of, 47, 116, 126

=Huascar Inca=, 188

=Huayna Ceapac=, palace of, 13 (_n._)

=Huaytara=, 100

=Hurtado=, 187

=Illanes=, Juan de, 162

=Indians=, new laws regarding, 2 (_n._), 3, 11, 14, 15, 64; liberation of, at Truxillo and San Miguel, 23; conflict between, and Spaniards, 125

=Josephus=, 98

=Julius Cæsar=, 49, 63

=La Barranca=, town of, 22; the motto at, 24; the Viceroy arrives at, 50

=La Gasca=, President, 12

=La Gasca=, account of the voyage of, 162, 163

=La Plata=, 172, 173

=Lartoun=, Sebastian de, Bishop of Cuzco, 200

=Las Casas=, new laws advocated by, 2 (_n._)

“=Las Perdrices=,” near the city of the Kings, 17

=Lentulus=, Consul, 63

=Leon=, Antonio de, goes to receive the Viceroy, 26, 50

=Leon=, Cieza de, 10 (_n._)

=Leon=, Francisco de, 41

=Leon=, Gomez de, 41

=Leon=, Juan de, at the city of the Kings, 18; takes part in receiving the Viceroy, 26, 50, 56, 57

=Leon=, Luis de, 139 (_n._), 140 (_n._)

=Leon=, the Licentiate, leaves Lima, 48; arrives at Cuzco, 66; the ordinances discussed at the house of, 92

=Leon y Ramirez=, Luis de, joins those who fled from Cuzco, 116

=Lerma=, Alonso de, Ensign to the General Vela Nuñez, 149 (_n._)

=Leyton=, Catalina, wife of Francisco de Carbajal, 9 (_n._)

=Leyva=, 9 (_n._)

=Lima=, ancient name of the city of the Kings, 4, 9 (_n._), 10 (_n._), 16 (_n._), 17 (_n._); the Viceroy to be received at, 17; happenings at, 28; Vaca de Castro’s procedure at, 32, 33; commotion at, on hearing of the Viceroy’s coming, 45; the Viceroy’s approach to, 50, 51; tumult in, 52; reception of Viceroy at, 56, 57; news received at, of Gonzalo Pizarro’s being made Procurator, 75; unsettled feeling at, 81, 82; the citizens of, greatly disturbed at the proclamation of the new laws, write letters to Gonzalo Pizarro, 85; the arrival of the Judges at, 90; the Court of Justice founded at, 91; great excitement in, at the news of the flight of Gonzalo Diaz de Pineda, 129

=Llaches=, 17 (_n._)

=Loaysa=, Father Baltasar de, departs from Lima, 47; statement of, 52; seeks pardon of the Viceroy, 92; sets out from Cuzco to Lima, 92

=Loaysa=, Jeronimo de, Bishop of the city of the Kings, 17, 29, 31; career and death of, 31 (_n._); his action at Lima, 33; asked to meet the Viceroy, 52; goes to meet, and discourses with him, 54, 55; distressed at the imprisonment of Vaca de Castro, secures his release, 86; sets out for Cuzco to try to avert a civil war, 87, 88; arrives at Guamanga, 93; receives letters from the Viceroy, 94; his answer, 94; reaches Cochacaxa, 107; is advised to return to Lima, 107; meets Francisco de Almendras, 107; is prevented from proceeding further, 108; writes to Gonzalo Pizarro, 108; Gonzalo Pizarro’s answer to, 108; departs to Curamba, thence to Andahuaylas and Uramarca, 109

=Lopez=, Pero, Secretary, 12; is sent by Vaca de Castro to welcome the Viceroy, 22; informs Vaca de Castro of the Viceroy’s action, 23; bears a message to the Viceroy from Vaca de Castro, 50; despatched to Cuzco with the ordinances, 58; sent with orders from the Viceroy to Gonzalo Pizarro, 89; arrives at Guamanga, 93; intercepted by Francisco de Almendras, 102; allowed to return, 104

=Losa=, Father Juan de, accompanies Bishop Don Jeronimo de Loaysa on his journey to Cuzco, 88; sends a letter to Gonzalo Pizarro, 100; well received by Gonzalo Pizarro, 110

=Lucuma=, 176

=Lucumaes=, a camp ordered to be made at, 106, 118

=Luna=, Gomez de, imprisoned and strangled, 156

=Lunahuana=, 17 (_n._)

=Mala=, conference at, 13 (_n._), 16 (_n._)

=Malaga=, 79

=Maldonado=, Arias de, 136 (_n._)

=Maldonado=, Diego, Alcalde, the rich, 53 (_n._); accompanies Vaca de Castro on his journey to the city of the Kings, 13; resolves to go to Cuzco, 34; departs from Lima, 46; interviews held by, concerning Gonzalo Pizarro, 65; Gonzalo Pizarro asks him to come to Cuzco, 65; on the election of Gonzalo Pizarro as Chief Justice, 68; leaves the meeting to avoid voting, 70; Gonzalo Pizarro forces him to sign, 70; declines to be Ensign General, 79; seeks pardon of the Viceroy, 92; does not approve of Gonzalo Pizarro’s enterprise, 121; raises the King’s banner at Cuzco, 123; musters all the Spaniards there, 124

=Maldonado=, Francisco, is interviewed with others by Pedro de los Rios, 65; signs in favour of Gonzalo Pizarro’s election as Chief Justice, 68, 69; sent to represent Gonzalo Pizarro, 153

=Manco Inca=, 90 (_n._), 122; Gonzalo Pizarro appointed Captain against, 65; sends an armed force against Cuzco, 123; receives reports from his captains, 124; questions Diego Mendez, 124; is killed by Diego Perez, 125; the murder of, described by his son, 164, 165

=Manjarres=, flight of, from Cuzco, 116

=Manjarves=, Pedro de, 139 (_n._)

=Marainiyo=, 175, 176

=Mark Antony=, 49

=Marquez=, Alonso, accompanies Bishop Don Jeronimo de Loaysa on his journey to Cuzco, 88

=Martin=, Diego, the clergyman, 104

=Martin=, Lope, goes to Lima, 59, 60; arrives at Cuzco with news of the Viceroy, 79; leaves Cuzco, 106

=Matienzo=, Judge, 170, 173, 174, 181, 185, 187, 189, 193, 194, 196, 197, 198

=Maulé=, river, 200

=Mendez=, Diego, with King Manco Inca, 124

=Mendiburu=, General, 10 (_n._)

=Mendieta=, Lope de, Magistrate, 37, 156

=Mendieta=, servant of the Viceroy, 45

=Mendoza=, Antonio de, the Viceroy of Mexico, 9 (_n._), 51

=Mendoza=, Lope de, 8; executed, 159

=Mendoza=, Luis de, 156

=Meneses=, Pablo de, appointed to meet the Viceroy, 17; career of, 17 (_n._); goes to meet the Viceroy, 54; visits Baltasar de Loaysa, 92 (_n._); appointed Captain of infantry, 99

=Merlo=, Garcia de, Treasurer, 185, 193, 196, 197

=Mesa=, Alonso de, 70; career of, 70 (_n._), 71 (_n._); scheme of, 122

=Mexia=, Gaspar, the Viceroy’s desire to kill, 146; flight of, from Lima, 149

=Mexia=, Hernan, 162

=Mexia=, Lorenzo, deserts the Viceroy, 135 (_n._); the Viceroy’s desire to kill, 145

=Mezcua=, Gomez de, a servant of Gonzalo Pizarro, 48; arrives at Cuzco, 62

=Milan=, city of, 98

=Molina=, Father Cristobal de, letter of, to the Emperor, 200

=Monje=, Martin, a soldier, 41

=Monroy=, with King Manco Inca, 124

=Montalvo=, Garcia de, Lieutenant-Governor of Cuzco, 44

=Montaña=, 99

=Montemayor=, Alonso de, meets the Viceroy at Lima, 50; appointed Captain of cavalry, 99

=Mora=, Diego de, Captain, Indians taken away from, 34, 64; his career, 34 (_n._)

=Navarro=, a citizen of Cuzco, 105

=New Castille=, 6, 19, 20, 21

=New Granada=, 63 (_n._)

=New Toledo=, 12

=Nicanor=, son of Parmenion, 84, 84 (_n._)

=Nicaragua=, 5

=Nieva=, Viceroy Count of, 187, 187 (_n._) (_see_ Zuñiga y Velasco)

=Niño=, Rodrigo, Licentiate, appointed Procurator, 53; career of, 53 (_n._); takes part in the reception of the Viceroy, 56, 57; returns to Lima, 128

