CHAPTER IV

The fifteenth century marks a very distinct epoch in the history of the tourney, which became milder and less dangerous to life and limb; and during its course a stricter observance than hitherto of the rules, regulations and limitations prescribed were progressively more strictly enforced, and their infringement subjected the offenders to severe and sometimes degrading penalties. An oath to observe the rules of chivalry was administered to all cavaliers taking part in the tournament.

Body-armour had proved inadequate to resist the then weapons of attack, and at the commencement of the century, or perhaps a couple of decades earlier, the armour-smith was especially directing his attention towards the strengthening of the knightly harness. The chief seat of the industry for the greater part of the century was at Milan, at which city armour was forged of such strength as to be capable of resisting thrusts with the lance and strokes from the terrible battle-axe, sword and mace practically without fracture; and one meets with references in English and other records to orders being sent to Milan for harnesses of proof, a civil garment being forwarded to indicate the stature and build of the person, since ill-fitting suits would be apt to chafe the wearers. But, while the best and most costly harnesses came from Italy, less expensive equipments were imported into England from Germany; for “_ostling_” (Easterling) armour is sometimes mentioned in English articles of combat, and it was probably obtained through the agency of the Hanseatic Confederation from their London depôt, the Steelyard, then situated in what is now Lower Thames Street, London. The cost of carriage also would be much less from Germany.

The great armour-smiths of Milan at the period immediately under review were members of the Missaglia Negroli family, which, like many others, carried on their craft for several generations. The Germans have always been wont to borrow the inventions and processes of other nations, and then often to cheapen them; and so it was with body-armour. They gradually succeeded, under the personal inspiration and direction of the Emperor Maximilian, in transferring the bulk of that industry, even in the best harnesses, to German soil, until at length cities like Nuremberg and Augsburg became the chief seats of the manufacture; and indeed the bulk of the armours preserved to us of the later “Gothic” and “Maximilian” styles are of German make. That Maximilian engaged armour-smiths from Italy is seen by a contract made in 1494[99] with the Milan armourers Gabrielle and Francesco de Merate, to erect and equip for him a smithy in the town of Arbois, in Burgundy, to forge there a certain number of harnesses at fixed prices. The armour worn by Maximilian I at Worms, in 1495, in a combat on foot with the Burgundian, Claude de Vaudrey, bears the stamp “m,e,r,” surmounted by a crown, the Milan mark of these smiths, who came next in celebrity to the Missaglias.

Many ameliorations were conceived in the fifteenth century with a view to further minimizing the risk of serious accidents, and one of the most far-reaching and important was the application of the tilt in jousting. Many injuries had befallen the riders in the tourney by the collision of their horses, sometimes by accident, at others by design, and the idea of the tilt was conceived greatly with a view towards obviating this danger. The tilt, or _toile_, was at first a rope hung with cloth, stretched along the middle of the lists, but later it became a barrier of planks, along which the tilters charged in opposite directions, their bridle-arms towards it, their lances held in rest in their right hands on the tilt side of the horse’s neck, striking the polished, glancing surface of their adversary’s armour at an angle. The tilt had the advantage of lending a fixed direction to the jousters in their careers, though they often failed to touch each other. With the danger of these collisions removed, the knight ran his course with but little risk.

Jousting in the open with pointed lances was, however, continued by a hardier type of jousters until long after the introduction of the tilt; and here the saddle was without cantle, so as to offer no impediment to unhorsing; and a cushion or mattress, stuffed with straw, was placed over the chests of the horses, to act as a buffer in case of collision. A rough game it was for a cavalier to be unseated and thrown to the ground in his heavy armour, sometimes carrying a weight of two hundred pounds; though his fall was broken by the ground of the lists being covered with thickly strewn sand or mulched with refuse from the tan-yard. This form was much practised in Germany, though strange to say but little harm would seem to have been experienced by the champions in their falls, greatly owing to the extensive padding of their harnesses. Other important departures in the direction of comparative safety were the designing of special forms of armour for the tiltyard, and the introduction of additional or reinforcing pieces, for doubly protecting those parts of the body on which the brunt of the attack fell, viz. mainly on the left side. They first appear in England in the reign of Edward IV. “William Lord Bergavenny bequeathed to his son the best sword and harness for justs of peace and that which belong to war.”

The vamplate of this century was much enlarged, for the protection of the lance-arm; and the steels of the saddles lent great protection to the bodies of the jousters below the breast. The effect of all this was to encase those taking part in the tourney in an almost impenetrable shell, from which they could barely see or do more than couch and aim their lances.

Armour for the lists became sharply divided from that employed for “hoasting” purposes, as harnesses for the field were called, though in what country the change had its origin, whether in Burgundy, Italy or Germany, is uncertain. It was in use in Burgundy in the year 1443, for we read in the account given in _Mémoires D’Olivier De La Marche_,[100] that during the time the necessary preparations were being made for the tournament held at L’Arbre de Charlemagne, Dijon, in that year, the young cavaliers practised jousting before the duke “_et là furent faictes une jouste à selles plattes et en harnois de joûte_.”

Harnesses for the lists assume different forms in Germany from those in Italy. In the first-named country in the case of the armour for jousting in the open, so to speak, the breastplate was flattened on the right side for better couching and aiming the lance, which was supported by a _Rasthaken_ or queue behind, as well as by a lance-rest in front, while in Italy the cuirass continued rounded in form. The lance-rest (_Rüsthaken_) assumed various forms, though usually that of a curved bracket. Reinforcing pieces were employed in all courses.

