CHAPTER XXX
THE ORIGIN AND HISTORY OF THE TODAS
I have now given the whole of the material which I have collected on the institutions of the Todas. In describing these institutions I have discussed various general problems suggested by their nature, but I have said little about the points of resemblance or difference between the customs of the Todas and those of other peoples either in India or elsewhere. It remains in this last chapter to see how far the evidence which I have given throws any light on the very difficult questions: Who are the Todas? How do they come to be living on the Nilgiri Hills?
The evidence which might be available for our inquiry is of three kinds: records of the Todas in the past, traditions preserved by the Todas, and, lastly, evidence derived from the comparative study of physical and psychical characters, language, beliefs, and institutions.
The evidence coming under the first two heads is of the scantiest. Our earliest record of the Todas is contained in a Portuguese manuscript now in the British Museum. It records the visit of a Portuguese priest named Finicio to the Nilgiri Hills in 1602. This manuscript was partially translated and published by Thomas Whitehouse in a book dealing with the Syrian church of Malabar, under the title “Lingerings of Light in a Dark Land.” As the translation given by Whitehouse is incomplete, I had the manuscript retranslated, and it was then found that several interesting details had been omitted, and that there were several errors in the translation. The new translation is given on pp. 721–730.
The account given by Finicio is very superficial, being the result of only two days’ intercourse, but it is sufficient to show that there has probably been little change in the Todas and their surroundings in the three centuries which elapsed between his visit and mine. I have referred in the general body of the work to several of the points in which his account either corroborates or differs from my own. Perhaps the most important feature of his story is that it shows the relation between the Todas and Badagas three centuries ago to have been very much what it is at the present day, and shows clearly that this relation between the two tribes is of longer standing than has usually been supposed. Finicio’s account is, however, so brief and superficial that it helps us little in our search for evidence on the evolution of Toda society. We know from it that the institution of the ti was in existence, and the scanty evidence goes to show that the life of the palol was much what it is now, but there is nothing to tell us whether the ritual had then reached the high pitch of development which it now shows, nothing to tell us whether since that time there has been development or degeneration.
From 1602 to 1812 we have, so far as I am aware, no record of the Todas. In the latter year William Keys, Assistant Revenue Surveyor, reported the existence of the Todas, or Thothavurs, and other tribes in a letter to the Collector of Coimbatore. His account gives little information about the Todas, except that they kept buffaloes and held it a sacred and inviolable custom to keep their heads uncovered. In 1819 “a Subscriber” wrote an account of the Nilgiri tribes which was published in the Madras Courier. Beyond a description of their appearance, the only information given about the Todas or Todevies is that it is against the custom to wear either turban or sandal, that they permit hair and beard to grow long, and that the Badagas pay a few handfuls of grain from each field as acknowledgment that they received their land from the Todas. In 1820 Lieutenant Macpherson reported the practices of polyandry and infanticide, and in the following year Captain B. S. Ward described the marriage customs more fully, and gave some account of the dairies and priesthood. In 1826 the Rev. James Hough addressed a number of letters to the Bengal Hurkaru, giving an account of the Nilgiris and their inhabitants, and these letters were republished in a book in 1829. A more elaborate and most excellent account of the Todas was given by Captain Harkness in 1832, in a work entitled A Description of a Singular Aboriginal Race Inhabiting the Summit of the Neilgherry Hills, and since that time very many of those who have visited the Nilgiri Hills have had something to say about the Todas and their ways. As I have already pointed out, these records from the earlier part of last century differ but little from my own, and do not furnish us with any evidence that Toda customs underwent any great change during that century.
As regards the evidence from Toda tradition, we are in no better case. Several writers have stated that the Todas believe that they came to the Nilgiris from elsewhere, but whenever I made any inquiries on this point I was assured that they had always been on the Nilgiri Hills, the first Toda having been created on the Kundahs in the manner already described.
It seems most probable that those who have ascribed such traditions to the Todas have been misled by the account of the Kamasòdrolam. These are the people who are believed to have been driven away from Kanòdrs by Kwoten (see p. 195). The Todas have a very sincere belief in the existence of these people, and when I showed one man the frontispiece in Marshall’s book, representing a Toda village and its inhabitants, something unfamiliar in the arrangement of the scene made the man think that it must be a picture of the Kamasòdrolam. Any Toda who is asked whether there are other Todas and where they live will at once think of the Kamasòdrolam and will tell of these people, and the story might easily be mistaken for a tradition of their origin.
The Todas are also said to believe in their descent from Ravan, and I was told by one man that they were descended from the Pandavas, but I have little doubt that such beliefs are only recent additions to their mythology.
In studying the origin and history of the Todas we have thus no record earlier than three centuries ago, and no traditions of any value, and we are altogether thrown back on the evidence furnished by the manners and customs of the people, their language, and their physical characteristics.
Though the manners and customs of the Todas are in many ways unique, or very exceptional, there is a general resemblance between them and those comprised under the general title of Hinduism, and especially with such more popular customs as are described by Mr. Crooke. [269] The great development of the ritual aspect of religion, the importance of ceremonies connected with birth and death, the sacredness of the milk-giving animal, the nature of the system of kinship, the marriage regulations and many other features bear a general, and in some cases a close, resemblance to institutions found in India generally, or in certain parts of India.
On the social side these resemblances are perhaps closer than on the religious side. The system of kinship is very similar to that of other parts of Southern India, and, so far as my knowledge goes, to that of India generally. The marriage regulation that the children of brother and sister should marry is found throughout Southern India and probably throughout the Dravidian population of India. The practice of polyandry probably exists scattered here and there throughout India, and has undoubtedly existed in recent times in Malabar. The practice of the mokhthoditi union between man and woman has also close analogies in Malabar.
On the religious side the high development of the dairy ritual, so far as I know, stands alone, but the customs connected with birth and death have many resemblances to practices followed in other parts of India, though this resemblance is general only and usually breaks down on going into detail.
Thus in Brahmanic ritual there are several ceremonies prescribed at different stages of pregnancy, and some Indian tribes or castes have pregnancy ceremonies peculiar to themselves, but I do not know of any tribe or caste except that of the Todas in which giving a bow and arrow forms the essential feature of a pregnancy ceremony, though it is not uncommon for this weapon to play a part in marriage rites, and in Coorg a little imitation bow and arrow is put into the hand of a newly born boy.
Similarly, seclusion after childbirth is common in India, and in the Brahmanic ceremony of Jatakarma water is poured over the heads of mother and child by the priest. In some cases from Mysore (see p. 705) there is a still closer resemblance to Toda custom, but there are some features of the Toda ceremonial for which I can find no parallel.
In many points, again, there are distinct resemblances between the practices of the Todas and the more popular customs of India; thus the pounder, sieve and broom frequently play a part in the popular magic of India, [270] as of other parts of the world, but I do not know of any parallel for their being regarded as especially the emblems of women, as they appear to be in Toda belief.
It is perhaps in the funeral ceremonies that we find the largest number of resemblances between Toda custom and that of other parts of India. Thus, among those who cremate their dead, it is usual to have ceremonies some time after the cremation, and some have regarded the second funeral ceremony of the Todas, the so-called dry funeral, as the representative of the Sapindi ceremony of orthodox Hinduism. Among several tribes fragments of bone are preserved after the cremation, which become the objects of further ceremonies. Thus, the Hos and Mundahs [271] preserve large fragments of bone, which are hung up in the house and are buried in an earthenware pot much later, after being taken in procession to every friend and relation of the deceased. Again, among the Saoras of Madras [272] fragments of bone are picked out from the ashes and covered over with a miniature hut.
Animals are frequently killed at funerals throughout India, and among the Saoras, just mentioned, [273] the animal is a buffalo, which is killed close to the stone on which its blood is smeared. Again, among the Kois [274] a bullock is slain and the tail placed in the hand of the corpse.