=Nombre de Dios=, Blasco Nuñez arrives at, 2

=Nuñez=, Francisco Velasquez Vela de, General, brother of the Viceroy, sails with Blasco Nuñez, 1 (_n._); arrives at Tumbez with the Viceroy, 14; at Truxillo, 34; sent to intercept the traitors, 115; plot to murder, 126, 127; returns to the Viceroy, 127, 129; beheaded, 159

=Nuñez=, Juan Velasquez Vela, appointed Captain of the Guard, 99

=Nuñez=, Rodrigo, at enmity with Vaca de Castro, 23

=Nuñez Vela=, Blasco, the Viceroy, sets sail from San Lucar, 1; arrives at Gran Canaria, 1; reaches Nombre de Dios, 2; proceeds to the city of Panama, 2; his cruel death at Añaquito, 2; is appointed with four Judges to enforce the new laws in Peru, 3, 3 (_n._); alleged strained relations with the Judges, 4; his answer to Governor Rodrigo de Contreras, 6; rejects the Judges’ advice, 7; leaves Panama and reaches Tumbez, 10; writes letters to the city of San Francisco del Quito, Puerto Viejo, and Guayaquil, 10; his action at Tumbez, 14, 15; journeys to San Miguel, 15; enforces the new laws there, 15; proceeds to Truxillo, 17; is to be received at Lima, 17; letter to Charles V, 18 (_n._); his commission from the King appointing him Viceroy made public, 19, 20, 21; is reported as having liberated Indians at Truxillo and San Miguel, 23; departs from San Miguel, 23; travels by the Royal Road of the Coast, 23; his grand reception at Truxillo, 24; remains there, 33, 34; departure from, 46; his approach to Lima, 50; arrives at La Barranca, 50; meets Pero Lopez, 50; on his nearing Lima met by citizens, 54; discourses with Bishop of Lima, 54, 55; reception of, at Lima, 56, 57; disturbed at the news of Gonzalo Pizarro’s being made Procurator, 76, 77; his hatred of Vaca de Castro, 82; greatly grieved at the news of the seizure of the artillery, 82; orders the new laws to be proclaimed publicly, 83; imprisons Vaca de Castro, 85, 86; imprisons Lorenzo de Aldana, 86; orders a fleet, 86; appoints Diego Alvarez de Cueto as Captain-General and Jeronimo Zurbano as Captain, 86; approves of Bishop Don Jeronimo de Loaysa’s mission to Cuzco, 87; his call to arms, 89; sends Pero Lopez with orders to Gonzalo Pizarro, 89; writes letters to the King and the Council, 91; summons the Judges to meet him, 94; his speech to them, 95; revokes the new laws, 97; appoints captains, 99; his address to them, 99; active preparations of, 109, 110; sends Captain Hernando de Alvarado to Truxillo, 111; orders Manuel de Espinal to go to Arequipa, 112; sends Jeronimo de Villegas to Huanuco, 112; his complaints on receiving news of Pedro de Puelles’ disloyalty and treachery of Jeronimo de Villegas, 114; sends Captain Gonzalo Diaz de Pineda and General Vela Nuñez to intercept the traitors, 115; his three sons, 115 (_n._); deeply moved at the great treason of Gonzalo Diaz de Pineda, 129; seeks the advice of the assembly of the Judges and others, 130; arrest and imprisonment of, 137; faults of, 138; indictment of the judges against, 143; his proceedings at Panama, 143; violent conduct at Tumbez, San Miguel and Truxillo, 144; unpopularity of, 146; misgovernment of, 147, 148; causes the death of the Factor Yllan Suarez de Carbajal, 149; takes refuge in the house of the Licentiate Cepeda, 151; release of, 153; marches to Quito with a force, 154; is pursued by Gonzalo Pizarro, 155; collects arms and assembles troops at Popayan, 157; names of the officers of, 158; is wounded and afterwards beheaded, 158; is honourably buried, 158

=Ñusta=, Inez Yupanqui, Princess, 90 (_n._)

=Ocampo=, Diego de, 154; put to death, 155

=Ochoa=, carries despatches for the Viceroy, 17

=Ocllo=, Doña Angelina Zica, 168

=Octavius=, 49

=Olave=, Fortun Sanchez de, gets possession of certain provisions of the Viceroy, 121

=Olea=, a soldier, 47

=Oñate=, Francisco de, 164, 164 (_n._)

=Oran=, 53 (_n._)

=Orellana=, 115 (_n._)

=Orgoñez=, Rodrigo, 53 (_n._), 198

=Ortiz=, Father Friar Diego, 166

=Pablo=, Vicente, 102

=Paez=, the Licentiate, 2

=Palcocon=, 35

=Palomino=, Alonso, Alcalde, 18; arrives at Cuzco with news of the ordinances, 29; sends letter to Gonzalo Pizarro, 35; goes to induce Bishop Don Jeronimo de Loaysa to receive the Viceroy, 52; takes part in receiving the Viceroy, 56, 57; sends news to Gonzalo Pizarro, 100

=Palomino=, Diego, Lieutenant to the Governor, 15, 23; deprived of his Indians, 64

=Palomino=, Juan Alonso, leaves Cuzco, 106; stationed at Andahuaylas, 109

=Panama=, the city of, 37 (_n._); Blasco Nuñez arrives at, 2; Indians brought from Peru to, 3 (_n._); consternation at the introduction of the new laws, 5; Gasca at, 31 (_n._)

=Pando=, a mestizo, 175

=Pando=, Martin de, clerk, declaration of, 166, 167

=Pardomo=, Luis, pardoned, 159

=Paredas=, Diego Garcia de, 162

=Pariacaca=, 28, 127, 128

=Parmenion=, account of Alexander’s treatment of, 84, 84 (_n._)

=Paucar-colla=, 53 (_n._)

=Paulo Inca=, brother of Manco Inca, 125

=Pavia=, battle of, 9 (_n._)

=Payta=, 90

=Pedrarias=, 42 (_n._)

=Peñalosa=, Pero Ordoñez de, accompanies Bishop Don Jeronimo de Loaysa on his journey to Cuzco, 88

=Peranzules=, Captain, 61

=Perez=, Diego, kills King Manco Inca, 125

=Perez=, Gomez, with King Manco Inca, 124

=Peru=, kingdoms of, Blasco Nuñez ordered to set out for, 1; new laws with regard to the natives of, 3, 4, 5

=Philip=, King, 167

=Philotas=, son of Parmenion, 84, 84 (_n._)

=Piedrahita=, disloyalty of, 116, 126

=Pineda=, Gonzalo Diaz de, appointed Captain of arquebusiers, 99; desires to join Gonzalo Pizarro, 113; is sent by the Viceroy with a force to intercept the traitors, 115; his career and death, 115 (_n._); arrives at the rebel camp, 119; his intention to murder Vela Nuñez, 126; enters Guamanga, 128

=Pineda=, Rodrigo de, gives information about Gonzalo Pizarro to Bishop Don Jeronimo de Loaysa, 88

=Piura=, ancient name of San Miguel, 15 (_n._), 23

=Pizarro=, Hernando, war between, and Almagro, 2 (_n._), 200; besieged by Indians in Lima, 9 (_n._); murder of, 10 (_n._), 16 (_n._); his servant carries letters to Gonzalo Pizarro, 35

=Pizarro=, Gonzalo, Captain, letter of Governor Vaca de Castro to, 12; plot of Gaspar Rodriguez de Camporedondo against, 13 (_n._); Altamirano put to death by order of, 13 (_n._); receives many letters offering him support, 25; his departure from Cuzco and arrival at Plata, 34; at Chaqui, 35; letters to, 35; greatly concerned at the new laws, 35, 36; collects money at the mines of Porco, 36; desires to go to Cuzco, 39; despatches Bazan to Arequipa, 40; arrives at the lake of Titicaca, 40; joined by many soldiers, 41; reaches the town of Ayavire, 42; arrival at Cuzco, 44; coolly received by the citizens, 47, 48; many people join him, 48; chosen Procurator, 49; elected Procurator-General, 62, 63; made Captain against the Inca, 65; sends a letter to the province of Andahuaylas, 65; is given authority to march to Lima, 66; wishes to be made Chief Justice, 67; is elected to the office, 69; is enraged with Pero Alonso Carrasco, 70, 71; sends to Arequipa for arms and troops, 73; nominates captains and officers for the war, 78, 79; sends to Guamanga for artillery, 79, 80; presses forward his preparations for war, 101; orders Captain Francisco de Almendras to seize despatches, 101; sends letters to Pedro de Puelles, 101, 102; prepares to set out from Cuzco, 105; letter of, to Bishop Don Jeronimo de Loaysa, and to Francisco de Almendras, 108; pitches his camp at Xaquixaguana, 116; is informed of the flight of Graviel de Rojas and others from Cuzco, 117; his anger thereat, 117; marches on to Lucumaes, 118; appoints Francisco de Carbajal Master of the Camp, 118; conspiracy against, 118; seeks advice from Francisco de Carbajal, 118; advances very cautiously, 120; plot against, 121; enters the city of Lima, 139, 140 (_n._); popularity of, 142; sends envoys to Spain, 152; marches against the Viceroy, 154, 155; continues to pursue the Viceroy, 156; names of the officers of, 156; complete victory of, at Quito, 158; at the height of his power, 158; is urged to assume the kingship of Peru, 159