There is another variety of armour which was used in _Scharfrennen_,[101] but it, with the others, will be particularly described and illustrated later on. Jousting at the tilt prevailed greatly in England, though abroad many other varieties were practised as well. Jousting lances were often painted or ornamented with party-coloured puffs of cloth along their length. Lance-heads assumed various forms, examples of which may be seen in several of the German museums and in the Tower of London. Illustrations are given by Boeheim.[102] The shafts varied in form, weight and thickness for the different courses.

The armour for combats on foot was made very strong and heavy, and so padded with under-clothing as to cause faintings and even deaths in hot weather. Foot-fighting was rendered much safer by the introduction of “barriers,” over which the champions fought, but they do not appear much before the sixteenth century.

The physical strain on those taking part in a tournament must have been great, and the combatants weary at the end of a long day; nevertheless they joined the ladies in the evening, when the successful competitors received the prizes from their hands; and after the banquet came the dance.

The century saw the mingling of the tourney with the pageant; the _mêlée_ had been much supplanted by the joust, which demanded more individual skill, for in the throng and confusion of the _mêlée_ the element of chance helped certain of the combatants to a distinction beyond their real deserts; while in the joust, which was a contest between two champions only, each had to stand or fall solely on his own merits.

A favourite form of the tourney of the fifteenth century was the _Kolbenturnier_ or baston course, which differed essentially from all the others in that no personal injury was intended in the contest, the object being to batter off the crest which decorated the helm of an adversary; and it was thus purely a game or trial of skill. The weapon employed was a _Kolben_, a heavy polygonally-cut baston or mace of hard wood, about 80 cm. in length. The _Kolben_ swells out along its shaft to an obtuse point, has a round pommel, short grip, and a rondel-guard of iron. There is an illustration of this weapon in the _Tourney-book of René d’Anjou_. The helm, a huge, globose form of bascinet, was latticed over the face with strong iron bars, and screwed to the cuirass back and front; it was thickly lined inside and roomy enough to prevent any injury which might be caused by the heavy blows exchanged. It was covered outside with leather and painted with various devices. A fine example of this type of helm is at Dresden, and Boeheim in _Waffenkunde_,[103] figures one of them in the Collection Mayerfisch at Sigmaringen. The saddle was the high one, known as the _Sattel im hohen Zeug_; an example, of the second half of the fifteenth century, is in the Germanische National Museum at Nuremburg. The _Kolbenturnier_ ceased being run about the end of the first quarter of the sixteenth century. It was at first practised on foot, and doubtless grew out of the Judicial combats with the baston of the lower classes. Boeheim in _Waffenkunde_[104] illustrates Duke Georg of Bayern-Zandshut, at Heidelberg, armed for a _Kolbenturnier_ in 1482: from Hans Burgmaior’s _Turnierbuch_, in possession of the Prince of Hohenzollern-Sigmaringen.

The crests of the fifteenth century are most fanciful and fantastic, such as a crowned unicorn or the tail of a fox; many examples may be seen in the tourney-book of King René, the Beauchamp pageants, the German tourney books, and other works of the kind; and René describes their construction very fully. They are fragile and made greatly of the same materials as those of the century preceding, though oftener of _cuir-bouilli_, which substance was more substantial and enduring. The tapestry at Valenciennes, which pictures a _mêlée_ of the fifteenth century, shows numerous fragments of crests lying on the ground under the hoofs of the horses. The knights prized their crests greatly; and they were often buried with them. They were fixed in position by an iron bar or brooch; an example of the latter may be seen at the Musée d’Artillerie, Paris. Sometimes the horse was also provided with a crest, as in the tournament at Windsor Park in 1278.

The hours during which _fêtes d’armes_ took place show that the lists were frequently artificially lighted, and, indeed, torches and flambeaux are sometimes mentioned.

Tournaments held at the royal and princely courts of the countries of chivalry were strictly games, the hosts often challenging their guests to trials of skill; and some correspondence preserved of the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries, between German princes, shows what a great part these martial sports played in the routine of their daily lives; second only, if even that, to the chase. Kurfürst Albrecht von Brandenburg, writing to a friend in the last quarter of the century, says:—“_Wir sind yor mit gots hilff die fordersten im Turnier gewesen und gedenkens aber zu bleiben_.”[105] Maximilian, writing, at the age of nineteen, to Sigmund Pruschenk, remarks:—“_Ich hab das pest gethan, wann ich hab VIII stechholz zerstossen_.”[106]

Much depended on the docility and training of the chargers, which were often ridden blindfolded, and they were sometimes influenced by a spirit of combat like their riders. The bodies of the horses were padded and covered by the trapper, which fell down almost to the ground, considerably hampering their motions; a mattress of straw, crescent-formed, protected their chests;[107] their ears were sometimes stopped with wool or oakum; the head and tail frequently decorated with feathers; and the animals advanced towards each other at a hand-gallop. The rowel-spurs had long necks. Each variety of joust had its own special type of saddle, devised with the object of making unhorsing either difficult or easy as the case might be. These saddles will be described in their order. Each prince or man of rank and fortune kept a considerable number of horses continually in practice; and the correspondence of the times reveals many requests for their loan.

It was at the courts of Aix and Burgundy where for long the tourney was much fostered; and at both it may be said to have been reduced almost to a science. At the first-named court it was much a matter of amusement, emulation and relaxation; while in the latter, then the most brilliant in Europe, it was greatly the policy of the sovereign to encourage tournaments and fêtes of all kinds. They kept the leaders of the armies and the chevaliers generally in close touch with the head of the state and the country, besides providing gladiatorial spectacles for the duke’s somewhat restless and discontented subjects, who were often smarting under heavy imposts to provide him with the means for constant schemes of aggression and a profuse display, and who were frequently in a state of revolt. After the tragic death of Charles the Bold, the jousting traditions of the court of Burgundy passed over to that of Maximilian of Austria, who would seem to have made successful jousting one of the great objects of his life.