A funeral practice which is very widely spread in India is the breaking of a pot, and in some cases the pot so broken is one which has contained the water used to quench the fire. Among the Naickers and the Reddies of South India [275] the body is bathed with water from an earthen pot, which is then dashed upon the ground, while in other places an earthen pot filled with water is carried round the body three times, after which the fire is lighted and later extinguished by water which runs from a perforation in the pot. The common Indian practice, according to Padfield, [276] is for the chief mourner to throw a pot over his head behind him so that it is dashed in pieces.
That the kindred should retire with averted faces from the place where the corpse is left is prescribed by Manu, [277] and the custom of burning or burying face downwards is practised by low caste people, the motive in this case being to prevent the evil spirit from escaping and troubling its neighbours. [278]
While there is thus a general resemblance between many of the manners and customs of the Todas and those existing in various parts of the Indian peninsula, there is one district which possesses customs and institutions which seem to stand in a much closer relation to those of the Todas than is the case elsewhere.
The social and religious customs of the west coast, and especially of Malabar, not only bear a general resemblance to the customs of the Todas, but this resemblance in some cases persists when followed into detail. The similarity would probably become still more obvious if we knew more of the customs of the less civilised inhabitants of this district of India.
In going over the resemblances I will begin with those on the social side. The most characteristic feature, of the social organisation of the Todas is the institution of fraternal polyandry, The Nairs of Malabar have given their name to a different type of polyandry, but it is extremely doubtful whether the relations existing in recent times between Nair women and their consorts should be regarded as examples of polyandry. Nevertheless, there is undoubted evidence that true polyandry has existed in Malabar, and in the most definite examples known this has been of the fraternal type. From the Report of the Malabar Marriage Commission, published in 1891, it is clear that, though polyandry is now extinct in North Malabar, it still persists in some districts of South Malabar. One witness before the Commission stated that at one time polyandry was very prevalent in South Malabar, and that it was still the practice for a woman of the Kammalar or artisan caste to have five or six brothers as husbands, and the witness had known personally a woman in Calicut who was the wife of five brothers, spending a month at a time with each. Another witness stated that polyandry existed in some parts of Cochin, and in a few places in South Malabar. Another said that among the Tiyans of North Malabar it was the custom for one man to marry a girl for all the brothers of the family. One of the names for marriage in Malabar is uzham porukka, which probably means “marriage by turns.” The Kanisans or astrologers of Malabar proudly point out that, like the Pandavas, they used formerly to have one wife in common to several brothers, and that the custom is still observed by some. [279]
Polyandry is not the only marriage institution in which there is a resemblance between the Todas and the people of Malabar. The mokhthodvaiol of a Toda woman seems to be very much like the consort of a Nair woman, and when these consorts are, as they usually are, Nambutiris or Malabar Brahmans—i.e., belong to a different caste—the resemblance to the mokhthoditi custom becomes very close.
More important is the custom of giving a cloth as the essential marriage ceremony. The two chief features of a Toda marriage are the giving of a loincloth to the girl and the salutation of the girl’s relatives by the husband. Similarly the essential feature of the irregular union between man and woman is that the mokhthodvaiol gives a cloak to the woman, and the Badaga name by which the relation has previously been known is derived from this fact—the man is called the “blanket man” of the woman. Throughout the greater part of the Malabar coast the essential feature of the marriage ceremony is that the man gives a cloth to the woman. The Nairs have two marriage ceremonies, [280] of which the later, or sambandham, forms the actual alliance between man and woman. The ceremony of this marriage consists in giving a cloth, and various names for the ceremony, such as muntukotukkuka, vastradanam, putavakota and pudamuri, all mean “cloth-giving.” In South Malabar a marriage is dissolved by tearing up a cloth called kachcha, [281] and among the Izhavas, [282] the actual wedding ceremony consists of the gift of a cloth.
The act of giving clothing as part of the marriage ceremony is found generally throughout India, but it seems to be a much more prominent and essential feature of marriage in Malabar than elsewhere.
Among the funeral ceremonies of the Todas there is one in which a cloth is laid on the body of the deceased. The essential feature of this ceremony is that a cloth is given by a man belonging to the clan of the deceased to those who have married into the clan, the cloth being then placed on the corpse by the wives of these men. The whole ceremony seems to be essentially a transaction between clans which have intermarried and evidently stands in a close relation to the regulation of marriage, and it is therefore of great interest not only that a cloth should play so prominent a part, but also that the word used for the cloth which gives the name to the ceremony should be kach, the same word as is used sometimes in Malabar for the cloth so important in the marriage ceremonies.
The resemblance between the Todas and Nairs in this direction goes, however, one step further. Among the funeral ceremonies of the Nairs there is one called potavekkuka, in which new cotton cloths are placed on the corpse by the senior members of the deceased’s Tarawad (corresponding to clan), followed by all the other members, sons-in-law, daughters-in-law, and other relatives. The details of the ceremony differ in the two communities; among the Nairs the placing of cloths is the duty of a wide circle of relatives, but the resemblance between the customs is sufficiently close to make it highly probable that we have to do with two developments of one custom.
The ceremony just described is not the only point in which the funeral rites of the Todas resemble those of Malabar. The earthen pot which I have already mentioned plays a part in the rites of both Nairs and Nambutiris. By the Nairs [283] the pot is carried three times round the pyre while the water leaks out through the holes, and on completing the third round the pot is dashed on the ground close by the spot where the head of the corpse had lain. The Nambutiris burn their dead and bury the ashes three days later, and when the body is being burnt an earthen pot containing water is carried round the fire, and is then punctured and the water received into another vessel, from which it is thrown on the fire, and then the pot is smashed and thrown away. [284]
We have seen that according to Toda belief it is necessary that those who have not been through certain ceremonies in life must do so after death, and the same belief is entertained by the Nambutiris, who tie the tali at the funeral of an unmarried girl, [285] just as the Todas perform the pursütpimi ceremony.
The Nairs collect pieces of unburnt bones from the ashes fourteen days after the cremation, but they either throw them into the nearest river or take them to some sacred place, thus following a frequent Indian practice.
There is one feature of the urvatpimi ceremony of the Todas which also suggests a possible link with Malabar, and this is the name, pülpali, given to the artificial dairy used by the Tartharol. The Nairs of Malabar have a ceremony at the ninth month called pulikuti, in which the woman drinks tamarind (puli) juice which has been poured over a knife by her brother. [286] The Toda word for the sour taste is pülchiti, derived from tamarind, and I have suggested that the name pülpali may mean ‘tamarind dairy,’ and be a survival of community between the Toda ceremony and that of Malabar.
I have now enumerated a number of points in which there is a close resemblance between the customs of the Todas and those of the people of Malabar. In some cases, as in that of the cloth ceremony of the funeral, the resemblance is so close that we seem almost bound to seek its explanation either in identity of origin or in borrowing. We may be confident that if there has been any borrowing from the inhabitants of Malabar, it has not been recent, and we may also be fairly confident that the physical barrier in the past must have prevented any but the most infrequent intercourse between the inhabitants of the Nilgiri plateau and those of Malabar. If we attach any significance to the resemblances I have indicated, the conclusion seems almost inevitable that the Todas at some time lived in Malabar and migrated to the Nilgiri Hills, and it remains to inquire whether there are any other facts in favour of this view.
On one line of evidence I cannot speak with any authority, but I strongly suspect that there is a very close resemblance between the Toda language and Malayalam.
I think there is little doubt that the Toda language is much more nearly allied to Tamil than to Canarese, and I believe that the contrary opinion of Dr. Pope was due to the inclusion in his material of many words borrowed by the Todas from their Canarese-speaking neighbours, the Badagas. Malayalam is closely allied to Tamil, differing from it chiefly in its disuse of the personal terminations of the verbs and in the large number of Sanscrit derivatives, [287] and I should like to make the suggestion, for the consideration of Dravidian philologists, that there is a close resemblance between the Toda language and Malayalam, minus its Sanscrit derivatives.
