CHAPTER XII

PETERBOROUGH

"Non tibi contextis lucent funalia lignis, Sed coeli stellæ; nænia tristis abest, Sed canit ad feretrum superum chorus aliger, et me, Coelesti incipiens voce, silere jubet."

MAFFEI, _Poemata_, p. 145.

For six long months the body of the dead Queen was to remain neglected and apparently forgotten within the walls of Fotheringay, and her attendants, in spite of their natural desire to return to their homes and friends, were condemned to a quasi-imprisonment for even a longer space of time. After the scaffold had been removed Mary's chaplain, Du Préau, was allowed to join the other mourners, and on the morning after the execution he said mass for her soul. But later in the day Paulet sent for Melville and Bourgoing, and ordered that the altar should be taken down, and asked them to take an oath that mass should not be said again. Melville excused himself, saying he was a Protestant and not concerned. Bourgoing energetically refused. Paulet therefore sent for Du Préau, who was evidently a timid man, and who took the oath insisted upon.[172] Paulet also demanded the box containing the vestments, and the following note in his inventory of Mary's effects probably refers to its contents: "Memorandum that the Priest claimeth as of the late Queen's gift a silver chalice with a cover, two silver cruets, four images, the one of Our Lady in red coral, with divers other vestments and necessaries belonging to a Massing Priest." Paulet likewise entered the Queen's oratory and made an inventory of its contents; among them was a book in which he may have read these words written by Mary, "On my garments they have cast lots."[173] Paulet had already written to Davison asking for orders regarding Mary's household, etc.; he concludes his letter,--written on the day itself of the execution,--thus: "The children of God have daily experience of His mercy and favour towards such as can be content to depend of His merciful providence, who doth not see as man seeth, but His times and seasons are always just and perfectly good. The same God make us all thankful for His late singular favours." There is a significant postscript added by Beale: "We may not forbear to signify unto you that these two Earls[174] (Kent and Shrewsbury) have showed a very singular and faithful affection to Her Majesty's service in this action, as you shall be informed more particularly by me, Robert Beale, at my return to the court, which shall be shortly by the grace of God."

[Footnote 172: "Il jura sur la Bible de ne faire aucune office de religion craignant d'estre resserré en prison."--Jebb, ii. 649-656.]

[Footnote 173: Labanoff, vii. 346.]

[Footnote 174: Yelverton MSS. 31.]

It is curious to find that the "singular and faithful affection" manifested by the commissioners did not save them from an unpleasant moment with Elizabeth. There is a petition signed by Kent, Shrewsbury, Paulet, and Beale, in which they justify their conduct to their irate mistress, who was then endeavouring to throw the blame of Mary's death on every one but herself.[175] This document bears the mark of two cuts made by scissors. "Does this indicate that the minute was considered unnecessary and never presented?" says M. Kervyn de Lettenhove, "or should we, on the contrary, see in this the anger of Elizabeth, on whom the suppliants wished to fix the responsibility at the moment when she most energetically denied her participation?"[176] Beale, on his side, thought it necessary to justify himself separately. "I thought," he writes, "that I ought to fulfil the order; I was the Queen's servant and bound to obey her. If, in those circumstances, the Queen had been exposed to some danger, it would have been my fault. I was convinced that her safety depended on the death of the Queen of Scotland; I found sufficient warrant in an order signed by herself."[177]

[Footnote 175: _Marie Stuart_, Baron Kervyn de Lettenhove, ii. 406.]

[Footnote 176: See Appendix, p. 269, "Privy Council to the Queen."]

[Footnote 177: Yelverton MSS. 31.]

Paulet rejoiced to see the end of his residence at Fotheringay, of which, as he said, the cause was withdrawn, "to my great joy and to the joy of all faithful Christians, subjects of the Queen," but when he reached London he found matters quite different to his expectations, and in the time of trouble is said to have thrown all the blame on Walsingham. The storm did not last long, however, as Paulet was made Chancellor of the Garter in the month of April 1587.

Although absent from Fotheringay he still seems to have retained his jurisdiction over Queen Mary's attendants. It was to him that Melville and Bourgoing applied in March for permission to sell their horses, and to write to France regarding the bequests made to them by their late mistress; and to him that Darrell in the following June sends "the petition of the whole household and servants of the late Queen of Scotland," asking to be released from prison and to be allowed to leave the country. This petition was either never answered, or refused, as the household remained at Fotheringay till October.[178]

[Footnote 178: On 24th October Mendoça announces their arrival in France.]