There is perhaps necessarily a certain degree of monotony and repetition in the narrations of the chroniclers of the joust and tourney, but they convey collectively a much clearer idea of these encounters than a mere bald statement of the leading facts could do, and they reflect the chivalrous spirit of the times in the incessant craving of the young cavaliers for notoriety and distinction in the tiltyard. Many examples of jousts and _pas d’armes_ of the fifteenth century are given in the _Chronique de Monstrelet_, the _Mémoires de la Marche_, and _Chastelain’s Cronique Jacques de Lalain_. The _Chronicle of Euguerrand de Monstrelet_, with its somewhat irregular continuations by de Couci and others, commences where that of Froissart leaves off, viz. in the year 1400; and it has the advantage of being for the most part contemporaneous in regard to the events it narrates. Monstrelet’s style of writing is less sprightly and more monotonous than that of Froissart; but he gives dates to his recitals, which, however, leave much to be desired on the score of accuracy. The names of personages and even towns given in the _Chronicles_ are most perplexing, being frequently so distorted as to make identification an impossibility. Like Froissart, Monstrelet does not confine himself to the events of the period under review in France and Burgundy, but deals also with those of other countries in relation to them. The _Chronicles_, which really amount to a history, afford a good insight into the subject of the jousts and tourneys of the times; and Monstrelet states that his information was carefully collected from heralds, kings-of-arms and other officials of the lists. Monstrelet was born about 1390 and died in 1453.

The Bibliothèque de Bourgogne in the National Library at Brussels possesses many illuminations of the reign of Philip the Good and Charles the Bold; and there are also several in the Paris Collection and particularly in the _Armorial de la Toison d’Or_.

An Ashmolean MS., No. 1116, ff. 137b-86, gives the names and arms of the sovereigns and knights of the Order of the Golden Fleece (Toison d’Or) from its institution in 1429 to the twenty-third festival of the Order, which was held by Philip II, King of Spain, 12 Aug. 1559; it gives historical accounts of the celebration of the feasts. The MS., which is in French, is beautifully written, with the arms tricked. Other MSS. in the same Collection, 139-66, 167-75b, of the year 1431, give the statutes and ordinances of the Order.

Appendix A furnishes an abstract of all the Ashmolean MSS. relating to the tourney, for reference by our readers.

_The Mémoires D’Olivier De La Marche_ teem with spirited descriptions of numerous _fêtes d’'armes_ held at the Burgundian court during the reign of Duke Philippe le Bon, which are full of detail; and several of them bear the impress of having been written by an actual eye-witness, with ample opportunities for getting information, and with a sufficiency of technical knowledge for placing the scope and minutiæ of the encounters accurately and vividly before us. They also afford invaluable details of the costumes of the period, giving minute particulars of the dresses, and all matters connected with the lists. The Seigneur de la Marche was a Burgundian, born about 1425; he was appointed a page to his master the Duke in 1447, and was dubbed chevalier after the battle of Montlehéry. He distinguished himself before Ghent in 1452, was appointed a commissionary to the forces in 1456, was made a prisoner at Nancy in 1476, and died in 1502. The Mémoires cover a period of about fifty-three years, and form a very valuable contribution to the history of the tourney. They were first published in 1562.[108] Jean de Féore, Seigneur de St. Remy, describes some of the _pas d’armes_ of the century; and the _Traité de Tournois_, by Louis de Bruges, written in the reign of Charles VIII, of France, deals with others of a later period. The Beauchamp Peageants[109] afford some excellent illustrations of jousts and combats on foot and on horseback. They are reproduced in the _History of the Life and Acts of Richard Beauchamp, Earl of Warwick_, by John Rouse, the Warwickshire antiquary and historian, who died on the 14th of February, 1491, the seventh year of Henry VII. Earl Richard was born in 1381 and died in 1439. Hefner’s plates, Nos. 109 and 138, also picture jousts and tourneys of this period.

_The Romance of Petit Jehan de Saintré_,[110] written in 1459, by Antoine de la Sale, contains fifteen large and fine illustrations of jousts, combats on foot, etc., which, as far as we can judge, fairly represent such knightly encounters of the period. Hewitt[111] mentions the equipments and colours, as shown on fol. 39: “_Near Knight._—Armour, iron-colour; feet, black; crest, red flower with gold leaves; saddle, bridle, and stirrup-leather, red; trapper, blue, marked with darker blue and lined with white fur. _Far Knight._—Armour and feet as before; crest, gold with red feathers; saddle, buff; trapper, dark with black markings; bells, gold. Chanfreins both ridged and spiked, gold; the rest iron. The barrier is red and marked with a deeper red. It will be observed that, except the helm, the whole armour differs in nothing from the usual war suit.” The _Mémoires of the Sire de Haynin_[112] afford some interesting details in connection with _pas d’armes_.

The rules of the tourney promulgated by René d’Anjou, King of Naples, Sicily and Jerusalem, and Duke of Lorraine, in _Tournois du Roi René_, are most important. They contain many restrictions in the use of weapons, and all tend towards restraining the violence and disorder which had hitherto prevailed, and towards rendering these warlike games less dangerous; and they inculcate a spirit of chivalry, thus doing away greatly with much of the brutality of the former age. René thought lances too cumbersome for the tourney, and considered the proper weapons to be rebated swords and maces. The famous duel between the dukes of Brittany and Bourbon is described. But little jousting took place at Aix, the _mêlée_ being preferred. There are several splendid manuscripts of the King’s writings extant, four of them at Paris, illuminated by the King himself, and they go into the minutest details of all which concern the tourney as practised at Aix.