The Todas claim that their diviners, who, when in their frenzy, are believed to be inspired by the gods, speak the Malayalam language, some clans speaking a language which the Todas say is that of people they call Mondardsetipol, living in Malabar. I do not know whether the Toda claim is justified, but in any case the belief exists that the diviners speak the languages of Malabar, and that these are the languages of the gods. It is possible that in their beliefs concerning the language of the gods the Todas may be preserving a tradition of their mother-tongue, and if it could be proved that the diviners actually speak the Malayalam language the link with Malabar would be very materially strengthened. [288]
The Todas believe that their dead travel towards the West and are able to describe the paths by which they pass. Here, again, there is some reason to think that people may preserve in their beliefs about the passing to the next world a tradition of the route by which their ancestors travelled from a former home, and this may be so in the case of the Todas.
Another fact linking the Todas with Malabar is the use of the tall pole called tadri in the funeral ceremonies. This pole is procured for the Todas from the Malabar side of the hills by the Kurumbas, and I was told that suitable poles only grew in Malabar, and the pole is adorned with cowries which are also probably of Malabar origin. Other objects burnt at the funeral, such as the boxes called pettei and the umbrella called miturkwadr, are also procured from Malabar. The use of objects in funeral ceremonies which are procured from Malabar is suggestive, though, taken alone, it would have little significance.
A fact which would perhaps be regarded by most as more important is that there is now a settlement of the Todas at Gudalur in the Wainad, on one of the routes from Malabar to the Nilgiris. It seems clear that at one time the settlement was larger than it is at present, and it is tempting to suppose that we have here evidence of the route of the Toda migration. There are, however, facts which make it improbable that this clue is of any value. If the villages about Gudalur had been survivals of the migration they would almost certainly have been sacred villages, but it was quite clear that they had no sanctity whatever and were not even saluted when seen from a distance. Unfortunately I did not visit Kavidi, the only village which remains, and if I had done so I might have discovered some evidence of sanctity and antiquity, but from what I was told it is very unlikely that any such evidence exists. This absence of sanctity is further in agreement with the traditions of the Todas, who say that the settlement at Gudalur is recent. There are, however, other facts which point to an ancient connexion of the Todas with this district. Some of the buffaloes of the most sacred and ancient Nòdrs ti are said to have come from Perithi in the Wainad, and the Taradrol, in many ways an exceptional Toda clan, are said to have their own future world or Amnòdr at this place.
It will thus be seen that, in addition to the points of similarity in custom and belief, there are definite facts pointing to connexion with Malabar, and if we suppose that the Todas migrated from this district we have next to conjecture the path by which they travelled. If any importance is attached to the belief in the paths taken by the dead, we should regard it as the most probable view that the Todas travelled over the Kundahs, the two divisions of the people travelling by slightly different routes. The Toda tradition that men were created on the Kundahs is perhaps in favour of this route, which would seem to correspond with the road to the Nilgiris known as the Sisipara Ghat. If, on the other hand, we attach importance to the settlement at Kavidi, the route followed would be that through Gudalur. At the present time the latter road is far the easier of the two, and, if the Todas had travelled during the last few years, it would have been the natural road by which to come, but it does not appear that there was any essential difference in the difficulties of the two routes before the roads were made. The evidence in favour of either route is very scanty, but if the Todas came from Malabar it is probable that they came by one or other of these paths.
There are two other districts which have some claim to be considered as possible places from which the Todas may have migrated—viz., Mysore and Coorg.
The Todas regard with some reverence a Hindu temple at Nanjankudi in Mysore, and visit it to pay vows, and there is little doubt that they have done this for a long time. Further, Nòdrs, one of the oldest and most sacred of the Toda villages, is close to the present road from Mysore and may have been near the most convenient route from Mysore in ancient times. I think, however, that, though not recent, the relations with the Hindu temple at Nanjankudi are not of very great antiquity, and I am inclined to ascribe the Toda reverence for it to their association with the Badagas, who almost certainly came from Mysore. I have not been able to find many parallels to Toda customs in Mysore. In one case, however, the resemblance is very close. Among the Gollavalu of Mysore [289] a woman after delivery is turned out into a leaf or mat hut, about 200 yards from the village, and on the fourth day a woman of the village pours water over her. In this case the woman lives in the hut for three months, her husband also living in a special hut. Again, among the Kadu (or forest) Gollas of Mysore [290] the mother and child remain in a small shed outside the village for seven to thirty days.
The other district which has customs especially resembling those of the Todas is Coorg. Among the people of Coorg cloth-giving appears at one time to have formed the essential marriage ceremony, and there still exist what are called ‘cloth-marriages’ in which a man becomes the husband of a woman merely by giving her a cloth. There is also some evidence that polyandry has been practised in Coorg, and I have already referred to the resemblance between the pursütpimi ceremony of the Todas and the Coorg custom of giving a little bow and arrow to a newly born boy. The bow is made of a stick of the castor-oil plant and for the arrow the leaf-stalk of the same plant is used. In Coorg the imitation bow and arrow is put into the hand of the newly born child, but this custom is not widely removed from that of the Todas in which the bow and arrow is put into the hand of the mother shortly before the child is born.
The Todas know the people of Coorg, which they call Kwûrg, and have a tradition of an invasion of their hills by these people, but it is very improbable that there has been any direct borrowing, and it seems more likely that some of the customs of the Todas and Coorgs have had a common source.
The resemblance with the customs of Coorg are perhaps more striking than with those of Mysore, and the former region is much more likely to have been influenced by Malabar than the latter. The links with Coorg do not weaken, and perhaps even strengthen, the conclusion that the Todas owe much to Malabar.
If we accept provisionally the view that the Todas migrated to the Nilgiris from Malabar, we are next confronted with the problem as to whether they are directly derived from any of the races now living in that district. The most diverse views have been held by those who have considered the racial affinities of the Todas. Leaving on one side the conjectures of those who have supposed them to be Scythians, Druids, Romans, or Jews, we find that the Todas have been supposed by several writers to be of Aryan or Caucasic origin. De Quatrefages [291] grouped the Todas with the Ainus of Northern Japan and Keane [292] follows him in putting the two peoples together, and regards both as witnesses to the widespread diffusion of Caucasic races in Asia. Deniker [293] suggests that they belong to the Indo-Afghan race, with perhaps an admixture of the Assyroid race.
Previous writers have found no special reason to link the customs of the Todas with those of Malabar, and, so far as I am aware, no one has considered how far the Todas may be of the same race as any of the inhabitants of this district. [294] In considering this matter, we may anticipate that even if the Todas and any of the tribes or castes of Malabar had the same origin, marked differences would have been produced by the long sojourn of the former on the Nilgiri plateau. How long the Todas have been on the Nilgiri Hills no one can say, but we may safely conclude that a very long time must have been necessary to produce the wide divergence in custom and belief which is found to separate them even from those other inhabitants of India whom they most closely resemble. If the Todas came from Malabar, they came from a country differing enormously in temperature and in general physical and climatic characters from the Nilgiri plateau. Life on the hills must almost certainly have altered the physical characters of the people, and it is perhaps now hopeless to expect that any exact resemblance would be found with the existing races of Malabar even if the Todas are an offshoot of one of them. Nevertheless, in comparing the physical measurements of the Todas, which we owe to Mr. Thurston, with those of various Malabar races taken by Mr. Fawcett, it would seem that the differences are not very great, and in the measurements to which anthropologists attach most importance, those of the head and nose, they are very slight.
In the table on the following page I give the chief measurements in centimeters for Todas, Nairs, and Nambutiris.
The average dimensions of the heads and noses of the Todas correspond very closely with those of the Nairs, and the differences from the Nambutiris are nowhere great. It must be remembered that the measurements on the Todas were taken by one observer, and those on the Nairs and Nambutiris by another, [295] and this may partly account for the large divergence in the case of the maxillo-zygomatic index, which is calculated from the bigoniac and bizygomatic measurements, in both of which there is considerable scope for differences between different observers. The only other measurements which show any decided divergence are the stature and the length from the middle finger to the patella, and the greater stature of the Todas may well be the result of their more healthy environment. The cubit of the Todas also differs very decidedly from that of the Nambutiris, though little longer than this dimension of the Nairs.
Todas. [296] 182 Nairs. 25 Nambutiris.