=Pizarro=, Juan, 198

=Pizarro=, Marquis Don Francisco, 27, 90; the Viceroy at the house of, 57, 58

=Plata=, town of, Captain Gonzalo Pizarro’s arrival at, 34; consternation at, on hearing of the new laws, 36, 37; appointment of Procurators at, 37

=Plutarch’s= life of Catullus, 76

=Polidamas= and Alexander the Great, 84, 84 (_n._)

=Pompey the Great=, 49, 63

=Popayan=, 74 (_n._), 77; execution of the new laws at, postponed, 78

=Porco=, mines of, 36

=Porras=, the mestizo, 197

=Portocarrero=, pardon granted to, 92 (_n._)

=Potosi=, silver mines at, 35

=Prado=, Rodrigo Nuñez de, appointed to meet the Viceroy, 17

=Pucara=, 92 (_n._)

=Puelles=, Pedro de, Governor of Huanuco, 53 (_n._); letters to, from Gonzalo Pizarro, 101; his career and death, 101 (_n._); replies to Gonzalo Pizarro, 102; conduct of, at the city of Leon, 112, 113; arrives at the rebel camp, 119; beheads the traitors, 136 (_n._); enters Lima with Gonzalo Pizarro, 140

=Puerto Viejo=, the Viceroy’s letter to, 10

=Puertocarrero=, Pedro de, commands the cavalry, 79; leaves Cuzco, 106

=Quichua=, 53 (_n._)

=Quijos=, 115 (_n._)

=Quilca=, port of, 21, 31, 117

=Quimbaya=, 63

=Quiñones=, Antonio de, accompanies Vaca de Castro on his journey to the city of the Kings, 13

=Quiñones=, Pedro Ramirez de, the Licentiate, 2

=Quintus Curtius=, 84

=Quiquijana=, town called, 43

=Quito=, conquest of, 13 (_n._), 28, 98; former prosperity of the citizens of, 51; the Viceroy not received in, 147; the Viceroy meets Pizarro’s army at, 157; desperate battle at, 158

=Ragana=, birthplace of Francisco de Carbajal, 9 (_n._)

=Ramirez=, Juan, sent by Gonzalo Pizarro to Arequipa, 36

=Ravenna=, battle of, 9 (_n._)

=Rayangalla=, 167, 168

=Rebdona=, a soldier, sentenced to be hanged, 122

=Retamoso=, Francisco de, 37

=Ribas=, Juan de, hanged, 104

=Ribera=, Antonio de, 12; arrives at Cuzco with news of the ordinances, 29; letter to Gonzalo Pizarro, 35; sends news to Gonzalo Pizarro, 100; sent to meet Gonzalo Pizarro, 139 (_n._)

=Ribera=, Luis de, Alcalde, Lieutenant-Governor of the town of Plata, 36, 37; addresses the townspeople, 38

=Ribera=, Nicolas de, Alcalde, 17, (_n._), 18; takes part in receiving the Viceroy, 56

=Ribera=, Nicolas de (Junior), the lad, 18; takes part in receiving the Viceroy, 56, 57

=Rimachi Yupanqui=, 165, 166

=Rios=, Pedro de los, accompanies Vaca de Castro on his journey to the city of the Kings, 13; resolves to go to Cuzco, 34; departs from Lima, 46; is asked by Gonzalo Pizarro to go to Cuzco, 65; objects to serving with Gonzalo Pizarro, 70; seeks pardon of the Viceroy, 92

=Riquelme=, Alonso, the Treasurer, 18, 28; career of, 28 (_n._); is induced to make friends with Vaca de Castro, 33; goes to induce Bishop Don Jeronimo de Loaysa to receive the Viceroy, 52; has an interview with the Viceroy, 58, 59

=Riquelme=, Antonio, the Treasurer, 8

=Rivadeneira=, is disarmed and returns to Lima, 128

=Robles=, Alonso de, visits Baltasar de Loaysa, 92 (_n._)

=Robles=, Martin de, visits Baltasar de Loaysa, 92 (_n._); appointed Captain of infantry, 99; the Viceroy wishes to kill, 145

=Rodas=, Francisco de, to act as Procurator, 78

=Rodriguez=, Baltazar, ordered to be hanged, 146

=Rodriguez=, Gaspar, resolves to go to Cuzco, 34; desires to leave Lima, 45; arrives in the province of Huarochiri, 47; the Cuzco citizens disturbed by his news, 64

=Rojas=, Gabriel de, excuses himself from going with Gonzalo Pizarro, 106; is seized as a fugitive, 139 (_n._)

=Rojas=, Gaspar de, at Guamanga, 136 (_n._)

=Rojas=, Gomez de, flight of, from Cuzco, 116

=Rojas=, Graviel de, flight of, from Cuzco, 71, 116

=Rome=, sack of, 9 (_n._)

=Ruiloba= (Ruy Lopez ?), a messenger of Vaca de Castro, 22

=Saavedra=, Juan de, Captain, goes to meet the Viceroy, 54; is given permission to go to Huanuco, 75; hanged, 139 (_n._)

=Sacsahuana=, 26 (_n._), 31 (_n._), 34 (_n._), 38 (_n._), 42 (_n._), 53 (_n._), 71 (_n._)

=Sahagun=, 13 (_n._)

=Salas=, Juan de, Factor, goes to meet the Viceroy, 54

=Salazar el Corcovedo=, Rodrigo de, deserts the Viceroy, 136 (_n._)

=Salcedo=, Garcia de, the Overseer, goes to induce Bishop Don Jeronimo de Loaysa to receive the Viceroy, 52; takes part in receiving the Viceroy, 56, 57

=Salinas=, battle of, 13 (_n._), 28, 37 (_n._)

=San Francisco= del Quito, the Viceroy’s letter to the city of, 10

=San Lorenzo=, 53 (_n._)

=San Lucar=, port of, Blasco Nuñez sets sail from, 1

=San Lucar= de Barrameda, 13 (_n._), 21, 79

=San Martin=, Friar Tomas de, Regent or Principal of the Dominicans, 96, 96 (_n._), 104, 162

=San Miguel=, the Viceroy’s arrival and action at, 15, 23, 34; ancient name of, 23

=San Salvador=, 166

=San Vicente=, Fray Isidro de, accompanies Bishop Don Jeronimo de Loaysa on his journey to Cuzco, 88

=Sanchez=, Francisco, a citizen of Cuzco, 43

=Sanchez=, Ortun, a priest, 125

=Sandoval=, Juan de, accompanies Bishop Don Jeronimo de Loaysa on his journey to Cuzco, 88

=Santa Cruz=, a soldier, sentenced to be hanged, 123

=Santander=, 99 (_n._)

=Santillana=, the Mayor-domo of the Viceroy, 45, 46

=Santo Domingo=, the convent of, 140 (_n._)

=Santo Tomas=, Reverend Friar Domingo de, 53; career and death of, 53 (_n._)

=Sapamarca=, 175

=Saucedo=, Garcia de, the Overseer, 18

=Sayavedra=, Juan de, appointed Serjeant-Major, 100; remains at Huanuco, 113

=Sayri Tupac=, 170, 192

=Segura=, Hernan Nuñez de, 156

=Serna=, Jeronimo de la, goes to Arequipa intending to join the Viceroy, 105, 106; appointed Captain of the company of Gonzalo Diaz, 130; is put to death, 155

=Sicilia=, Pedro Martin de, 136 (_n._)

=Silva=, Diego de, visits Baltasar de Loaysa, 92 (_n._)