“The Ordinaunce, statutes and rules made by John Lord Typtofte, Erle of Worcester, Counstable of England by the Kinges commaundment, at Windsor the 29 of May ao sixto Edwardi quarti (1466), to be observed and kepte in all manner of Justes of pees royall with in this realme of England.”[113]

There are several copies of the rules extant. The version here given, in an abridged form, is taken from the _Antiquarian Repertory_. It was copied from a MS. M. 61 in the Herald’s College.[114]

Another copy may be seen in _Nugae Antiquae_, by Park, which is referred to in _Archæologia_, or the year 1813.[115] They are also printed in Dr. Meyrick’s _Critical Essay on Antient Armor_, III, 179-86, with valuable notes from the MS. M. 6, in the Herald’s College.

These rules run:—

“Firste, whoso breaketh most speares, as they ought to be broken, shall have the price.

Item, whoso hitteth thre tymes in the heaulme, shall have the price.

Item, whoso meteth two tymes coronoll to coronoll, shall have the price.

Item, whoso beareth a man downe with stroke of speare, shall have the price.

_For the price._ Firste, whoso beareth a man downe owte of the saddell, or putteth him to earthe, horse and man, shall have the price, before him that striketh coronoll to coronoll two times.

Item, he that striketh coronoll to coronoll two tymes, shall have the price before him that strike the sight thre tymes.

Item, he that striketh the sight thre tymes, shall have the price before him that breake the moste speares.

Item, yf there be any man that fortunetly in this wise shalbe deemed he bode longest in the feeld heaulmed, and ranne the fairest course, and gave the greatest strokes, helpinge himself best with his speare.”

_How prices shalbe loste._ First. Whosoe striketh a horse, shall not have the price.

Second. Whosoe striketh a mannes backe, turned or disarmed of his speare, shall have no price.

Third. Who hitteth the toyle, or tilte 3 times, shall have no price.

Fourth. Whosoe unhelmes himselfe 2 times, shall have no price, without his horse faile him.

_How speares shall be allowed._ First. Whoso breaketh a speare betweene the saddle, and the charnell of the helme, shall be allowed one.

Whoso breaketh a speare from the charnell vpwards, shall be allowed one.

Whoso breaketh and putteth his aduersary downe, and out of the saddle, or disarmeth him in such wise, as he may not runne the next course after, shall be allowed three speares broken.

_How Speares broken be disallowed._ First. Who breaketh a speare on the sadle, shall be disallowed for a speare broken.

Second. Who hitts the tilt or toile once, shall be disallowed for 2 speares broken.

Third. Whosoe hitts the tilt twice shal be for the two times abated, for 3 speares broken.

Fourth. Whosoe breaketh a speare within a foot of the crownall (coronal), shall be judged as no speare broken, but a good attaynte.

A few short rules follow for the _mêlée_ and barriers.

There is much confusion in the nomenclature employed by chroniclers in their descriptions of these chivalric war-games, and the terms “_tournois_,” “tourney,” “joustes” or “_joûtes_” and “_pas d’armes_,” are often confounded with each other, all or any being sometimes used in a general sense to cover various forms of jousting and the tourney: and such meetings often received the general appellation of _fêtes d’armes_. In a contemporary recital of the meeting in 1559, which Henry II of France received his fatal wound, the terms “_joûtes_,” “_tournois_,” and _pas d’armes_ are all employed to express the proceedings as a whole. The term “tourney” is very frequently used to denote the _mêlée_.

A _pas d’armes_ or passage of arms usually covered a variety of martial exercises. It was open to all comers, being knights and esquires qualified to take part, who were invited by proclamation to attend. The field was held by a certain number of challengers, called “_les tenans_” or holders of the _pas_; while the attacking cavaliers were known as “_les venans_,” or comers, who came to try and wrest the _pas_ from them. A _pas d’armes_ was also an imitation of an operation of war, a _Scharmützel_, in the attack and defence of a supposed position of strength, such as a pasteboard bridge-head, a castle of wood or the assumed gate to a town; the contest being waged with all the ardour of real warfare, though tempered by certain rules, pretences and limitations. The term _pas d’armes_ is comprehensive, for besides jousting and strokes with the sword, etc., such meetings often included combats on foot; and, after the middle of the fifteenth century, contests on horseback with the baston or mace; and they often concluded with the tourney proper or _mêlée_, troop against troop.

In the _Antiquarian Repertory_[116] is the following account of a _pas d’armes_ held about the end of the fifteenth century:—

“The king assigns to four maidens of his court the umpireship of the castle called ‘Loyall’; for the attack and defence of which they are to arrange as they may collectively decide upon. The castle is a mock fortress, representing one which had been subjected to a remarkable siege in history. The ladies confide its guard and custody to a captain and fifteen cavaliers to defend the ‘pas’ against all comers. A unicorn is placed within the lists, the four legs of which support as many shields, coloured white, red, yellow and blue respectively. The first shield signifies the opening jousts at the tilt, to be run in ‘hoasting’ armour, with double or reinforcing pieces; the second shield denotes that in the tourney which follows the jousting twelve strokes with the sword are to be exchanged; the third a combat on foot at barriers, the same number of strokes with one-handed swords; the fourth, the defence and assault of the castle, with swords, shields and morris-pikes. The points and edges of all the weapons employed in the four sections to be rebated, only the foyne[117] excepted. Any cavalier, except the leader of either side, if taken prisoner, may be ransomed with three yards of satin, but captains must pay the cost of thirteen yards for their freedom. The _pas d’armes_ to continue from the 27th November to New Year’s Day. The hours, after the first day, from one in the afternoon to seven in the evening.”[118]

Other clauses in the _Chapitres d’Armes_ are:—

“Item. Yt shalbe lawfull for the assaulters to devise all manner of engynes for the wynenge of the said castell; engyn or tole to breake the ground or howse with all only excepted.