Stature 169·8 165·6 162·3 Span 175·9 175·1 170·0 Chest 82·0 80·6 83·7 Middle finger to patella 12·0 10·1 10·5 Shoulders 39·3 40·0 40·7 Left cubit 47·0 46·2 44·2 Left hand, length 18·8 18·5 18·0 ,, ,, width 8·1 8·3 7·8 Hips 25·7 26·0 26·2 Left foot, length 25·0 25·4 24·5 ,, ,, width 9·2 8·8 Cephalic length 19·4 19·2 19·2 ,, width 14·2 14·1 14·6 ,, index 73·3 73·1 76·3 Bigoniac 9·6 10·4 10·6 Bizygomatic 12·7 13·1 13·2 Maxillo-zygomatic index 75·7 80·1 80·4 Nasal height 4·7 4·8 4·9 ,, width 3·6 3·6 3·7 ,, index 76·6 76·8 75·5
We do not know the probable errors of these different groups of measurements, but the agreement between the Todas and the two castes of Malabar is so close as to suggest strongly a racial affinity between the three. [297]
The hairiness of the Toda is perhaps the feature in which he differs most obviously from the races of Malabar, while the robustness of his physique and general bearing are perhaps almost as striking. The latter qualities may be entirely due to his environment, to his free life in the comparatively bracing climate of the Nilgiris, and, so far as we know, the development of hair may have a similar cause. Of all the castes or tribes of Malabar, the Nambutiris perhaps shows the greatest number of resemblances to the customs of the Todas, [298] and it is therefore interesting to note that Mr. Fawcett describes these people as the hairiest of all the races of Malabar and especially notes that one individual he examined was like a Toda.
I am not competent to express a decided opinion on the amount of importance which is to be attached to the resemblance which is shown by the figures on p. 708, but it seems to me that the facts before us give no grounds [299] for separating the Todas racially from the two chief castes of Malabar.
The identification of the Todas with Nairs or Nambutiris would still leave their racial affinities somewhat indeterminate. The Nambutiris are often supposed to be Aryan invaders of Malabar, and, owing to the cause already mentioned, the Nairs are so largely of Nambutiri blood that, if the Nambutiris are Aryan, the Nairs must also be strongly Aryanised even if they were originally of pure Dravidian descent.
If future research should show that the Todas are an offshoot of one of the races now existing in Malabar, and if any definite conclusion can be drawn as to the time during which they have been on the Nilgiri Hills, physical anthropologists will be provided with a most interesting example of the influence of environment on the physical characters of a race. Few greater contrasts of environment could be found in a country than that existing between Malabar and the Nilgiris, and it is possible that the Todas may furnish a striking example of the influence of environment on physical characters.
In endeavouring to link the Todas with Malabar I have naturally dwelt on the points of resemblance rather than on the points of difference. The differences are, however, very great. The general manner of life of the two peoples is now wholly different, while on the religious side I may point to the wide prevalence of snake worship in Malabar, especially among the Nambutiris.
The hypothesis that the Todas are derived from one or more of the races of Malabar would not be tenable for a moment except on the assumption that the migration took place very long ago, and that the culture of Malabar has undergone great changes since the migration. As to the length of time during which the Todas have been on the Nilgiris, we can only offer the vaguest surmises. We know that three centuries ago the Todas were living on the Nilgiris, apparently in much the same state as at the present day. The appearance of some of their sacred stones suggests great antiquity, especially the well-worn polished appearance of the neurzülnkars, which, if the accounts are right, are only rubbed a few times in the year.
On the other hand, the history of Malabar is highly conjectural. The two great positive landmarks in its history are the beginning and end of the rule of the Perumal princes. The date of the first Perumal is put at about the time of Christ, or somewhat later, and it is tempting to surmise that the Todas may have been driven or have retired from Malabar in consequence of the political changes which took place at this time. The last Perumal probably reigned about a thousand years ago, but there does not appear to have been any political upheaval at the time, the last prince having his period of office prolonged beyond the usual twelve years, and having then divided his dominions among his family and retainers.
If we assume that the Todas came from Malabar, the date of their migration would be of great interest in relation to the possibility of Christian or Jewish influences on the Toda religion. There are ancient settlements of both Christians and Jews in Malabar. Tradition assigns the starting-point of the native Christian settlements in Malabar to St. Thomas; but, leaving this on one side, there seems to be no doubt that both Christians and Jews were well established in Malabar more than a thousand years ago. An ancient document is still preserved by the Jews of Cochin, which was given to their leader by the Perumal of the day, and this document can be dated about 750 A.D. A similar document preserved by the Nestorian Christians can be dated 774 A.D.
If the Todas left Malabar at the beginning of the Perumal rule, Jewish or Christian influences can be excluded, but if at a later period such influences may have been present, though it is very improbable that they were important; for, unless the Todas have changed very much, they would have been very unlikely to have borrowed from religious settlers of an alien race. Still, in considering the strange resemblance between the Hebrew and Toda versions of the Creation, this possible influence should be borne in mind.
I have so far said nothing of the archæological evidence which may possibly help in the settlement of the vexed questions which I have raised in the preceding pages. Our knowledge of the history of the Todas would be very materially advanced if we knew whether the cairns, barrows and other ancient remains which are found on the Nilgiri Hills are Toda monuments. In the cairns and barrows there are found objects which suggest a Toda origin, such as figures of buffaloes with bells round their necks (see Fig. 76, 9), but the vast majority of the finds are utterly unlike anything now possessed by the Todas. They include pottery of many designs, the lids of the vessels being often adorned with the figures of animals. Many other animal figures have also been found, and though that of the buffalo often occurs, figures of the horse (see Fig. 76, 10), sheep, camel, elephant, leopard (?), pig (?), and low-country bullock with hump are all found. Such figures can only have been made by those well acquainted with the low country, and none of these animals are ever mentioned in Toda legends.
Metal work is also found in the cairns and barrows; bronze vases, basins and saucers (Fig. 76, 1, 2, 3), iron razors, styles or pins (?), and daggers (Fig. 76, 8), while iron spear-heads (Fig. 76, 4, 7, 13) are frequently met with.
In addition to the more elaborate cairns, cromlechs and barrows found on the Nilgiri Hills, Breeks, to whom we owe most of our knowledge on this subject, found what he took to be ancient examples of the azaram or circle of stones within which the Toda buries the ashes of his dead at the end of the second funeral. In such azaram in the district between Kotagiri and Kwòdrdoni, Breeks found bronze bracelets and rings, iron spear-heads, a chisel, a knife and an iron implement in something of the style found in Malabar and differing from those usually found in the cairns.
Breeks points out that the characteristic feature of the cairns and barrows of the Nilgiris is the circle of stones, and that some consist of an insignificant circle hardly to be distinguished from the Toda azaram. He often found it difficult to say whether a given monument was a cairn or an azaram, so that it would appear that there are intermediate gradations between the more elaborate cairns or barrows containing the pottery and metal work and the simple Toda azaram. From the amount of rust on the iron implements, however, Breeks concluded that there was a long interval of time between the most recent of the cairns and the oldest azaram, but he points out that if the latter are really azaram, they show that the Todas used at one time to bury such objects as iron spears. [300]
As regards the cairns, Breeks points out that though the figures of many animals occur in addition to that of the buffalo, most of the animals are so badly imitated that it is difficult to identify them, while the figures of the buffaloes are singularly characteristic and often very spirited.
The only implements found by Breeks which might be agricultural were shears and sickles (Fig. 76, 12, 5), and he recalls the kafkati burnt by the Todas with their dead, which is a curved knife, different, however, in shape from the sickles often found in the cairns.
On the other hand, very few of the human figures found in the cairns resemble the Todas in any way; the women have the low-country top-knot instead of the Toda curls, and they carry chatties on their heads, which would never be done by a Toda woman at the present time, whatever she may have done in the past.
Breeks himself inclined to the view that the cairns are Toda monuments. One objection which has been made to this view is that the Todas exhibit little or no interest in the cairns, and offer no objection to their excavation. I have already given reasons [301] why this cannot be regarded as a conclusive argument against the Toda origin of the monuments. The Todas certainly identify the hills which possess stone circles with the abodes of their gods, and the absence of objections to the excavation may merely be due to the fact that they have no traditional injunctions against interference with these circles.