=Solano=, Friar Juan, Bishop of Cuzco, letter of, to the King, 132; career and death of, 132 (_n._)

=Solar=, Antonio, ordered to be hanged, 145

=Solar=, Francisco del, said to have left a motto at La Barranca, 24; his imprisonment and release, 24 (_n._)

=Solis=, Gomez de, goes to join Gonzalo Pizarro, 127

=Soras=, country of, 81 = Soria=, flight of, from Cuzco, 116

=Soto=, Blas de, brother of Gonzalo Pizarro, 39

=Sotomayor=, Diego Mendez de, 178

=Spaniards=, consternation of, at the introduction of the new laws, 5, 6; conflict between, and Indians, 123

=St Jerome=, quoted, 99, 99 (_n._)

=Suarez=, Luis, the ordinances discussed at the house of, 92 (_n._)

=Suarez=, Vasco, Alcalde, at Guamanga, 80

=Sullca Huarac=, 166

=Suta Yupanqui=, 166

=Tablero=, Hernando Perez, a soldier, 140 (_n._)

=Taboga=, 162

=Talavera=, 16 (_n._), 17 (_n._)

=Tambo=, 170, 175, 198

=Tapia=, Francisco de, 37

=Tapia=, Juan Vazquez de, 26

=Tejada=, Lison de, Judge, sails with Blasco Nuñez, 1 (_n._); one of the four Judges appointed to enforce the new laws in Peru, 4 (_n._); opposes the Viceroy, 7; summoned to meet the Viceroy, 94; is sent to Spain as representative of the Judges, 152

=Tierra Firme= (_see_ Panama)

=Timana=, town of, 77

=Tinoco=, Rodrigo, leaves Huanuco, 113

=Titicaca=, the lake of, Gonzalo Pizarro arrives at, 40

=Titu Cusi= Yupanqui, Inca, 125, 170; narrative of, 164, 165; attempt to kill, 178, 178 (_n._)

=Tobar=, Francisco Garcia de, Captain, death of, 77

=Toledo=, Viceroy, 169

=Toro=, Alonso de, letters of, to Gonzalo Pizarro, 35, 42; death of, 42 (_n._); disinclined to comply with Gonzalo Pizarro’s wishes, 61; is sent for by Gonzalo Pizarro, 62; Gonzalo Pizarro converses with, 66; appointed Master of the Camp, 79; seeks pardon of the Viceroy, 92; pardon granted to, 92 (_n._); hangs Martin de Vadillo, 106; sent to Cuzco as Lieutenant of the Governor, 140 (_n._)

=Toro=, Hernando de, 112

=Torre=, Juan de la, disloyalty of, 116; takes part in the plot to murder Vela Nuñez, 126

=Torres=, Cristoval de, disloyalty of, 116; takes part in the plot tomurder Vela Nuñez, 126; ordered to carry news to Gonzalo Pizarro, 128

=Torres=, Hernando de, 41

=Truxillo=, 15; the Viceroy proceeds to, 17; the Factor Yllan Suarez de Carbajal and the Captain Diego de Aguero set out for, 22; the Viceroy liberates Indians at, 23; ancient name of, 23; the Viceroy remains at, 33, 34

=Tumbez=, 5; the Viceroy arrives at, 10, 14

=Tumibamba=, 155

=Tupac Amaru Inca=, 31 (_n._), 187 (_n._)

=Tuscany=, Countess Matilda of, 98 (_n._)

=Ulloa=, Francisco Noguerol de, 112

=Ulloa=, Noguerol de, 41

=Uramarca=, Bishop Don Jeronimo de Loaysa at, 109

=Urbina=, Diego de, appointed Captain of arquebusiers, afterwards Camp Master, 99, 109; the Viceroy desires to kill, 145

=Urute=, discovery of, 106

=Vadillo=, Juan de, expedition of, 106

=Vadillo=, Martin de, flight of, from Cuzco, 106; is hanged by Alonso de Toro, 106

=Valverde=, Ana de, wife of Diego de Mora, 34 (_n._)

=Valverde=, Maria, wife of the Licentiate Rodrigo Niño, 53 (_n._)

=Vargas=, Alonso de, 140 (_n._)

=Vargas=, Hernando de, appointed to meet the Viceroy, 17

=Vasquez=, Tomas, sent to Arequipa by Vaca de Castro with a letter, 29, 30; his career, 42 (_n._); disinclined to comply with Gonzalo Pizarro’s wishes, 61; Gonzalo Pizarro converses with, 66; pardon granted to, 92 (_n._); leaves Cuzco, 106

=Vega=, Garcilasso de la, Captain, 71; does not approve of Gonzalo Pizarro’s election as Chief Justice, 72, 73; excuses himself from going with Gonzalo Pizarro, 106; flight of, from Cuzco, 116; seized as a fugitive, 139 (_n._); escape of, 140 (_n._)

=Vela=, Hernan, loyalty of, 126

=Vera=, Maria de, 61

=Verdugo=, Melchor, seized as a fugitive, 139 (_n._); Indians of, heavily rated by the Viceroy, 147

=Vilcamayu=, 170

=Vilcapampa=, 164, 166, 167, 169, 170, 190, 195

=Vilcapaniguana=, 177

=Vilcapari Guaman=, 180

=Vilcas=, bridge of, 102

=Villacastin=, Francisco de, letter of, to Gonzalo Pizarro, 42; his career, 42 (_n._); disinclined to comply with the wishes of Gonzalo Pizarro, 61; is sent for by Gonzalo Pizarro, 62; pardon granted to, 92 (_n._)

=Villacorta=, letter of, to Gonzalo Pizarro, 35

=Villadiego=, 79

=Villalobos=, Dr, 2

=Villegas=, Jeronimo de, sent to Huanuco, 112; treachery of, 113; arrives at the rebel camp, 119

=Viticos=, province of, 123, 124

=Viticos=, town of, 164, 165, 175, 178

=Vivero=, Gonzalo Perez de, 167, 168

=Vivero=, Juan de, 168

=Xaguey=, the Viceroy at, 55

=Xaquixaguana=, Captains Juan Velez de Guevara and Pedro Cermeño, ordered to go to, 106; Gonzalo Pizarro pitches his camp at, 116

=Xauxa=, province of, 22, 74, 75, 139

=Yamqui Mayta=, 179, 181, 192, 194, 195

=Yanamachi=, 171

=Yca=, town of, 88

=Ylave=, town of, 41

=Yucay=, 172

=Zaragoza=, 104

=Zarate=, Agustin de, an Accountant, sails with Blasco Nuñez, 1 (_n._); publishes a book dealing with the events which led to the expulsion of the Viceroy, 4 (_n._); sent to meet Gonzalo Pizarro, 139 (_n._)

=Zarate=, Juan Ortiz de, is asked by Gonzalo Pizarro to accompany him, 43; his share in the plot to murder Francisco de Almendras, 156

=Zarate=, Pedro Ortiz de, the Licentiate, sails with Blasco Nuñez, 1 (_n._); one of the four Judges appointed to enforce the new laws in Peru, 4 (_n._); offers his advice to the Viceroy, 7; summoned to meet the Viceroy, 94

=Zuñiga y Velasco=, Diego de, Count of Nieva, Viceroy of Peru, 169, 174, 187

=Zurbano=, Geronimo de, appointed Captain of the fleet, 86; takes part in destroying four ships, 151

CAMBRIDGE: PRINTED BY JOHN CLAY, M.A. AT THE UNIVERSITY PRESS.

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1--The Observations of Sir Richard Hawkins, Knt.,

In his Voyage into the South Sea in 1593. Reprinted from the edition of 1622, and edited by ADMIRAL CHARLES RAMSAY DRINKWATER BETHUNE, C.B. pp. xvi. 246. Index.

_(First Edition out of print. See No. 57.) Issued for 1847._

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With Original Documents relating to the Discovery of the New World. Translated and Edited by RICHARD HENRY MAJOR, F.S.A., Keeper of Maps, British Museum, Sec. R.G.S. pp. xc. 240. Index.

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With a relation of the great and golden City of Manoa (which the Spaniards call El Dorado), &c., performed in the year 1595 by SIR WALTER RALEIGH, Knt.... Reprinted from the edition of 1596. With some unpublished Documents relative to that country. Edited with copious explanatory Notes and a biographical Memoir by SIR ROBERT HERMANN SCHOMBURGK, Ph. D. pp. lxxv. xv. 1 Map. Index.