Item. None do meddell with fier neyther within or without but to fire their gunnes.

Item. If any man be disarmed, he maye withdrawne himselfe if he will; but once past the barres, he may not com agayne into the torney for that daye. Also there shall no man have his servant within the barres with any peace of harnois, for no man shalbe within the said barres but such as shalbe assigned by the king’s grace.

Item. Who shall beste demeane himselfe at thee same arte of armes, shall have a sword, garnished, to the valew of three hundred crownes or under.

Item. If any man strike a horse with his speare, he shalbe put out of the torny withowt any favour; and if any slaye an horse, he shall paye to the owner of the said horse an hundred crownes in recompence; also yt is not to be thought that any man will slaye an horse willingly; for if he do it, it shall be to his great dishonor.

Item. He that uses a close gauntlet (a locking or forbiden gauntlet) shall win no prize.[119]

Item. He that his sword falleth owt of his hand, shal win no prize.”

The gaining of prizes in jousting was settled as a rule by a counting of points, for and against, and they were usually:—

Breaking a lance fairly on the body of an adversary, below the helmet, 1 point; above the breast, 2 points; unhorsing, 3 points. Points would be lost by striking the saddle or the tilt. A lance should be splintered more than a foot above the head.

The long wars between France and England had engendered much hatred and bitterness between the nations, and frequent combats in the lists, _à outrance_, continued to take place between the respective cavaliers, many of which fights were characterized by great violence and ruthlessness. Matters at length got to such a pass that in the year 1409 the French King issued an ordinance against all such combats between cavaliers of the two nations.[120] Certain combats, however, continued to take place under royal licence.

In the year 1400 by advice of the Earl of Huntingdon, “solemne iusts were to be enterprised between him and 20 on his part, and the earle of Salisburie and 20 with him, at Oxford.” This was a conspiracy for the assassination of King Henry IV, but the plot miscarried.[121]

In the year 1400 Michel d’Oris, an esquire of Arragon, sent to Calais, by a pursuivant-at-arms, a challenge to a deed of arms, addressed to the Cavaliers of England, in the following terms:—

“Au nom de Dieu, et de la benoite vierge Marie, de saint Michel et de saint George, je, Michel d’Oris, pour mon nom exhausser, sachant certainement la renommée des prouesses de chevalerie d’Angleterre, ai, au jour de la date de ces présentes, pris un tronçon de gréve à porter à ma jambe jusqu’à tant qu’on chevalier du dit royaume d’Angleterre m’aura délivré à faire les armes qui s’ensuivent. Premièrement, d’entrer en place à pied, et d’être armé chacun ainsi que bon lui semblera, et d’avoir chacun sa dague et son épée sur son corps, en quelque lieu qu’il lui plaira, ayant chacun une hache, dont je baillerai la longueur. Et sera le nombre des coups de tous les bâtons et armes ensuivant: c’est à savoir: de la hache, dix coups sans reprendre. Et quand ces dix coups seront parfaits et que le juge dira: Ho! nous férirons dix coups d’épée sans reprendre ni partier l’un de l’autre, et sans changer harnois. Et quand le juge aura dit: Ho! nous viendrons aux dagues et férirons dix coups sur main. Et si aucun de nous perdoit ou laissoit cheoir un de ses bâtons, l’autre pourra faire son plaisir du bâton, qu’il tiendra jusqu’à ce que le juge ai dit: Ho! Et les armes à pied accomplies, nous monterons à cheval; et sera armé du corps chacun ainsi qu’il lui plaira, et aura deux chapeaux de fer paraux, lesquels je liverai; et choisra mon dit compagnon lequel qu’il lui plaira des deux chapeaux: et aura chacun tel gorgerin qu’il lui plaira, et avec ce, je baillerai deux selles, dont mon dit compagnon aura le choix. Et outre plus, aurons deux lances d’une longueur; desquelles lances nous férirons vingt coups sans reprendre, à cheval, sur main; et pourrons férir par devant et par derrière, depuis le faux du corps en amont. Et icelles armes de lances faites et accomplies, ferons les armes qui s’ensuivent: C’est a savoir, s’il advenoit que l’un ou l’autre ne fût blessé, nous serons tenus après, en icelle journée même et au second jour après, férir de coups de lance à course de chevaux à trois rangs, tant que l’un ou l’autre cherra par terre ou soit blessé, si qu’il n’en puisse plus faire. Et que chacun s’arme à sa volonté le corps et la téte. Et les targes soient de nerfs ou de cornes, sans ce qu’elles soient de fer ni d’acier, ni qu’il y ait aucune maîtrise. Et courrons les dites lances atout les selles que les dits chevaux auront, faisant les dites armes à cheval: et chacun liera et mettra ses étriers à sa volonté, sans faire nulle maîtrise. Et pour y ajouter plus grande foi et fermeté, je Michel d’Oris, ai scellé cette lettre du sceau de mes armes: laquelle lettre fut faite et écrite à Paris le vendredi vingtième jour d’Août l’an 1400.”[122]

This letter is given in full, for it affords much first-hand information in a concrete form of the procedure of a combat of the period as well as the manner of such cartels.