In dealing with the religion of the Todas, I have advanced the view that the ritual and beliefs of the people furnish us with an example of a religion in a state of decadence. It seems probable that the Todas once had a religious cult of a distinctly higher order than that they now possess, and if I am right in supposing that the Todas came from Malabar, it might follow that they brought their highly developed religion with them, and that although certain features of the religion may have undergone great development, the general result of the long isolation has been to produce degeneration. The study of the religion suggests that we have in the Todas an example of a people who show us the remnants of a higher culture.
If we could accept the view that the cairns, barrows, and cromlechs of the Nilgiri Hills were the work of the ancestors of the Todas, we should have at once abundant further evidence that the Todas have degenerated from a higher culture. We should have an example of a people who once used, even if they did not make, pottery, showing artistic aptitudes of a fairly high order which they have now entirely lost. The Toda now procures his pottery from another race, and, so long as this is of the kind prescribed by custom, he is wholly indifferent to its æsthetic aspect. I doubt if there exists anywhere in the world a people so devoid of æsthetic arts, and if the Nilgiri monuments are the work of their ancestors, the movement backwards in this department of life must have been very great.
It is easy to see how the Todas may have lost such arts, supposing that they once possessed them. The Toda now regards nearly every kind of manual labour as beneath his dignity, and if a people showing artistic skill in the adornment of the articles they use in everyday life should hand over the making of these articles to another race, it is fairly certain that the artistic side would suffer, and this is especially likely to happen when the artisans whose services are employed are such people as the Kotas. [302] Assuming that such a transference took place, it is easy to understand the complete disappearance of art even higher than that which the contents of the monuments show.
The use of the bow and arrow and the club in ceremonial furnishes us with another example of material objects which have wholly disappeared from the active life of the Todas, and here again it is easy to see why the disappearance has taken place, for on the Nilgiris the Todas have had no enemies, either human or feral. This disuse of weapons has indeed so obvious an explanation that it cannot be treated as an instance of degeneration; and while the origin of the cairns remains doubtful, the only evidence of degeneration of culture is shown by the religion; and though it seems to me that the evidence here, especially that derived from the nature of the prayers, is conclusive, it may not be so regarded by all.
In the preceding lines I have put forward for consideration the tentative hypothesis that the Todas may furnish us with an example of a people who once have possessed a higher culture of which some features have undergone degeneration. If we combine this hypothesis with that advanced earlier, that the Todas came from Malabar, we may suppose that the Todas brought the higher culture with them from this district, and if this were so, the original culture of the Todas may have been on much the same general level as that of the dominant castes of Malabar at the present day. On this hypothesis, it seems to me most likely that in their new home the religion of the Todas underwent a very special development, its ritual coming to centre more and more round the buffalo, because in their very simple environment this was the most accessible object of veneration. I think there is little doubt that the extraordinary development of the ritual of the dairy must have taken place since the Todas have been on the Nilgiris; and, as I have already pointed out, it seems to me most probable that the degeneration of the religion has been largely a consequence of the extreme development of this ritual aspect of their religion.
If we reject the view that the Todas are representatives of one or more of the castes of Malabar whose institutions have in some ways degenerated during a long period of isolation, the most likely alternative view is that the Todas are one of the hill tribes of the Western Ghats who have developed a higher culture than the rest in the very favourable environment provided by the Nilgiri plateau. I have already referred to the resemblance between certain Toda customs and those of one such tribe, the Hill Arrians, who live in the hills in Travancore and on the Travancore-Cochin boundary. These people are fair, about five feet six inches in height, and frequently have aquiline noses. They inherit in the male line, and have an early marriage ceremony, followed by another in which cloths are presented to the bridegroom. After childbirth the woman lives in a shed for sixteen days. They bury their dead, the earth being dug with the ceremony to which I have already alluded, [303] and though we are not told that a cloth is laid on the corpse at the funeral ceremonies, Fawcett [304] records the fact that a cloth is placed on the grave. There are thus several points of resemblance between their customs and those of the Todas, and this resemblance extends in some measure to the physical appearance and suggests, not only that they and the Todas have been influenced by the same culture, but even that they are people of the same race. We are here, however, plunged almost entirely in the region of conjecture, and we must wait for further information before we consider whether such tribes as the Hill Arrians are representatives of the same race as the Todas, both having been driven from the plains of Malabar into their mountain fastnesses, or whether the Todas and Arrians are two hill tribes of similar descent who have each been influenced by Malabar, of whom the Todas have advanced more in culture, owing to their exceptionally favourable environment on the Nilgiri plateau.
The whole of this last chapter is, I am afraid, open to the charge of being highly conjectural. It has, however, seemed to me desirable to raise some of the problems suggested by the existence of the Todas. In the settlement of these problems much further research is necessary, and I have somewhat reluctantly dealt so largely with the conjectural topics of the chapter, because they seem to point clearly to two lines of research in which further work is necessary. One is the archæology of the Nilgiris, which would, I believe, now well repay further investigation; the other is a detailed inquiry into the more popular customs of Malabar and especially of its less known peoples, such as the Hill Arrians, of whom I have just written. It is in the hope that further interest may be awakened in these lines of inquiry that I have devoted so much space to the hypotheses and surmises of this final chapter.
If further research should show that the Todas are derived from ancient races of Malabar, it is possible that the existence of this strange people may help to illuminate the many dark places which exist in our knowledge of the connexion between the Aryan and Dravidian cultures. It is even possible that the Todas may give us a glimpse of what the culture of Malabar may have been before the introduction of Brahmanism, a culture from which many features would have disappeared, while others would have undergone special development; and, if this were the case, the complex dairy ritual of the Todas would be the most striking instance of the development, a development, however, carrying with it the germs of that degeneration from which the Toda religion now seems to be suffering.
APPENDICES
APPENDIX I
I give here a translation of two extracts from Portuguese manuscripts preserved in the British Museum. The original spelling of the names of places and persons has been preserved and I have added some notes. I am indebted for the translation to Miss A. de Alberti.
The Mission of Todramala. [305]—This new mission of Todramala belongs to the college of Vaipicotta, and it seems necessary to give your Rev. an account thereof that you may be informed of what has been discovered, as well as of what still remains to be done. Vague rumours had reached the Lord Bishop Dom Frco. Ros that in the interior of this Malabar, among some mountains, there dwelt a race of men descended from the ancient Christians of S. Thomas; in order to discover and open the way to them he sent from our seminary a Cassanar [306] and a Chamas, which means a priest and a deacon, who after travelling for more than fifty miles reached the summit of the mountain of Todramala. Here they came upon a race which appeared, in accordance with the rumour, to be of those who were driven from the territory of S. Thome by the many wars in former times and scattered through these parts. They did not call it by that name, however, but pointing in the direction of S. Thomas, they said that certain men came thence, some of whom settled in those mountains, and others went further down, of whom they knew nothing. The Cassamar thereupon took occasion to ingratiate himself with them, saying that those who settled lower down were his ancestors, and therefore they were all of one race, and they had come solely to visit them as their brethren and relations. This moved them to such love and pity that men, women, and children embraced and welcomed them with tears. They found no trace of Christianity in them; they had neither crosses nor books, though they said they had some once, but they were lost as those who could read had died out. They have no pagoda worship nor pagan ceremonies. On being questioned concerning their god they spoke of a bird, a father, and a son, from which it may be presumed that they had some notion of the Blessed Trinity. They rejoiced to hear of the creation of the world and other discourses which the Cassamar and the Chamas held with them; and they were very eager that they should remain with them a long while, but they could not do so, as their guide was very pressing that they should return. They are a somewhat white-skinned race and tall of stature; they grow long beards and wear their hair after the ancient Portuguese fashion, bushy on the head and falling on the shoulders behind. They have necessaries in abundance, namely, rice, some wheat, vegetables, and meat in great variety, both fowls and wild game; quantities of cattle, and so much milk that they cannot use it all and give it to the very cattle to drink. Many other things were related of their customs which I leave until more is known of them. Upon this information the Father Vice-Provincial, at the instance of the Bishop, resolved to send thither a priest well acquainted with the Malabar tongue, and therefore he commissioned the father who was going to the residence of Calicut to inquire the easiest road and best season for this mission. He found that it was much nearer Calicut through the territory of the Samorim, and that the best time was the month of January, when, by the help of God, a father will set out with several Cassamars, and of what occurs your Rev. will be informed next year.