Before then Elizabeth's policy had caused her to give her victim a royal funeral. This incident--would that we could say, act of reparation--has hitherto, perhaps, met with less attention than it deserved, and we will endeavour to gather together the details regarding what is an unique fact in history, sympathising the while with the sentiments of Mary's attendants, who stoutly refused the mourning mantles offered them by Queen Elizabeth for an occasion which must have seemed to them a very questionable tribute to their mistress's memory.

In a tract entitled "A Remembrance of the Order and Manner of the Burial of Mary Queen of Scots," we learn that on Sunday, the 30th July 1587, "there went from Peterborough M---- Dethick (Sir William), _alias_ Garter, principal king of arms, and five heralds, accompanied with forty horse and men, to conduct the body of Mary, late Queen of Scots, from Fotheringham Castle in Northamptonshire to Peterborough aforesaid, ... having for that purpose brought a royal coach, drawn by four horses and covered with black velvet, richly set forth with escotcheons of the armes of Scotland, and little penons round about it, the body, being enclosed in lead and the same coffined in wood, was brought down and reverently put into the coach; at which time the heralds put on their coats of arms, and bareheaded with torches light, brought the same forth of the castle about ten of the clock at night, and so conveyed it to Peterborough." Behind the heralds walked Melville, Bourgoing, Gorion, Gervais, and two others of Mary's household. The procession moved slowly, and reached Peterborough, twelve miles distant, between one and two in the morning. At the door of the cathedral the body was received by the Bishop of Peterborough, the Dean and Chapter, and Clarencieux, king at arms, "and in the presence of the Scots which came with the same,"[179] "and without bells or chanting"[180] it was placed in a vault prepared for it in the south aisle at the entrance of the choir. Thus Mary's tomb was opposite that of Catherine of Aragon, and the same grave-digger, Scarlet,[181] prepared both vaults for these royal and injured occupants.

[Footnote 179: "The Bishop of Peterborough, the Deane, the Prebendes, and the rest meeting the same at the Bridge, being not far from the town."--From _The Scottish Queen's Buriall at Peterborough_.]

[Footnote 180: "There was at that time not any offices of the Church Service done, the bishop being ready to have executed therein; but it was by all that were present, as well Scotch as others, thought good and agreed that it should be done at the day and time of solemnity."--"Manner of the Solemnity," etc., from Gunton's _Hist. of Peterborough_, Lond. 1686.]

[Footnote 181: "There is a memorial entred on the wall of the cathedral of Peterborough for _one_ who, being _sexton_ therof, interred _two_ Queens therein (Katherine Dowager and Mary of Scotland), more than _fifty_ years intervening betwixt the several sepultures."--Fuller's _Worthies_, ii. 174.]

As soon as the coffin had been lowered, the grave was covered with a brick vaulting, only a small opening being left, and no further ceremony took place until the Tuesday following.

On Monday afternoon the principal personages who were to take part in the ceremony arrived.[182]

[Footnote 182: "Upon Monday in the afternoon came to Peterborough all the lords and ladies, ... and at the Bishop's Palace was prepared a great supper for them."]

The hall of the Episcopal Palace was hung with black, and at one end was erected the royal dais and chair of state, as if Queen Elizabeth were to be present in person. "On Tuesday, being the first of August, in the morning, about Eight of the Clock, the chief mourner, being the Countess of Bedford, was attended upon by all the lords and ladies, and brought into the presence chambre within the Bishop's Palace, which all over was hanged with black cloath; she was by the Queens Majesties' gentlemen ushers placed somewhat under a cloth of estate of purple velvet; where, having given to the great officers these staves of office, viz. to the lord steward, lord Chamberlayne, the treasurer and comptroller, she took her way into the great hall where the corps stood."[183]

[Footnote 183: "A Remembrance of the Order and Manner of," etc., _Archæologia_, i. 155.]