The letter states that the Spaniard had attached to his leg “_un tronçon de gréve_,” being a piece of a greave (armour for the shin), presumably of iron, causing him pain and inconvenience, which he had vowed to continue wearing until delivered from it by a combat with a gentleman of England. To this end he had sent his cartel to Calais, proclaiming his wish for such an encounter, laying down very precise conditions for a fight at which ten strokes with the axe, ten with the sword, and the same number of thrusts with the dagger were to be exchanged; to be followed by twenty courses with lances, on horseback. The pursuivant duly delivered the letter at Calais, where it was seen by Sir John Prendergast, who accepted the challenge in his own person, on behalf of the chivalry of England, subject, of course, to the permission of his sovereign to the duel being obtained. No reply being forthcoming from the Spaniard within a reasonable time. Sir John sent him a letter, stating that the time and place for the combat had been arranged, and an umpire appointed. There being still no reply, another letter followed demanding an answer, and at length one arrived, with excuses for the delay and complaining that Sir John had broken the treaty in an umpire having been chosen without the name having been first submitted to him; though showing no burning desire to have the matter arranged to his own satisfaction. The correspondence continued over four years and came to nothing after all; but for how long the Spaniard continued wearing the piece of greave pricking his leg history does not tell.

In the year 1402 the Sire de Harpedenne, Seneschal de Saintonge, having heard that certain English knights desired to perform a deed of arms for the love of their ladies, suggested to the Duke of Orleans that six gentlemen of his household should challenge a like number of English cavaliers to a combat _à outrance_. The duke agreeing, the invitation was duly sent and promptly accepted, the fight to take place near Bordeaux on the 19th May, 1402. Much pressure was brought to bear on the duke to induce him to withdraw his sanction, on the ground that such a combat would tend to increase the bitterness between the nations which already prevailed; but he continued to encourage the scheme, and even went to Saint Denis to pray for the success of his countrymen. Arnault Guilhem, Sire de Barbazan, a chevalier of repute, undertook the leadership of the French contingent.

The Sire de Harpedenne and the Earl of Rutland were appointed umpires of the fight; and on the arrival of the French chevaliers at the place of combat they heard Mass, and the Sire de Barbazan addressed them on the justice of their cause, animating them to deeds of valour for their country’s sake; while the Englishmen thought more of a good meal before fighting. According to the French account of the fight, the Englishmen had conceived a stratagem for two of their number, by preconcerted action, suddenly to assail one of the French cavaliers, with the object of reducing their number to five, as against the English six; but the plan failed, and it was one of the Englishmen that was killed, thus turning the tables.[123] This gave a preponderance to the Frenchmen, but the fight continued long, obstinate and bloody, resulting in the victory of the French.[124]

In the same year Louis, Duke of Orleans, sent a challenge to Henry IV, King of England, proposing a combat between them with lances, battle-axes, swords and daggers, the fight to continue until one of them surrendered, which the king declined, on the ground that he could only fight with his equal.

In 1403 a deed of arms, _à outrance_, was performed at Valentia, four Spanish cavaliers against four Frenchmen, the King of Arragon acting as umpire; and the articles of combat provided for a fight on foot with axes, swords and daggers. The Seneschal of Hainault led the French, and the Seigneur de Sainte Coulombe, a member of the king’s household, the Spaniards. Highly decorated lists had been erected for the occasion, and the king took his seat on the tribune, expressing the hope that the fight might not take place; but the parties urged that great expense had been incurred, and that the French cavaliers had come from a distance at heavy charges in answer to the challenge. The king yielded to these arguments, and gave the signal for the onset. A gallant fight with axes ensued, during which one of the Spaniards seized a Frenchman by the leg and was preparing to stab him with his dagger when the king cast his bâton, putting an end to the conflict, to the great chagrin of both sides.[125]

Plate XI in _Horda Angel-Cynnan_ “shewes how atte coronacion of quene Jane[126] erle Richarde kepte juste for the quene’s part ageynst all commers, when he so notably and so knyghtly behaved himself, as redounded to his noble fame and perpetuall worship.” Sir Richard was then twenty-two years old. The illustration shows a joust at the tilt, run with lances tipped with coronals, the earl’s crest being the bear and ragged staff. The armour and general aspect of the picture point to the period when the Memoir was written rather than to the actual date of the joust. The tilt is of four planks, and appears to be nearly six feet in height. The royal party is seated in a balcony overlooking the lists, and there are raised galleries for the officials and better-class spectators, and seats on the level of the lists for the general public.

Plate XX. Sir Pandolf Malatesta sent a challenge to Earl Richard, first to joust, and “then go togedres with axes; after which armyng swerdes;[127] and last with sharp daggers.” The jousting finished, “they went to gedres with axes, and if the lord Calcot hadde not the sonner cried peas, Sir Pandolf sore wounded on the left shoulder hadde been utterly slayn on the felde.”[128] The illustration pictures the combat on foot with _becs de faucon_, weapons more picks than axes. The helmets are armets, the earl’s crest his well-known cognizance, and he wears a tabard-shaped surcoat. The equipment is not contemporaneous with the time of the duel, but rather that of the date of the Memoir. The plate in _Horda_ is reproduced on our Plate I. The copy from the MS. is not quite correct in the delineation of the weapon wielded by the earl, owing to a blur on the original.

Plate XXVIII pictures a combat on horseback, with rebated swords.

Plate XXXV shows Earl Richard jousting at the tilt incognito. He wears a “volant-piece.”

Plate XXXVI. The earl is jousting at the tilt. “The erle smote up the visar (of his adversary) thries, and brake his besauges and other harneys.”

Plate XXXVII pictures the earl jousting with his face exposed.