The Mission of Todamalâ. [307]—Last year your Rev. received a brief account of a new mission destined for Todamalâ to a certain race dwelling in the interior of this country of Malabar, among rugged mountains, at a distance of fifty leagues or thereabouts. These were supposed to be descendants of the Christians of S. Thomas who had somehow drifted to those parts. Though last year the Bishop of Angamale, Dom Frco. Ros, sent a priest belonging to the Christians of S. Thomas, accompanied by a deacon and a good guide, to explore the land and acquire information concerning this race, they did not bring back such full and certain intelligence as was desired. Therefore the Lord Bishop asked our Vice-Provincial to send one of our fathers, and the choice fell upon Father Yacomo Fenicio, [308] who has known the people of Malabar for many years and is well acquainted with their language. The father set out from Calicut, where he resides, and whence the road is easiest, and with the assistance of good guides reached the desired destination, though at the cost of great labour and risk. Having acquired ample information, he returned to Calicut from Thodomala, and on his arrival wrote a letter to the Vice-Provincial, dated the 1st of April, 1603, giving him an account of his discoveries, of which the following is a copy—
Copy of a letter from Father Yacome Finicio to the Vice-Provincial Of Calicut, 1st of April, 1603
Thanks be to God, I am returned from Todamalâ, though with great labour and little satisfaction, for I did not find there what we hoped and were led to expect. And as the prosecution or abandonment of this mission depends upon it, I think it necessary to give you here a detailed account of all I discovered and endured. The road by Charti being impracticable on account of the wars which had broken out among the people, I was obliged to go by Manarechatem, and this was providential for us, it being the road taken by the Cacenar whom the bishop sent last year. It is thirteen leagues from the shore of Tanor. So far the way was safe and easy, this being the territory of the Samorim, and in every village we met people who knew our Christian Errari, [309] the nephew of the Samorim, who accompanied me. I was very glad of his company, because he offered it himself, and because he could speak Canara, the language of the Badegas, neighbours of the Todares. Before we reached Mararachate we had an interview with the chief ruler of the Samorim, who lives within two leagues. I gave him a palm-leaf from Carnor, chief ruler of the Samorim, in which he bade him give me the men and assistance necessary for my journey to Todamalâ, and to go with me himself if necessary. The ruler welcomed us with many compliments, but as regards the journey he made many difficulties, and not only he, but many others of that place said that the way was very long and full of wild and rugged mountains; that there were elephants and tigers, that it was very cold up there, and finally that there was a risk that some of us would die. The ruler wished to send two Naires, who knew the way, with me, but they would not go for fear of falling sick, even though I would have paid them well. Finding that they made so many difficulties I pressed the Errari to return to Calicut with his people, as it was feared that they would fall sick upon the way, and I would go to Manaracathe and there provide myself with a guide and escort. This touched the Errari upon a point of honour, and he bade me not to speak of such a thing, for he was resolved to go, and his Naires had all bound themselves by an oath to go likewise. The Errari had with him a Varser, [310] which is little less than a Brahmin, and he said to me, “Father, if I die on the road, bury me where you will; it is of no consequence.” I asked another young Naire if he wished to go, and he replied, “I will accompany your Reverence while I have breath.” Upon this we took leave of the ruler and went to Manarecathe, where we found the very chatim who went with the Cacenar; however, the Errari thought it best to take another more trustworthy, who had relatives in the country. Here we were told that it was six Canara leagues to Todamalâ, which is twelve Malabar leagues, and that it would take two days and a half to get there. Everyone provided himself with clothes against the cold of Todamalâ, and with provisions for the journey; also with pots which the Naires carried on their heads, not for want of coolies, but because the Naires and Brahmins will not allow those of a different caste to touch the pots in which they cook their rice. The arms were left behind that the natives might not suppose that the people of Malabar had come to fight with them. Thus we set out cheerfully, and the first day, as we could not reach a village before night, we dined, and started between eight and nine in the morning, and marched quickly until evening that we might not be benighted in the thicket, for fear of the elephants, and yet our guide said we had only travelled two Canara leagues. That day we crossed a sandy mountain.
The second day we wished to start at dawn, but we met fifteen or sixteen men of that village coming by the road we were to pursue, all armed, and they told us that there were three elephants in the way, so we waited until nine o’clock and in the meantime the elephants sought their pasture. This second day we supped at the foot of a very high mountain over which our road lay, and as there was no village and there were elephants about, after supper we climbed part of the mountain and slept there. After midnight we climbed nearly all the rest of the mountain by moonlight, with great labour and fatigue. On reaching the summit other great mountains appeared, and others beyond them, at which we were all astounded, for some of them were so steep that we were obliged to descend in a sitting posture. When the Errari found himself on these mountains, he said that God was punishing him for his sins, and that going up and down such mountains would shorten their lives by ten years. The chatim, our guide, looking down from a mountain, said that merely looking down dazzled his eyes, and so said the Naires on other occasions in similar circumstances. But I could not restrain my laughter, and began singing hymns in Malabar against pagodas, whereupon the others laughed too, and joined in the hymns. It was now noon, and we had still another mountain to climb before reaching the village of the Badagas, neighbours of the Thodares, but we were so tired that we could go no further. We wished to dine, and there was very good cold water flowing from a mountain, but we had no fire. The Errari offered to go up with the Brahmin and to send us down a light. I would not suffer him to take so much trouble, nor was it necessary, for the chatim, our guide, struck fire from two twigs, and thereupon everyone sat down to rest, cooking his rice meanwhile. When we had rested we climbed the mountain and reached the village of the Badegas. It is a village of 150 to 200 souls, called Meleuntaõ. [311] The Cacenar is reported to have visited it. Here we found the chief of the Todeos and spoke with him. He promised to go and assemble the rest, that we might speak to them. In this village they have fowls, cows, goats, rice, lentils, mustard seed, garlick, and honey. They brought me some wheat in the husk, which was very difficult to remove, and therefore it seemed to me more like barley or some other grain than wheat. The Badagos are like the Malabars, and they say there are two other villages like this in these mountains, four, five, and six leagues distant from each other. These trade with the Thodares and sell them rice, buying buffalo butter from them, which they carry to Manaracathe for sale. The next day I wished to discourse to these Badagas concerning our law. I showed them the pictures of Our Lady of St. Luke, telling them that the child was God, who became man to teach us his law and save us. I showed them a gilt Bible and told them that it was the book of our law, and as they all surrounded me, I went up into a high place and the Errari with me. I spoke in Malabar and the Errari interpreted in Canara, which is their language. A Badaga who understood Malabar could not contain himself, but came up to where I was and spoke to me in Topas. [312] Then I taught him that the law given to us by the God made man was contained in ten commandments, &c., and they all rejoiced at the ten commandments and their explanation. Only at the sixth [313] commandment the Topas Badaga represented to me that the Malabars also had many wives. I told him that this law was not the law of the Malabars, but of God, and that they did wrong in having many wives, whereupon he was satisfied. Finally I told him that I had not come to teach the Thodares only, but them also if they would accept this law. They replied that the law was very good, but they did not dare adopt it, neither could I live in these barren mountains, &c. I make no doubt that if a priest were there they would all be converted. While I was in this village of Melentaõ the priest of the Thodares came thither, but he remained outside the village, for he may not touch a woman. I went to see him and found him seated on the ground with seven or eight others seated near him. He was a huge man, well proportioned, with a long beard and hair like a Nazarene falling on his shoulders, the front hair drawn back over his head, leaving his forehead uncovered. His dress was a shawl from the waist to the knees, and the rest of his body was naked; he held a sickle in his hand. When I had come up to him and sat down, he asked me how I was; I replied that I was well and all the better for meeting him, for it proved to me that God was my guide, since I had come from so far to see the Thodares and immediately met with their chief. He asked the purpose of my coming. I replied that I had come to see the Thodares, having heard that we were of the same race and laws, and that last year one of our people visited them and gave us a very good account of them. I asked him if they knew from