The last words must refer to the figure in wax of the dead Queen, which had no doubt been prepared according to custom. Lady Bedford, bearing all the insignia of her sovereign whom she represented, supported by the Earls of Rutland and Lincoln, her train borne by Lady St. John, now respectfully followed the royal bier to the cathedral, escorted by Garter king at arms, by the heralds, and a great number of peers, peeresses, knights, and ladies in deep mourning, as well as by the household of the dead Queen. The cathedral had been draped in black "six or seven yards high from the grounde." Every second pillar hung with black baize and adorned with escutcheons, some bearing Mary's arms alone, and some those of Francis and Darnley, impaled severally with the arms of Scotland. The choir was also hung with black baize, "garnished with escutcheons as aforesaid," and the space above the choir "was in most solemn manner hanged with four bredthes of black bayes sowed togeather; garnished at the upper end with escutcheons of mettall, and one each side, as aforesayde."[184]

[Footnote 184: "The Solemnity of the Funeral," etc., drawn up by Sir William Dethick, Garter king of arms.]

The procession was met at the church door by the bishop and clergy, and advanced slowly to the choir while anthems were sung. "The concourse of people was of many thousands." Mary's weeping attendants and her chaplain bearing a cross, took, as may be seen, their part in the procession, but before the service began all save Melville and Barbara Mowbray, who were Protestants, left the church and remained outside in the cloisters until the close of the ceremony.[185] We give the order of procession according to the report drawn up by Garter king at arms.

[Footnote 185: "Les Hérauts à quelque temps de là et après le sermon fait par l'Evesque de Lincolne, les fut initer dans le cloistre où ils estoient, de venir à l'offrande, ce qu'ils refuserent de faire, disans qu'ils n'offraient point à un autel qu'ils n'approuvient pas."--_Martyre de Marie Stuart_, Blackwood.]

The Order for the Buriall for Marie Queen of Scotts, at Peterborough, observed the First of August, on Tuesday, 1587.[186]

[Footnote 186: From the _Bibliotheca Topographica Britannica_, Article No. XL. "Hist. of Ant. Fotheringay," p. 75.]

Two Conductors with } The Sheryfes Bailie, and black staves in } the Baylie of coates. } Peterborough.

Poore men[187] (One hundred) in gownes, two and two.

Two Yeomen } John Hamshiere, harbingers } and in clokes. } John Keyes.

[Footnote 187: All other accounts agree in calling these "poore women," "poore old women, for the most part widowes."]

THE STANDARD

Borne by Sir George Savill knight.

GENTLEMEN IN CLOKES, TWO AND TWO, _videlizet_.

Syxe Groomes. The Deane of Peterborough's man. Mr. Stafforde's sonne. Master of Wardrobe's two men. The Bishope of Peterborough's Stewarde. James Howland. Edward Jackson. Richard Kylefett. Robert Cotton. The Lorde Compton, one man. The Lady St. John, of Basinge, one. The Lorde Willoughby of Parram, one. The Lorde Mordant, and Ladie, two. The Lorde Dudley, and the Ladie, two. The Lady Marie Savell, one. The Lady Talbott, one. The Lord St. John, and the Ladie, two. The Bishope of Peterborough, one. The Bishope of Lyncolne, one. The Erle of Lyncolne, and the Countis, three. The old Countis of Bedford, chief Mourner, three.

GENTLEMEN IN GOWNES.

Mr. Worme. } Mr. Howland. } Mr. Horseman, } } Mr. Femis, } Three Sewars. } .... } } Ten. Mr. Creuse. } Mr. Watsonn. } Mr. Alyngton. } Mr. Marmaduke Darrell. } Docture Fortescue Thomas. }

SCOTTES IN CLOAKES,

seventeen. A Scottish Priest.[188]

[Footnote 188: Du Préau, Mary's French chaplain. "Monsieur du Préau aumosnier, en long manteau, portant une croix d'argent en main."--From "Ordre du Convoy," etc.]

GOWNES.

Two Chaplayns to the Bishops aforesayde. Mr. Fortescue, master of Queene Elizabeth's wardrope. The two Bishopps, Peturborough and Lincolne.

THE GREATE BANNER.

Borne by Sir Andrew Nowell. { Mr. Melvin, and Sir Edward Montague, } { Comptroller and Treasurer to the Queen } { of Scottes. } The Lord Chamberlayne, } The Lord Stewarde, } Great Officers. The Lorde Dudley. The Lord St. John of Basnige (_sic._) Two Yeomen of the garde, in clokes, with black staves in their handes.