Plate XL “shewes howe a mighty duke chalenged erle Richard for his lady sake, and he justyng slewe the duke,” the lance going through his body. This joust is with sharp lances in the open. The duke wears a jousting shield, and the earl a “volant-piece.”

In 1415 three Portuguese cavaliers fought the same number of Frenchmen, at St. Ouen, near Paris, in presence of the King of France. The combat was a severe one, resulting at length in the discomfiture of the Portuguese, who succumbed to the Frenchmen. The manner of this surrender so disgusted the authorities and spectators that the defeated party was forcibly expelled the lists.[129]

In 1420 there were several curious subterranean combats, between French and English cavaliers, at Montereau, that town being then besieged by the troops of the Dauphin. The English had laid mines extensively under the walls; and it was in these excavations that the fights took place, by the light of the flambeaux and torches. The first who fought on the French side was Louis Juvenal des Ursins, a valiant esquire, son of the advocate-general, who was dubbed a chevalier on the occasion. The King of England and Duke of Burgundy were present, and wished to break a lance together, from which, however, they were dissuaded. The Sire de Barbazan jousted with the king, at first without knowing who he was, but as soon as he became aware that it was his Majesty, he respectfully retired from the contest. Everything passed with great courtesy between the members of the two nations, and the king gave great praise to the cavaliers engaged.[130]

In the seventh year of Henry V “triumphant iusts and turneis, in the whiche, Erle of Arundell, and the Bastard of Sent Polle by the iudgment of the Ladies, won the price and got the honor.”[131]

A combat on horseback and on foot took place at Arras in 1425,[132] between the Sires de Sainte-Treille and Lionel de Vendôme, the Duke of Burgundy acting as umpire. On the first day the chevaliers ran six courses with the lance, and de Vendôme was slightly wounded in the head. The day following they fought on foot with axes of the _bec de faucon_ type, and de Vendôme attacked his adversary with great impetuosity, but all his strokes were parried. Sainte-Treille then delivered several blows on the visor of his opponent, forcing it open, leaving the face exposed; then hooking his axe in the opening wounded de Vendôme slightly in the face with his gauntlet, perceiving which the duke cast his bâton. A joust followed between the Sire de Champremi and the Bastard of Rosbeque, the latter piercing the armour of his adversary with his lance, on which the duke’s bâton fell.[133]

The _bec de faucon_ or _bec de corbin_ was a weapon with a curved beak-like spike or pick, as its name implies, sometimes with a blade at the opposite side, at others with a narrow _mail_ or mallet, with four short points, somewhat like those on the coronal to a lance, though sharper: in both varieties there is usually a long spike at the head and a point at the foot; strictly speaking, however, a weapon with a blade can hardly be termed a _bec de faucon_. An illustration is given in “Barriers and Foot Combats,” a paper by Viscount Dillon,[134] of a weapon of this kind belonging to Captain Hutton, which has a beak or pick on one side, and opposite to it a _mail_ or mallet of four points and a spike at the head. There is another example at the Musée d’Artillerie, Paris, with a very pronounced beak, but neither _mail_ nor spear. It is stated in Lord Dillon’s paper that in the duel between Merlo and de Charny, at Arras in 1435, before the fighting began, an objection was lodged by Charny’s friends against the Spaniard using a _bec de faucon_, axes being stipulated for in the _Chapitres d’Armes_. It was contended that the weapon was not an axe at all; but after some discussion the objection was not pressed. The weapon, which is a terrible one, does not seem to have been much used in Germany.

In 1428 a grand tournament was held at Brussels. The Duke of Burgundy attended and was magnificently entertained and feasted by his cousin, Duke Philip of Brabant, and the City of Brussels. The Lady of Gezebêque awarded the prizes. The dukes announced their intention of jousting together, but were dissuaded from doing so by the kings-of-arms, for fear of accidents. Many cavaliers took part, before a great concourse of nobles, ladies, and the general public. The prize for the most successful combatant in the first day’s fighting was awarded to a gentleman of Brabant named Linquart. On the morrow and following days there was great jousting, and the Duke of Brabant and the Seigneur de Mamines were adjudged to be the best lances, and the prizes were awarded to them. This _fête d’armes_ was distinguished by great splendour, and banquets, dances, masquerades and other mummeries continued for several days.[135]

In 1430 a combat took place in the great market-place at Arras, between five French and a like number of Burgundian cavaliers, under the umpireship of the Duke of Burgundy, for the breaking of a certain number of lances. The French contingent consisted of the Seigneurs Théode de Valeperghe, Pothon de Sainte-Treille, Philibert d’Abrecy, Guillaume de Bes and L’Estendard de Nully; that of the Burgundians of Simon de Lalain, the Seigneurs de Charny, Jean de Vaulde, Nicolle and Philibert de Menton. The combat was to continue over five days. Lists were prepared, “_garnie d’aisselles, afin que les chevaux ne ce puissent recontrer l’un l’autre_,” and here we have an example of a joust at the tilt.