whom they were descended. He said no, and thereupon would have taken leave of us. Then I said that it was not right to wish to leave us so soon, since we had come so far solely to visit them, and upon this he remained. Then I inquired of those around who he was, and what was his office. They replied that he was called Pallem and was like the Belicha Paro among the Malabars. Belichaparo is he who takes care of the pagoda, and sometimes the devil enters into him, and he trembles and rolls upon the ground, and answers questions put to him in the name of the pagoda. I asked if the Thodares had pagodas; they replied that they had a live buffalo cow for a pagoda, and they hung a bell round its neck, and the Pallem offered it milk every day, and then let it loose in the fields to graze with the rest. And every month or thereabouts, the Pallem seizes the buffalo by the horns and trembles, saying that the buffalo bids them change the pasture, and thereupon they change their place and pasture. By the milk and butter of this buffalo and that of its children and grandchildren, which already reach 120, this Pallem is maintained. On this mountain where I was there were 100 Thodares, [314] and they had three pallems between them, each having his buffalo for a pagoda. When the buffalo dies the Thodares assemble, choose one of these hundred, tie the bell round its neck, and it becomes a pagoda. Besides the buffalo they have 300 pagodas to whom they also make offerings of milk. I asked him why he carried the sickle in his hand, and he replied that God commanded him to carry no other arm or stick but only that sickle. He used it to scratch his head, which was swarming with lice, and they could be seen crawling among his hair. I asked if he was married; he answered that he and his younger brother were married to the same woman, but as he might not touch a woman in the house she always lived with his brother, but he sent for her into the bush every week or so, when it was a fine day. And when he liked he sent for any of the wives of the Thodares whom he chose, and the husbands allowed it so long as he paid them. I asked if they had books and he said no; none of them can read or write. He also told me that they had a father whom God took up to heaven, body and soul, and the buffaloes looked up to heaven after him, and that was why they made offerings to the buffaloes. At last I gave him one of the looking-glasses from Calicut, with which he was very pleased and said he would give it to his wife. Then I took leave of him, after showing him the pictures and Bible, at which he wondered. Besides this pallem they have another whom they call Ferral, [315] who is present when they give the buffaloes salt water, and he trembles, bidding them give them drink, and they will give much milk, and grow fat, and give butter in plenty, &c.
The next day we went to visit the villages of the Thodares. We climbed quite half a league above this village, and on reaching the summit nothing was visible on every side but mountains and valleys; all was desert without a single fruit or forest tree, excepting in an occasional damp place where there were a few forest trees. There are no palm trees or jacks in all these mountains, nor any fruit trees, as I have said. As we traversed these mountains and valleys, every now and then we saw a herd of buffaloes in the distance with a Thodar or two guarding them. In this way we met four or five Thodares and sent them to fetch the rest. As no women were visible, I promised one a looking-glass if he would go and fetch them. He hastened away up a mountain and brought back four women, who remained at a distance through timidity and would not join the rest. I sent them word that they must approach if they wanted looking-glasses, and then they came up. After this we went on for another half a league or more and came upon two Thodar huts at the foot of a mountain. They were like a large barrel half buried in the ground, or like a covered bier. They were nine spans in length and the same in breadth; and six spans in the highest part. The hoops of the barrel were of thick reeds like Indian cane, bent into a hoop with both ends fixed in the ground. Pieces of wood from the bush were laid across these reeds and covered with grass. The front was made of stakes set on end, like organ pipes, with no other filling whatever. The door was a span and four inches wide, and two spans and an inch high, so that the Errari and myself could scarcely enter, and inside we had to kneel. There were two beds with grass mattresses on each side, and a small pit in the middle of the hut which was the fireplace. There was a little window on one side, a finger’s length high and a span wide. Beside these houses was a pen for buffaloes, and close by another little house where they make the butter. They said the other houses were half a league distant from each other. Thirty or forty Thodares assembled; they are clothed in a large sheet with no other covering but a small loincloth four or five fingers wide. Their arms are long sticks smeared with butter; when new they look like strips of white paper at a distance, but they cure them and they turn black. They wear long beards, and rather long hair, but not so long as the Pallem. It was two months since I had shaved or cut my hair, so that I looked like one of them, and they did not wonder at me as they did at the Cacenar, who went there with no hair or beard. They never shave except when one of them dies. At a death they kill half of the dead man’s buffaloes, and the other half goes to his heirs. If he has no buffaloes each person gives one, and half of them are killed and the rest are left. They burn the dead body, but it must be wrapped in a veil of pure silk, which they call a toda-pata, worth five or six fanams; and if this is lacking they must wait for it, though it be for a year. In the meantime, in order to preserve the body they open it at the loins, take out the entrails, and cut off the occiput; then they place it in an arbour and dry it in the smoke. Two brothers marry the same woman; she lives with the eldest at night, and with the youngest by day. Others have two or three wives. They do not eat fowls, cow’s flesh, nor goat, and so they breed none of these. They do not eat buffalo’s flesh, but only wild boar and venison. They eat no salt. They have no crops of any kind, and no occupation but the breeding of buffaloes, on whose milk and butter they live. They have no vassals, as was reported; on the contrary, they are subject and pay tribute to the Badega chiefs. When they eat they hold the rice in their left hand, take a lump of butter in the right, mix it with the rice, and so eat it; when their meal is finished they rub their hands together and wipe them on their hair, and so they all smell of butter. In colour they resemble the Malabars, some whiter and some darker; they are generally moderately tall. Their ears are pierced or bored, not long like those of the Malabars, and some wear a silver circle in them like a ring. They wear black threads round their necks, and some have a large silver bead like a pater-noster in front. I had a skein of black thread in my pocket and drew it out; a Thodar seeing it begged it of me earnestly two or three times. I told him that I must give it to the women, and I divided it in four and gave it to the four women above mentioned, and I gave them a looking-glass each, with which they were very delighted. The women wear nothing but a long sheet like the men; they wrap it round them, throwing the right end over the left shoulder, and so cover themselves. Their hair hangs loose, but their faces are uncovered. I said that the women lower down wore bracelets, chains, and jewels on their arms and necks, and in their ears, and thereupon one of them uncovered her arm, on which she wore four large well-made copper bracelets. The sheet worn by both men and women is so filthy that it looks as if it would not burn if you put it on the fire, and if water were thrown on it, it would not penetrate. The men look after the house, cook the rice, do the milking, make the butter, and mind the buffaloes. The women do nothing but pound the rice, and sometimes mind the buffaloes in the absence of their husbands. In speaking with the Pallem I asked him whether he or his wife cooked the rice; he replied that it was a great disgrace among them to allow the wife to cook the rice. The Thodares being thus assembled, I told them that, hearing that we were of the same race and law, I had come to visit them, and as I knew they had neither priest, book, nor law, I being a priest had come to teach them. I asked if they were glad to have me with them, and they replied that they rejoiced greatly at it. I asked if they would follow all my instructions, and they said they would. Then I asked if they would leave off adoring the buffalo and the 300 pagodas. They replied that they feared the buffaloes and pagodas would do them some harm. I said I would be answerable for it, and that I had more power than the pagodas. Then they said that if I would defend them they would willingly leave off adoring them. I asked if they would give up the custom of two brothers marrying one woman, and they said they would. I asked if they thought it right to give their wives to the Pallem; an old man replied, “If it is the command of God, what can we do?” After this they asked me of their own accord to show them the pictures and the book; I did so, and they paid homage to them with great rejoicing. I also gave them a looking-glass each, and after discoursing and conversing with them for some time I asked them to give me two children to take away with me; they excused themselves, saying that they could not do so just then. I asked from whence they were descended, and one replied that he had heard that they came from the East, and some remained there while some settled lower down. They were amazed at seeing white men, and asked me to uncover my arms for them to look at. They were delighted with the Errari’s red tunic and gold buttons, and velvet cap with the gold braid.