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Expressing the Cosmographie and Commodities of the Country, together with the manners and customs of the people, gathered and observed as well by those who went first thither as collected by WILLIAM STRACHEY, Gent., the first Secretary of the Colony. Now first edited from the original MS. in the British Museum by RICHARD HENRY MAJOR, F.S.A., Keeper of Maps, British Museum, Sec. R.G.S. pp. xxxvi. 203. 1 Map. 6 Illus. Glossary. Index.

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_(Out of print.) Issued for 1850._

12--The Countries round the Bay of Bengal.

Edited, from an unpublished MS., 1669-79, by THOMAS BOWREY, by Col. SIR RICHARD CARNAC TEMPLE, Bart., C.I.E. pp. lvi. 387. 19 Illus. & 1 Chart. Bibliography. Index.

_Issued for 1903._

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In the Sixteenth and Seventeenth Centuries. (The Kingdome of Japonia. Harl. MSS. 6249.--The Letters of Wm. Adams, 1611 to 1617.) With a Commentary by THOMAS RUNDALL. pp. xxxviii. 186. 1 Map. 5 Illus.

_(Out of print.) Issued for 1850._

9--The Discovery and Conquest of Terra Florida,

By Don Ferdinando de Soto, & six hundred Spaniards his followers. Written by a Gentleman of Elvas, employed in all the action, and translated out of Portuguese by RICHARD HAKLUYT. Reprinted from the edition of 1611. Edited with Notes & an Introduction, & a Translation of a Narrative of the Expedition by LUIS HERNANDEZ DE BIEDMA, Factor to the same, by WILLIAM BRENCHLEY RYE, Keeper of Printed Books, British Museum. pp. lxvii. 200. v. 1 Map. Index.

_(Out of print.) Issued for 1851._

10--Notes upon Russia,

Being a Translation from the Earliest Account of that Country, entitled Rerum Muscoviticarum Commentarii, by the BARON SIGISMUND VON HERBERSTEIN, Ambassador from the Court of Germany to the Grand Prince Vasiley Ivanovich, in the years 1517 and 1526. Translated and Edited with Notes & an Introduction, by RICHARD HENRY MAJOR, F.S.A., Keeper of Maps, British Museum, Sec. R.G.S. Vol. 1. pp. clxii. 116. 2 Illus.

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11--The Geography of Hudson’s Bay,

Being the Remarks of Captain W. COATS, in many Voyages to that locality, between the years 1727 and 1751. With an Appendix containing Extracts from the Log of Captain MIDDLETON on his Voyage for the Discovery of the North-west Passage, in H.M.S. “Furnace,” in 1741-3. Edited by JOHN BARROW, F.R.S., F.S.A. pp. x. 147. Index.

_Issued for 1852._

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(Vol. 1. = No. 10.) Vol. 2. pp. iv. 266. 2 Maps. 1 Illus. Index.

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13 A True Description of Three Voyages by the North-East,

Towards Cathay and China, undertaken by the Dutch in the years 1594, 1595 and 1596, with their Discovery of Spitzbergen, their residence of ten months in Novaya Zemlya, and their safe return in two open boats. By GERRIT DE VEER. Published at Amsterdam in 1598, & in 1609 translated into English by WILLIAM PHILIP. Edited by CHARLES TILSTONE BEKE, Ph. D., F.S.A. pp. cxlii. 291. 4 Maps. 12 Illus. Index.

_(Out of print. See also No. 54.) Issued for 1853._

14-15--The History of the Great and Mighty Kingdom of China and the Situation Thereof.

Compiled by the Padre JUAN GONZALEZ DE MENDOZA, & now reprinted from the Early Translation of R. Parke. Edited by SIR GEORGE THOMAS STAUNTON, Bart., M.P., F.R.S. With an Introduction by RICHARD HENRY MAJOR, F.S.A., Keeper of Maps, British Museum, Sec. R.G.S., 2 vols. Index.

_(Vol. 14 out of print.) Issued for 1854._

16--The World Encompassed by Sir Francis Drake.

Being his next Voyage to that to Nombre de Dios. [By SIR FRANCIS DRAKE, the Younger.] Collated with an unpublished Manuscript of Francis Fletcher, Chaplain to the Expedition. With Appendices illustrative of the same Voyage, and Introduction, by WILLIAM SANDYS WRIGHT VAUX, F.R.S., Keeper of Coins, British Museum. pp. xl. 295. 1 Map. Index.

_(Out of print.) Issued for 1855._

17--The History of the Two Tartar Conquerors of China,

Including the two Journeys into Tartary of Father Ferdinand Verbiest, in the suite of the Emperor Kang-Hi. From the French of Père PIERRE JOSEPH D’ORLÉANS, of the Company of Jesus, 1688. To which is added Father Pereira’s Journey into Tartary in the suite of the same Emperor. From the Dutch of NICOLAAS WITSEN. Translated and Edited by the EARL OF ELLESMERE. With an Introduction by RICHARD HENRY MAJOR, F.S.A., Keeper of Maps, British Museum, Sec. R.G.S. pp. xv. vi. 153. Index.

_(Out of print.) Issued for 1855._

18--A Collection of Documents on Spitzbergen and Greenland,

Comprising a Translation from F. MARTENS’ Voyage to Spitzbergen, 1671; a Translation from ISAAC DE LA PEYRÈRE’S Histoire du Groenland, 1663, and God’s Power and Providence in the Preservation of Eight Men in Greenland Nine Moneths and Twelve Dayes. 1630. Edited by ADAM WHITE, of the British Museum. pp. xvi. 288. 2 Maps. Index.

_Issued for 1856._

19--The Voyage of Sir Henry Middleton to Bantam and the Maluco Islands,

Being the Second Voyage set forth by the Governor and Company of Merchants of London trading into the East Indies. From the (rare) Edition of 1606. Annotated and Edited by BOLTON CORNEY. M.R.S.L. pp. xi. 83. 52. viii. 3 Maps. 3 Illus. Bibliography. Index.

_(Out of print). Issued for 1856._

20--Russia at the Close of the Sixteenth Century.

Comprising the Treatise, “The Russe Commonwealth” by Dr. GILES FLETCHER, and the Travels of SIR JEROME HORSEY, Knt., now for the first time printed entire from his own MS. Edited by SIR EDWARD AUGUSTUS BOND, K.C.B., Principal Librarian of the British Museum. pp. cxxxiv. 392. Index.

_Issued for 1857._

21--History of the New World. By Girolamo Benzoni, of Milan.

Showing his Travels in America, from A.D. 1541 to 1556, with some particulars of the Island of Canary. Now first Translated and Edited by ADMIRAL WILLIAM HENRY SMYTH, K.S.F., F.R.S., D.C.L. pp. iv. 280. 19 Illus. Index.

_Issued for 1857._

22--India in the Fifteenth Century.

Being a Collection of Narratives of Voyages to India in the century preceding the Portuguese discovery of the Cape of Good Hope; from Latin, Persian, Russian, and Italian Sources. Now first Translated into English. Edited with an Introduction by RICHARD HENRY MAJOR, F.S.A., Keeper of Maps, British Museum. pp. xc. 49. 39. 32. 10. Index.

_(Out of print.) Issued for 1858._

23--Narrative of a Voyage to the West Indies and Mexico,

In the years 1599-1602, with 4 Maps and 5 Illustrations. By SAMUEL CHAMPLAIN. Translated from the original and unpublished Manuscript, with a Biographical Notice and Notes by ALICE WILMERE. Edited by NORTON SHAW. pp. xcix. 48.

_Issued for 1858._

24--Expeditions into the Valley of the Amazons, 1539, 1540, 1639,

Containing the Journey of GONZALO PIZARRO, from the Royal Commentaries of Garcilasso Inca de la Vega; the Voyage of Francisco de Orellana, from the General History of Herrera; and the Voyage of Cristoval de Acuña. Translated and Edited by SIR CLEMENTS R. MARKHAM, K.C.R., F.R.S., ex-Pres. R.G.S. pp. lxiv. 190. 1 Map. List of Tribes in the Valley of the Amazons.

_Issued for 1859._

25--Early Voyages to Terra Australis,

Now called Australia. A Collection of documents, and extracts from early MS. Maps, illustrative of the history of discovery on the coasts of that vast Island, from the beginning of the Sixteenth Century to the time of Captain Cook. Edited with an Introduction by RICHARD HENRY MAJOR, F.S.A., Keeper of Maps, British Museum, Sec. R.G.S. pp. cxix. 200. 13. 5 Maps. Index.