THE HALM AND CREASTE,

borne by .... pourcyvant of armes.

THE TARGETT,

borne by Rouge dragon, a pourcyvant of armes.

THE COATE OF ARMES,

borne by Somersett, herald of armes. Then Clarentius Kinge of Armes, and a Gentleman huisher goyng with him.

Then

The Body

Was carryed by these

SIX GENTLEMEN IN CLOAKES; videlizett.

Francis Fortescue. } William Fortescue. } Thomas Stafforde. } Six. Nycholas Smythe. } Nycholas Hyde. } Fortescue Sen'r. of Aywood. }

BANNEROLLS,

eight, borne by these gentlemen, videlizett, William Fitz William. } Mr. Gryffith, of Drugley.[189] } Mr. Robert Wyngfield. } Mr. Bevill. } Eight. Mr. Lynne. } Mr. John Wyngfield. } Mr. John Spencer. } Mr. Fortescue of Aywood. }

[Footnote 189: Dingley?]

THE CANOPIE.

borne by these four Knightes, videlizett, Sir Thomas Manners. } Sir George Hastinges. } Four. Sir James Harrington. } Sir Richard Knightley. }

THE BODIE

assisted be these Four, The Lorde Mordantt. } The Lorde Willoughby of Param. } Four. The Lorde Compton. } Sir Thomas Cycill, Knight. }

Then,

GARTER KINGE OF ARMES,

and a Gentleman huisher with him.

Then,

THE CHIEF MOURNER.

THE COUNTIS OF BEDFORD.

Assisted by the Erles of Rutland and Lyncolne,

HER TRAYNE

borne by The Ladie St. John of Basing, who was assisted by Mr. John Manners, Vize Chamberlain.

THE OTHER MOURNERS, videlizet,

Twelve.

The Countis of Rutland. The Countis of Lyncolne.

The Ladie Talbott. The Ladie Marie Savill.[190]

The Ladie Mordantt. The Ladie St. John of Bletsoe.

The Ladie Manners. The Ladie Cecill.

The Ladie Montague. The Ladie Nowell.

Mistris Alington. A Scottish Gentlewoman.

[Footnote 190: She was an Erle's daughter.]

Then,

two of the

YEOMEN OF THE GUARDES

in clokes.

SCOTTISH GENTLEWOMEN,

Eight, too and too.

Then,

GENTLEWOMEN OF COUNTISSES,

too and too.

Then,

BARONISSIS AND LADIES,

accordinge to ther degree.

Then,

GENTLEWOMEN.

Thirty.

The Countis of Bedforde, four. The Countis of Rutland, three. The Countis of Lyncolne, three. Ladie St. John of Baznige, two. Ladie Talbott, two. Ladie Marie Savill, two. Ladie Mordantt, two. Ladie St. John of Bletneshoe, two. Ladie Manners, two. Ladie Cycill, two. Ladie Montegue, two. Ladie Nowell, two. Mystris Alyngton, two.

ALL YEOMEN IN COATES.

The Countise of Bedforde, allowed for ten men. The Countis of Rutland, eight men. The Countis of Lincolne, eight men. The Ladie of St. John of Basing, five men. All Baronissis and Ladies, five apeece. All knightes, two men apeece. All knightes wyfes too apeece. All esquires one man apeece.[191]

[Footnote 191: It is curious that Paulet does not appear in any list of those present at the funeral.]

When the bier reached the choir it was placed on a catafalque, which Derrick describes as "a stately hearse with a topp 8 square rising lik a field-bed, which was covered on the tipps with black bayes, garnished with escutions as affore of mettall and besett with pinecles from the topp, on each quarter, most butiful to behoulde: whereupon were painted, on some, the Scottish armes alone, and on others some, the armes of France and Darnley, impaled, and St. Andrewe's Crosse, A, in a filde, O; and also an unicorne tripping, A, attyred and unguled, Or, with felde, B; with a crowne, and a chayne turning over his back, Or. On the topp of the hearse was set two escutchions of the Scotch armes, cut out in paste boarde, guilded, and an impereall crowne, guilded, and cut out in past board." Dean Fletcher arranged the ceremonials, and the Bishop of Lincoln preached the well-known sermon, commencing by rejoicings for the "happy death of the high and mighty Princesse Mary," of whom he very cleverly says: "I have not much to say of her life or death, knowing little of the one, and not having assisted at the other."[192] Prayers followed, and at the offering Lord Bedford advanced and placed before the altar the coat of mail, helm, sword, and shield which were afterwards hung over the grave.[193] At the end the heralds, according to custom, broke their staves and threw them into the grave, "and so every one departed as they came, after their degrees, to the Bishop's Palace, where was prepared a most royal feast, and a dole given unto the poore."[194] Mary's attendants were invited to take part in the banquet, the hosts "praying them to eat well, and to ask for anything they wished, so that nothing should be wanting to them, such being the orders of their mistress;"[195] but, as we may readily believe, they replied by their tears. "The servants of the dead Queen," says Blackwood, were "in a separate room, mingling many tears with their food and drink."[196]