On the first day de Lalain jousted with de Valeperghe, when the latter, with his horse, was thrown violently to the ground. Jousts followed over the second, third, fourth and fifth days, in which many lances were broken. In the third course run between de Charny and d’Abrecy, the visor of the latter’s “armet” was pierced by his opponent’s lance, causing a very serious wound in the face; and on the last day the same thing happened to de Nully, in jousting with Philibert de Menton. The injured knights were removed to their lodgings, and left behind in charge of the surgeons; both subsequently recovered from their wounds. On the conclusion of the _fête d’armes_, the honours lay with the Burgundians, and the duke loaded the Frenchmen with handsome presents.[136]

In 1435 there was a passage at arms at Arras, held under the umpireship of Duke Philip of Burgundy; and seated on the bench near him were the dukes of Bourbon and Cueldres, with other noblemen of distinction. The parties to the duel were Messire Juan de Merlo, a chevalier banneret of Spain, and Pierre de Beauffrement, Sire de Charny, a banneret of Burgundy, knight of the Toison d’Or, and one of the most noted jousters of his day. The articles of combat provided for a joust of three courses, and then a combat on foot, with axes, swords and daggers, to be continued until one of the twain was placed _hors de combat_, though, as always, subject to the fiat of the judge. The Spaniard first entered the lists attended by four noble cavaliers, who had been specially attached to his person by the orders of the duke. De Charny followed, attended by the Comtes d’Étampes, de Saint Pol and de Ligny; and with them was the Earl of Suffolk, who carried the lances to be used on the occasion. The champions ran the three courses with the lance, without mishap to either beyond a slight fracture to the armet of the Spaniard. This ended the contest for the first day; and on the morrow the combat on foot took place. It began with the knights hurling lances at each other, the weapon of the Spaniard striking the Burgundian on the arm, causing a slight wound, notwithstanding which the fight continued with axes. The combatants displayed much skill and gallantry with their weapons, without much advantage to either knight, when quite unexpectedly the duke cast his bâton, putting an end to the fight. The Spaniard protested most energetically to the duke at the combat being brought to so premature an end, urging that he had travelled a long way in order to achieve this feat of arms, and had been put to a vast expense. The duke appeased him, however, by praising his gallantry, and ordered a handsome present in money to be paid to him to cover his outlay. This duel is remarkable as furnishing an early instance of fighting with the visor up. To set against the danger of having part of the face exposed, it gave great advantage in the way of vision, in clearness as well as in radius. The visor was a mark so often aimed at, and was in its nature very vulnerable.[137]

In the twentieth year of King Henry VI a French Chevalier named Louis de Bueille challenged Rafe Chalons, an esquire of England, to a feat of arms; and the King of France was present at the meeting. The Englishman ran the Frenchman through the body and killed him.[138]

Sir John Astley fought on foot with the Chevalier Philip Boyle of Arragon at Smithfield in the year 1442, King Henry VI acting as umpire. An illustration in the MS. in the possession of Lord Hastings pictures quadrangular lists of open railings showing the openings and the bars for closing them. They are of a kind usually erected for combats of this nature. King Henry sits in the tribune; and within the lists, besides the principals, is a herald-at-arms and a guard of four, armed with battle-axes, for keeping the ring. The combatants wear bascinets; bases; solerets, _à la Poulaine_; and tabard-shaped surcoats, on which the respective arms of the parties are embroidered. Boyle’s axe has a flook or _bec de faucon_ and an axe-blade; that of Astley’s a blade and a three-pronged mail or mell. The MS. does not state the issue of the fight.

FOOTNOTES:

[99] Referred to by Wendelin Boeheim in _Meister der Waffenschmeidekunst_, Chap. LVII.

[100] Chap. VIII, p. 380.

[101] Running with sharp lances.

[102] _Waffenkunde_, p. 551.

[103] Fig. 612.

[104] Fig. 615.

[105] With God’s help we are foremost in the tourney, and intend to continue so. (_Zeitschrift für historische Waffenkunde_, II, 66.)

[106] I have done my best when I have broken eight lances. (Boeheim’s _Waffenkunde_, p. 554.)

[107] One is figured by King René; another by Boeheim.

[108] The edition used here is that among _Collection Des Mémoires pour servir A L’Histoire De France_.

[109] Cotton. MS., Julius, E. IV.

[110] Cotton. MS., Nero, D. IX.

[111] _Ancient Armour_, III, 509.

[112] Société de Bibliophiles Belges. Mons. 1842.

[113] Ashmolean MS. 148-9. See Appendices A and B.

[114] Marked I, 26.

[115] Vol. XVII, p. 290.

[116] Vol. I, 146.

[117] The estoc.

[118] The lists must thus have been artificially lighted.

[119] The locking gauntlet is in the form of a closed hand, the fingers being made to fasten on the weapon held, the object being to prevent it being struck out of the hand by an adversary. Examples may be seen in the Tower of London, and there is one which belonged to Sir Henry Lee in the Armourer’s Hall, London.

[120] _Histoire Des Ducs De Bourgogne_, II, 262.

[121] Holinshed, III, 10; and Hall, 16.

[122] _Chroniques De Monstrelet_, Liv. I, Chap. II.

[123] Such plans made beforehand would seem to have been quite common, but they usually miscarried.

[124] _Histoire Des Ducs De Bourgogne_, I, p. 185.

[125] _Chronique de Monstrelet_, I, Chap. XIV.

[126] Queen of Henry IV, married in 1403.

[127] Kuriss-swords.

[128] Cott. MS., Julius E. IV.

[129] _Chronique de Monstrelet_, I, Chap. XIV.

[130] _Histoire Des Ducs De Bourgogne_, I, 412.

[131] Hall, 162. A MS. in the Harleian Collection gives “La Statute d’Armes de Turnoys par le Parlement d’Angleterre,” _Temp._ Henry V. See Appendix A.

[132] Monstrelet says 1423.

[133] _Histoire Des Ducs De Bourgogne_, I, p. 435. Monstrelet, in Liv. II, Chap. VIII, gives a somewhat different account.

[134] _Arch. Journ._, LXI, Plate I, Fig. 2.

[135] _Chronique de Monstrelet_, Liv. II, Chap. LIV.

[136] _Ibid._ Liv. II, Chap. LXXXI.

[137] _Histoire Des Ducs De Bourgogne_, I, p. 339.

[138] Holinshed, III, 214.