_(Out of print.) Issued for 1859._

26--Narrative of the Embassy of Ruy Gonzalez de Clavijo to the Court of Timour, at Samarcand, A.D., 1403-6.

Translated for the first time with Notes, a Preface, & an introductory Life of Timour Beg, by SIR CLEMENTS R. MARKHAM, K.C.B., F.R.S., ex-Pres. R.G.S. pp. lvi. 200. 1 Map.

_Issued for 1860._

27--Henry Hudson the Navigator, 1607-13.

The Original Documents in which his career is recorded. Collected, partly Translated, & annotated with an Introduction by GEORGE MICHAEL ASHER, LL.D. pp. ccxviii. 292. 2 Maps. Bibliography. Index.

_Issued for 1860._

28--The Expedition of Pedro de Ursua and Lope de Aguirre,

In search of El Dorado and Omagua, in 1560-61. Translated from Fray PEDRO SIMON’S “Sixth Historical Notice of the Conquest of Tierra Firme,” 1627, by WILLIAM BOLLAERT, F.R.G.S. With an Introduction by SIR CLEMENTS R. MARKHAM, K.C.B., F.R.S., ex-Pres. R.G.S. pp. lii. 237. 1 Map.

_Issued for 1861._

29--The Life and Acts of Don Alonzo Enriquez de Guzman.

A Knight of Seville, of the Order of Santiago, A.D. 1518 to 1543. Translated from an original & inedited MS. in the National Library at Madrid. With Notes and an Introduction by SIR CLEMENTS R. MARKHAM, K.C.B., F.R.S., ex-Pres. R.G.S. pp. xxxv. 168. 1 Illus.

_Issued for 1862._

30--The Discoveries of the World,

From their first original unto the year of our Lord 1555. By ANTONIO GALVANO, Governor of Ternate. [Edited by F. DE SOUSA TAVARES.] Corrected, quoted, & published in England by RICHARD HAKLUYT, 1601. Now reprinted, with the original Portuguese text (1563), and edited by ADMIRAL CHARLES RAMSAY DRINKWATER BETHUNE, C.B. pp. iv. viiii. 242.

_Issued for 1862._

31--Mirabilia Descripta. The Wonders of the East.

By FRIAR JORDANUS, of the Order of Preachers & Bishop of Columbum in India the Greater, _circa_ 1330. Translated from the Latin Original, as published at Paris in 1839, in the _Recueil de Voyages et de Mémoires_, of the Societé de Géographie. With the addition of a Commentary, by COL. SIR HENRY YULE, K.C.S.I., R.E., C.B. pp. iv. xviii. 68. Index.

_Issued for 1863._

32--The Travels of Ludovico di Varthema,

In Egypt, Syria, Arabia, Persia, India, & Ethiopia, A.D. 1503 to 1508. Translated from the original Italian edition of 1510, with a Preface, by JOHN WINTER JONES, F.S.A., Principal Librarian of the British Museum, & Edited, with Notes & an Introduction, by the REV. GEORGE PERCY BADGER. pp. cxxi. 321. 1 Map. Index.

_Issued for 1863._

33--The Travels of Pedro de Cieza de Leon, A.D. 1532-50,

From the Gulf of Darien to the City of La Plata, contained in the first part of his Chronicle of Peru (Antwerp, 1554). Translated & Edited, with Notes & an Introduction, by SIR CLEMENTS R. MARKHAM, K.C.B., F.R.S., ex-Pres. R.G.S. pp. xvi. lvii. 438. Index.

(Vol. 2 = No. 68.)

_Issued for 1864._

34--Narrative of the Proceedings of Pedrarias Davila,

In the Provinces of Tierra Firme or Castilla del Oro, & of the discovery of the South Sea and the Coasts of Peru and Nicaragua. Written by the Adelantado Pascual de Andagoya. Translated and Edited, with Notes & an Introduction, by SIR CLEMENTS R. MARKHAM, K.C.B., F.R.S., ex-Pres. R.G.S. pp. xxix. 88. 1 Map. Index.

_Issued for 1865._

35--A Description of the Coasts of East Africa and Malabar,

In the beginning of the Sixteenth Century, by DUARTE BARBOSA, a Portuguese. Translated from an early Spanish manuscript in the Barcelona Library, with Notes & a Preface, by LORD STANLEY OF ALDERLEY. pp. xi. 336. 2 Illus. Index.

_Issued for 1865._

36-37 Cathay and the Way Thither.

Being a Collection of mediæval notices of China, previous to the Sixteenth Century. Translated and Edited by COLONEL SIR HENRY YULE, K.C.S.I., R.E., C.B. With a preliminary Essay on the intercourse between China & the Western Nations previous to the discovery of the Cape Route. 2 vols. 3 Maps. 2 Illus. Bibliography. Index.

_(Out of print.) Issued for 1866._

38--The Three Voyages of Sir Martin Frobisher,

In search of a Passage to Cathaia and India by the North-West, A.D. 1576-8. By GEORGE BEST. Reprinted from the First Edition of HAKLUYT’S Voyages. With Selections from MS. Documents in the British Museum & State Paper Office. Edited by ADMIRAL SIR RICHARD COLLINSON, K.C.B. pp. xxvi. 376. 2 Maps. 1 Illus. Index.

_Issued for 1867._

39--The Philippine Islands,

Moluccas, Siam, Cambodia, Japan, and China, at the close of the 16th Century. By ANTONIO DE MORGA, 1609. Translated from the Spanish, with Notes & a Preface, and a Letter from Luis Vaez de Torres, describing his Voyage through the Torres Straits, by LORD STANLEY OF ALDERLEY. pp. xxiv. 431. 2 Illus. Index.

_Issued for 1868._

40--The Fifth Letter of Hernan Cortés,

To the Emperor Charles V., containing an Account of his Expedition to Honduras in 1525-26. Translated from the original Spanish by DON PASCUAL DE GAYANGOS. pp. xvi. 156. Index.

_Issued for 1868._

41--The Royal Commentaries of the Yncas.

By the YNCA GARCILASSO DE LA VEGA. Translated and Edited, with Notes & an Introduction, by SIR CLEMENTS R. MARKHAM, K.C.B., F.R.S., ex-Pres. R.G.S. Vol. 1. (Books I.-IV.) pp. xi. 359. 1 Map. Index.

(Vol. 2. = No. 45.)

_Issued for 1869._

42--The Three Voyages of Vasco da Gama,

And his Viceroyalty, from the Lendas da India of GASPAR CORREA; accompanied by original documents. Translated from the Portuguese, with Notes & an Introduction, by LORD STANLEY OF ALDERLEY. pp. lxxvii. 430. XXXV. 3 Illus. Index.

_(Out of print.) Issued for 1869._

43--Select Letters of Christopher Columbus.

With other Original Documents relating to his Four Voyages to the New World. Translated and Edited by RICHARD HENRY MAJOR, F.S.A., Keeper of Maps, British Museum, Sec. R.G.S. Second Edition. pp. iv. 142. 3 Maps. 1 Illus. Index.

(First Edition = No. 2.)

_Issued for 1870._

44--History of the Imâms and Seyyids of ’Omân,

By SATÎL-IBN-RAZÎK, from A.D. 661-1856. Translated from the original Arabic, and Edited, with a continuation of the History down to 1870, by the REV. GEORGE PERCY BADGER, F.R.G.S. pp. cxxviii. 435. 1 Map. Bibliography. Index.

_Issued for 1870._

45--The Royal Commentaries of the Yncas.

By the YNCA GARCILASSO DE LA VEGA. Translated & Edited with Notes, an Introduction, & an Analytical Index, by SIR CLEMENTS R. MARKHAM, K.C.B., F.R.S., ex-Pres. R.G.S. Vol. II. (Books V.-IX.) pp. 553.

(Vol. 1. = No. 41.)

_Issued for 1871._

46--The Canarian,

Or Book of the Conquest and Conversion of the Canarians in the year 1402, by Messire JEAN DE BÉTHENCOURT, Kt. Composed by Pierre Bontier and Jean le Verrier. Translated and Edited by RICHARD HENRY MAJOR, F.S.A., Keeper of Maps, British Museum, Sec. R.G.S. pp. lv. 229. 1 Map. 2 Illus. Index.

_Issued for 1871._

47--Reports on the Discovery of Peru,

I. Report of FRANCISCO DE XERES, Secretary to Francisco Pizarro. II. Report of MIGUEL DE ASTETE on the Expedition to Pachacamac. III. Letter of HERNANDO PIZARRO to the Royal Audience of Santo Domingo. IV. Report of PEDRO SANCHO on the Partition of the Ransom of Atahuallpa. Translated and Edited, with Notes & an Introduction, by SIR CLEMENTS R. MARKHAM, K.C.B, F.R.S., ex-Pres. R.G.S. pp. xxii. 143. 1 Map.