[Footnote 192: _Archæologia_, i. 355; Miss Strickland, vii.]

[Footnote 193: "The royal ensigns of an helmet, sword, and scutcheon remained to the year 1643 hanging high over the place of burial."--"Manner of the Solemnity," etc., from Gunton's _Hist. of Peterborough_.]

[Footnote 194: "A Remembrance," etc., _Archæologia_, p. 155.]

[Footnote 195: Jebb, ii. 203.]

[Footnote 196: _Martyre de Marie Stuart_, Collected Works of Adam Blackwood, Paris, 1644, p. 703.]

Amidst all the pomp and display of this funeral one point had been omitted: no tablet or inscription marked the spot where Mary lay, and it remained for a faithful subject of the dead Queen, the same Adam Blackwood, to supply this omission. On occasion of a pilgrimage made by him to Peterborough, Blackwood placed the following well-known epitaph over his mistress's grave:--

Mary Queen of Scots, daughter of a king, widow of the King of France, cousin and next heir to the Queen of England, endowed with royal virtues and a royal mind (the right of Princes being oftentimes in vain implored) by barbarous and tyrannical cruelty, the ornament of our age, and truly Royal light is extinguished. By the same unrighteous judgement both Mary Queen of Scots with natural death, and all surviving kings (now made common persons) are punished with civil death. A strange and unusual kind of monument this is, wherin the living are included with the dead; for with the Sacred ashes of this blessed Mary, know that the Majesty of all Kings and Princes lieth here violated and prostrated. And because regal secresy doth enough and more admonish kings of their duty--traveller, I say no more.

It, however, "continued not long, but was taken away and cast aside,"[197] probably on account of the sympathy it called forth, and the tomb remained almost forgotten till James, having ascended the English throne, thought of honouring his injured mother's remains.

[Footnote 197: _Martyre de Marie Stuart_, Collected Works of Adam Blackwood, Paris, 1644, p. 703.]

Regarding Mary's faithful followers and their after-fate we know the few following particulars. By their refusal to assist at the service or to share in the funeral banquet, they seem to have incurred afresh Elizabeth's displeasure, and this is one of the reasons alleged for their continued imprisonment after the ceremony. When at length they obtained their freedom Bourgoing, "who had assisted Mary from the first day of her stricter imprisonment until the hour of her death,"[198] and to whom, as we know, fell the solemn duty of narrating the incidents of the Queen's death to the King and Queen of France, no doubt fulfilled his mission, and his written narrative attests his devotion to his mistress, but we have been unable, to our great regret, to trace his further history. Gorion fulfilled his task by transmitting to Mendoça Mary's farewell letter, accompanied by an interesting narrative of her last moments, written presumably by himself.[199] Elizabeth Curle also acquitted herself of her charge by taking to Morgan the diamond ring left him by Mary in gratitude for his "good and long service." She afterwards joined her former companion and friend Barbara Mowbray, nor were they divided in death, as they were buried together at Antwerp, under the tomb bearing the effigy of their beloved mistress. The Latin inscription referring to the Queen's martyrdom recalls the fact that Elizabeth assisted at her execution and received her last kiss. The faithful Jane Kennedy, whom we may perhaps consider as Mary's favourite attendant, after returning to Scotland, married Andrew Melville, and was drowned in a storm when on her way to meet Anne of Denmark on her arrival in Scotland as James's Queen.

[Footnote 198: Teulet, iv. 204 (Chateauneuf's words).]

[Footnote 199: _Ibid._, v. 500.]