_Issued for 1872._

48--Narratives of the Rites and Laws of the Yncas.

Translated from the original Spanish MSS., & Edited, with Notes and an Introduction, by SIR CLEMENTS R. MARKHAM, K.C.B., F.R.S., ex-Pres. R.G.S. pp. xx. 220. Index.

_Issued for 1872._

49--Travels to Tana and Persia,

By JOSAFA BARBARO and AMBROGIO CONTARINI. Translated from the Italian by WILLIAM THOMAS, Clerk of the Council to Edward VI., and by E. A. ROY, and Edited, with an Introduction, by LORD STANLEY OF ALDERLEY. pp. xi. 175. Index. A Narrative of Italian Travels in Persia, in the Fifteenth and Sixteenth centuries. Translated and Edited by CHARLES GREY. pp. xvii. 231. Index.

_Issued for 1873._

50--The Voyages of the Venetian Brothers, Nicolo & Antonio Zeno,

To the Northern Seas in the Fourteenth century. Comprising the latest known accounts of the Lost Colony of Greenland, & of the Northmen in America before Columbus. Translated & Edited, with Notes and Introduction, by RICHARD HENRY MAJOR, F.S A., Keeper of Maps, British Museum, Sec. R.G.S. pp. ciii. 64. 2 Maps. Index.

_Issued for 1873._

51--The Captivity of Hans Stade of Hesse in 1547-55,

Among the Wild Tribes of Eastern Brazil. Translated by ALBERT TOOTAL, of Rio de Janiero, and annotated by SIR RICHARD FRANCIS BURTON, K.C.M.G. pp. xcvi. 169. Bibliography.

_Issued for 1874._

52--The First Voyage Round the World by Magellan. 1518-1521.

Translated from the Accounts of PIGAFETTA and other contemporary writers. Accompanied by original Documents, with Notes & an Introduction, by LORD STANLEY OF ALDERLEY. pp. lx. 257. xx. 2 Maps. 5 Illus. Index.

_Issued for 1874._

53--The Commentaries of the Great Afonso Dalboquerque,

Second Viceroy of India. Translated from the Portuguese Edition of 1774, and Edited by WALTER DE GRAY BIRCH, F.R.S.L., of the British Museum. Vol. 1. pp. lx. 256. 2 Maps. 1 Illus. (Index in No. 69.)

(Vol. 2 = No. 55. Vol. 3 = No. 62. Vol. 4 = No. 69.)

_Issued for 1875._

54--The Three Voyages of William Barents to the Arctic Regions, in 1594, 1595, & 1596.

By GERRIT DE VEER. Edited, with an Introduction, by Lieut. KOOLEMANS BEYNEN, of the Royal Netherlands Navy. Second Edition, pp. clxxiv. 289. 2 Maps. 12 Illus.

(First Edition = No. 13.)

_Issued for 1875._

55--The Commentaries of the Great Afonso Dalboquerque,

Second Viceroy of India. Translated from the Portuguese Edition of 1774, with Notes and an Introduction, by WALTER DE GRAY BIRCH, F.R.S.L., of the British Museum. Vol. 2. pp. cxxxiv. 242. 2 Maps. 2 Illus. (Index in No. 69.)

(Vol. 1 = No. 53. Vol. 3 = No. 62. Vol. 4 = No. 69.)

_Issued for 1875._

56--The Voyages of Sir James Lancaster, Knt., to the East Indies,

With Abstracts of Journals of Voyages to the East Indies, during the Seventeenth century, preserved in the India Office & the Voyage of Captain JOHN KNIGHT, 1606, to seek the North-West Passage. Edited by SIR CLEMENTS R. MARKHAM, K.C.B., F.R.S., ex-Pres. R.G.S. pp. xxii. 314. Index.

_Issued for 1877._

57--The Hawkins’ Voyages,

During the reigns of Henry VIII, Queen Elizabeth, and James I. [Second edition of No. 1.] Edited by SIR CLEMENTS R. MARKHAM, K.C.B., F.R.S., ex-Pres. R.G.S. pp. lii. 453. 1 Illus. Index.

(First Edition = No. 1).

_Issued for 1877._

58--The Bondage and Travels of Johann Schiltberger, a Native of Bavaria, in Europe, Asia, & Africa.

From his capture at the battle of Nicopolis in 1396 to his escape and return to Europe in 1427. Translated from the Heidelberg MS., Edited in 1859 by Professor KARL FR. NEUMANN, by Commander JOHN BUCHAN TELFER, R.N.; F.S.A. With Notes by Professor P. BRUUN, & a Preface, Introduction, & Notes by the Translator & Editor. pp. xxxii. 263. 1 Map. Bibliography. Index.

_Issued for 1878._

59--The Voyages and Works of John Davis the Navigator.

Edited by ADMIRAL SIR ALBERT HASTINGS MARKHAM. K.C.B. pp. xcv. 392. 2 Maps. 15 Illus. Bibliography. Index.

_Issued for 1878._

The Map of the World, A.D. 1600.

Called by Shakspere “The New Map, with the Augmentation of the Indies.”

To illustrate the Voyages of John Davis. _Issued for 1878._

60-61--The Natural & Moral History of the Indies,

By Father JOSEPH DE ACOSTA. Reprinted from the English Translated Edition of Edward Grimston, 1604; and Edited by SIR CLEMENTS R. MARKHAM, K.C.B., F.R.S., ex-Pres. R.G.S. Vol. 1, The Natural History Books, I.-IV. pp. xlv. 295. Vol. 2, The Moral History Books, V.-VII. pp. xiii. 295-551. Index.

_Issued for 1879._

Map of Peru.

To Illustrate Nos. 33, 41, 45, 60, and 61.

_Issued for 1879._

62--The Commentaries of the Great Afonso Dalboquerque,

Second Viceroy of India. Translated from the Portuguese Edition of 1774, with Notes & an Introduction, by WALTER DE GRAY BIRCH, F.S.A., of the British Museum. Vol. 3. pp. xliv. 308. 3 Maps. 3 Illus. (Index in No. 69.)

_Issued for 1880._

63--The Voyages of William Baffin, 1612-1622,

Edited, with Notes & an Introduction, by SIR CLEMENTS R. MARKHAM, K.C.B., F.R.S., ex-Pres. R.G.S. pp. lix. 192. 8 Maps, 1 Illus. Index.

_Issued for 1880._

64--Narrative of the Portuguese Embassy to Abyssinia,

During the years 1520-1527. By Father FRANCISCO ALVAREZ. Translated from the Portuguese & Edited, with Notes & an Introduction, by LORD STANLEY OF ALDERLEY. pp. xxvii. 416. Index.

_Issued for 1881._

65--The History of the Bermudas or Summer Islands,

Attributed to Captain NATHANIEL BUTLER. Edited from a MS. in the Sloane Collection, British Museum, by General SIR JOHN HENRY LEFROY, R.A., K.C.M.G., C.B., F.R.S. pp. xii. 327. 1 Map. 3 Illus. Glossary. Index.

_Issued for 1881._

66-67--The Diary of Richard Cocks,

Cape-Merchant in the English Factory in Japan, 1615-1622, with Correspondence (Add. MSS. 31.300-1, British Museum). Edited by S¡R EDWARD MAUNDE THOMPSON, K.C.B., Director of the British Museum. Vol. 1. pp. liv. 349. Vol. 2. pp. 368. Index.

_Issued for 1882._

68--The Second Part of the Chronicle of Peru, 1532-1550,

By PEDRO DE CIEZA DE LEON. 1554. Translated and Edited, with Notes & an Introduction, by SIR CLEMENTS R. MARKHAM, K.C.B., F.R.S., ex-Pres. R.G.S. pp. lx. 247. Index.

(Vol. 1 = No. 33.)

_Issued for 1883._

69--The Commentaries of the Great Afonso Dalboquerque,

Second Viceroy of India. Translated from the Portuguese Edition of 1774, with Notes & an Introduction, by WALTER DE GRAY BIRCH, F.S.A., of the British Museum. Vol. 4. pp. xxxv. 324. 2 Maps. 2 Illus. Index to the 4 vols.

(Vol. 1 = No. 53. Vol. 2 = No. 55. Vol. 3 = No. 62.)

_Issued for 1883._

70-71--The Voyage of John Huyghen van Linschoten to the East Indies.

From the Old English Translation of 1598. The First Book, containing his Description of the East. In Two Volumes, Edited, the First Volume, by the late ARTHUR COKE BURNELL, Ph.D., C.I.E., Madras C. S.; the Second Volume, by PIETER ANTON TIELE, of Utrecht. Vol. 1. pp. lii. 307. Vol. 2. pp. xv. 341. Index.

_Issued for 1884._

72-73--Early Voyages and Travels to Russia and Persia,

By ANTHONY JENKINSON and other Englishmen, with some account of the first Intercourse of the English with Russia and Central Asia by way of the Caspian Sea. Edited by EDWARD DELMAR MORGAN, and CHARLES HENRY COOTE, of the British Museum. Vol. 1. pp. clxii. 176. 2 Maps. 2 Illus. Vol. 2. pp. 177-496. 2 Maps. 1 Illus. Index.

_Issued for 1885._

74-75--The Diary of William Hedges, Esq.,

Afterwards SIR WILLIAM HEDGES, during his Agency in Bengal; as well as on his Voyage out and Return Overland (1681-1687). Transcribed for the Press, with Introductory Notes, etc., by R. BARLOW, and Illustrated by copious Extracts from Unpublished Records, etc., by Col. Sir HENRY YULE, K.C.S.I., R.E., C.B., LL.D. Vol. 1. The Diary, with Index. pp. xii. 265. Vol. 2. Notices regarding Sir William Hedges, Documentary Memoirs of Job Charnock, and other Biographical & Miscellaneous Illustrations of the time in India. pp. ccclx. 287. 18 Illus.

(Vol. 3 = No. 78.)

_Issued for 1886._

76-77--The Voyage of François Pyrard, of Laval, to the East Indies,

The Maldives, the Moluccas and Brazil. Translated into English from the Third French Edition of 1619, and Edited, with Notes, by ALBERT GRAY, K.C., assisted by HARRY CHARLES PURVIS BELL, Ceylon C. S. Vol. 1. pp. lviii. 1 Map. 11 Illus. Vol. 2. Part 1. pp. xlvii. 287. 7 Illus.

(Vol. 2. Part II. = No. 80.)

_Issued for 1887._

78--The Diary of William Hedges, Esq.

Vol. 3. Documentary Contributions to a Biography of Thomas Pitt, Governor of Fort St. George, with Collections on the Early History of the Company’s Settlement in Bengal, & on Early Charts and Topography of the Húglí River. pp. cclxii. 1 Map. 8 Illus. Index to Vols. 2, 3.

(Vols. 1, 2 = Nos. 74, 75.)

_Issued for 1888._

79--Tractatus de Globis, et eorum usu.

A Treatise descriptive of the Globes constructed by Emery Molyneux, and Published in 1592. By ROBERT HUES. Edited, with annotated Indices & an Introduction, by SIR CLEMENTS R. MARKHAM, K.C.B., F.R.S., ex-Pres.

R.G.S. To which is appended,

Sailing Directions for the Circumnavigation of England,

And for a Voyage to the Straits of Gibraltar. From a Fifteenth Century MS. Edited, with an Account of the MS., by JAMES GAIRDNER, of the Public Record Office; with a Glossary by EDWARD DELMAR MORGAN. pp. l. 229. 37. 1 Illus. 1 Map.

_Issued for 1888._

80--The Voyage of François Pyrard, of Laval, to the East Indies, the Maldives, the Moluccas, and Brazil.

Translated into English from the Third French Edition of 1619, and Edited, with Notes, by ALBERT GRAY, K.C., assisted by HARRY CHARLES PURVIS BELL, Ceylon Civil Service. Vol 2. Pt. II. pp. xii. 289-572. 2 Maps. Index.

(Vol 1. Vol. 2. Pt. I. = Nos. 76, 77.)

_Issued for 1889._

81--The Conquest of La Plata, 1535-1555.

I.--Voyage of ULRICH SCHMIDT to the Rivers La Plata and Paraguai, from the original German edition, 1567. II. The Commentaries of Alvar Nuñez Cabeza de Vaca. From the original Spanish Edition, 1555. Translated, with Notes and an Introduction, by H. E. DON LUIS L. DOMINGUEZ, Minister Plenipotentiary of the Argentine Republic. pp. xlvi. 282. 1 Map, Bibliography. Index.

_Issued for 1889._

82-83--The Voyage of François Leguat, of Bresse, 1690-98.

To Rodriguez, Mauritius, Java, and the Cape of Good Hope. Transcribed from the First English Edition, 1708. Edited and Annotated by Capt. SAMUEL PASFIELD OLIVER, (late) R.A. Vol 1. pp. lxxxviii. 137. 1 Illus. 6 Maps. Bibliography. Vol. 2. pp. xviii. 433. 5 Illus. 5 Maps. Index.

_Issued for 1890._

84-85--The Travels of Pietro della Valle to India,

From the Old English Translation of 1664, by G. HAVERS. Edited, with a Life of the Author, an Introduction & Notes by EDWARD GREY, late Bengal C. S. Vol. 1. pp. lvi. 192. 2 Maps. 2 Illus. Bibliography. Vol. 2. pp. xii. 193-456. Index.

_Issued for 1891._

86--The Journal of Christopher Columbus,

During his First Voyage (1492-93), and Documents relating to the Voyages JOHN CABOT and GASPAR CORTE REAL. Translated, with Notes & an Introduction, by SIR CLEMENTS R. MARKHAM, K.C.B., F.R.S., ex-Pres. R.G.S. pp. liv. 259. 3 Maps. 1 Illus. Index.

_Issued for 1892._

87--Early Voyages and Travels in the Levant,

I.--The Diary of Master THOMAS DALLAM, 1599-1600. II.--Extracts from the Diaries of Dr. JOHN COVEL, 1670-1679. With some Account of the Levant Company of Turkey Merchants. Edited by JAMES THEODORE BENT, F.S.A., F.R.G.S. pp. xlv. 305. Illus. Index.

_Issued for 1892._

88-89--The Voyages of Captain Luke Foxe, of Hull, and Captain Thomas James, of Bristol,

In Search of a N.-W. Passage, 1631-32; with Narratives of the Earlier North-West Voyages of Frobisher, Davis, Weymouth, Hall, Knight, Hudson, Button, Gibbons, Bylot, Baffin, Hawkridge, & others. Edited, with Notes & an Introduction, by ROBERT MILLER CHRISTY, F.L.S. Vol. 1. pp. ccxxxi. 259. 2 Maps. 2 Illus. Vol. 2. pp. viii. 261-681. 3 Maps. 1 Illus. Index.

_Issued for 1893._

90--The Letters of Amerigo Vespucci,

And other Documents illustrative of his Career. Translated, with Notes & an Introduction, by SIR CLEMENTS R. MARKHAM, K.C.B., F.R.S., ex-Pres. R.G.S. pp. xliv. 121. 1 Map. Index.

_Issued for 1894._

91--Narratives of the Voyages of Pedro Sarmiento de Gamboa to the Straits of Magellan, 1579-80.

Translated and Edited, with Illustrative Documents and Introduction, by SIR CLEMENTS R. MARKHAM, K.C.B., F.R.S., ex-Pres. R.G.S. pp. xxx. 401. 1 Map. Index.

_Issued for 1894._

92-93-94--The History and Description of Africa,

And of the Notable Things Therein Contained. Written by AL-HASSAN IBN-MOHAMMED AL-WEZAZ AL-FASI, a Moor, baptized as GIOVANNI LEONE, but better known as LEO AFRICANUS. Done into English in the year 1600 by John Pory, and now edited with an Introduction & Notes, by Dr. ROBERT BROWN. In 3 Vols. Vol. 1. pp. viii. cxi. 224. 4 Maps. Vol. 2. pp. 225-698. Vol. 3. pp. 699-1119. Index.

_Issued for 1895._

95--The Chronicle of the Discovery and Conquest of Guinea.

Written by GOMES EANNES DE AZURARA. Now first done into English and Edited by CHARLES RAYMOND BEAZLEY, M.A., F.R.G.S., and EDGAR PRESTAGE, B.A. Vol. 1. (Ch. i.--xl.) With Introduction on the Life & Writings of the Chronicler. pp. lxvii. 127. 3 Maps. 1 Illus.

(Vol. 2 = No. 100.)

_Issued for 1896._

96-97--Danish Arctic Expeditions, 1605 to 1620. In Two Books.