At last I took leave of them, promising to return at some time during the year and remain with them longer. It did not seem to me necessary to delay any longer, nor to lay any foundation of our faith, as I do not think that the present is a suitable time for the Company to undertake such out-of-the-way enterprises, since it cannot attend to others of greater importance which are close at hand, for want of workers. The Thodares only number a thousand, and these are scattered about four mountains, two belonging to the Malabar, where there are 300. I went to one of these which belongs to the Samorim, another belonging to the Naique, where there are another 300, or a little over; and another belonging to another king, near Charti, where there are another 300 or rather more; the whole distance being eight Canara leagues, which are sixteen in Malabar. And they live scattered about—every month or thereabouts they move their village. The whole district is uninhabited desert. The winds and climate are very cold; the water is excellent, but icy cold; it flows down from the mountains; it cannot be drunk at a draught because of the cold. One is obliged to pause, and after drinking one has to wait awhile for the gums and teeth to get warm. The journey there and back is very laborious and can only be undertaken in January and February. From Manarcate upwards it is impossible to travel in a litter. On the return journey I was very fatigued and asked if it were possible to find men to carry me. I was told that there were plenty of men, but that it was impossible to be carried over these mountains, where one person alone could only climb up and down with great difficulty. Besides this, the Errari and all the rest were very pressing that I should return before any of us fell ill; the Errari said he was himself indisposed, as well as some of the others. They could not tell me anything concerning the Blessed Trinity. I asked them why they wore their hair loose, and a Badaga replied that in the time of Charamparimatei they killed the father of the Thodares, and they asked, “Who killed our father?” and they answered that God killed him; whereupon they unbound their hair and said, “Never will we bind up our hair again until we have killed God, in revenge for our father [and] for the broken pots.” On the return journey the Badegas showed us a shorter and less difficult road, which took us two days and a half, but saved going up and down the last steep mountains. However, there was no lack of mountains to climb, but they were not so difficult, though the first day we climbed down one which was very high and steep. We numbered fourteen with the guides. There was a Badega village at the foot of the mountain, and seeing us they took us for a hostile band and fled into the bush. Our guides called to them not to fly, for we were men of peace who had been to visit the Thodares, whereupon they returned, and coming down we found them armed with their little lances, but we saw the women and children still hidden in the bush. A little further on we came upon four or five more houses; these people also fled into the bush, the women carrying the children on their backs. The second day we slept in the bush two leagues from Manarecate. There were tigers and elephants about, but God preserved us and we all reached Calicut in safety, thanks be to Our Lord. Several afterwards fell sick, however, among whom was the Variel, who is still suffering. May God restore him, for he has promised me to become a Christian, and has already broken his own law as regards food, &c.
APPENDIX II
BIBLIOGRAPHY
1812. Keys, William. A Topographical Description of the Neelaghery Mountains (a letter printed in Grigg’s Manual of the Nilagiri District, Appendix, p. xlviii).
1819. “A Subscriber.” Letter to the Madras Courier, Feb. 23, 1819 (reprinted in Grigg’s Manual, Appendix, p. lii).
1820. Macpherson, Evans. A Letter reprinted in Grigg’s Manual, Appendix, p. lv.
1821. Ward, B. S. Geographical and Statistical Memoir of a Survey of the Neelgherry Mountains (printed in Grigg’s Manual, Appendix, p. lx).
1829. Hough, James. Letters on the Climate, Inhabitants, Productions, etc., of the Neilgherries or Blue Mountains of Coimbatore, South India. London. (Letters previously published in the Bengal Hurkaru, 1826.)
1829. Young, D. S. An Account of the General and Medical Topography of the Neelgherries. Trans. Medical and Physical Soc. of Calcutta, vol. iv, p. 36.
1832. Harkness, Henry. A Description of a Singular Aboriginal Race inhabiting the Summit of the Neilgherry Hills. London.
1834. Jervis, H. Narrative of a Journey to the Falls of the Cavery; with an historical and descriptive Account of the Neilgherry Hills. London.
1834. Mignon, Capt. Notes extracted from a Private Journal written during a Tour through Malabar and among the Neilgherries. Bombay, American Mission Press (I have not been able to see a copy of this book).
1837. Schmid, Bernhard. An Essay on the Relationship of Language and Nations. Madras Journ. Lit. and Sci., vol. v, p. 133: on p. 155 is a section “On the Dialect of the Todavers, the Aborigines of the Neelgherries.”
1837. Barron, Richard. Views in India. London. (Coloured plates of Toda man and woman, and of the village of Kars.)
1838. Birch, de Burgh. Topographical Report on the Neilgherries. Madras Journ. Lit. and Sci., vol. viii, p. 86.
1838. Schmid, Bernhard. Ueber Sprache- und Völkerverwandschaft, Halle. On S. 27 is a section on the dialect of the Todas.
1842. Stevenson, Rev. Dr. A Collection of Words from the Language of the Todas, the Chief Tribe of the Nilgiri Hills. Journ. Bombay Branch of Roy. Asiatic Soc., vol. i, p. 155.
1844. Muzzy, C. F. Account of the Neilgherry Hill Tribes. Madras Christian Instructor and Missionary Record, Madras, vol. ii, p. 358.
1844. Anon. Madras Spectator, Aug. 31, 1844, p. 559 (an account of a Toda funeral).
1844–5. Congreve, H. The Descent of the Thautawars. Madras Spectator, 1844, pp. 361, 655, 694, 768; 1845, pp. 29, 37, 63.
1847. Congreve, H. The Antiquities of the Neilgherry Hills, including an Inquiry into the Descent of the Thautawars or Todas. Madras Journ. Lit. and Sci., vol. xiv, p. 77.
1848. Ouchterlony. Geographical and Statistical Memoir of a Survey of the Neilgherry Mountains. Madras Journ. Lit. and Sci., 1848, vol. xv, p. 1.
1849. Schmid, B. Remarks on the Origin and Languages of the Aborigines of the Nilgiris, suggested by the papers of Captain Congreve and the Rev. W. Taylor on the supposed Celto-Scythic Antiquities in the South of India. Journ. Bombay Branch Roy. Asiatic Soc., vol. iii, Part I, p. 50.
1851. Ford, Sir Francis. Neilgherry Letters. Bombay, 1851.
1851. Burton, R. F. Goa and the Blue Mountains. London, 1851 (pp. 316–344).
1856. Caldwell, R. A Comparative Grammar of the Dravidian Languages. London; p. 503, “Are the Nilgherry Tudas Dravidians?” (2nd edition, 1875, p. 555).
1857. Metz, J. F. Die Volkstämme der Nilagiri’s. Basel.
1857–8. Metz, F. A Vocabulary of the Dialect spoken by the Todas of the Nilagiri Mountains. Madras Journ. Lit. and Sci., N.S., vol. i, pp. 103, 131, and vol. ii, p. 1.
1864. Metz, F. The Tribe inhabiting the Neilgherry Hills: their Social Customs and Religious Rites; from the rough notes of a German Missionary. Second enlarged edition, Mangalore.
1868. Shortt, J. An Account of the Tribes on the Neilgherries. Madras (republishes part of Ouchterlony’s Memoir).
1869. Shortt, J. An Account of the Hill Tribes of the Neilgherries. Trans. Ethnol. Soc., N.S., vol. vii, p. 230.
1870. King, W. Ross. The Aboriginal Tribes of the Nilgiri Hills. London (republished from Journal of Anthropology).
1873. Marshall, William E. A Phrenologist among the Todas. London (includes “a Brief Outline of the Grammar of the Tuda Language,” by the Rev. G. U. Pope).
1873. Breeks, James Wilkinson. An Account of the Primitive Tribes and Monuments of the Nilagiris. London.
1873. Burnell, A. C. Specimens of South Indian Dialects. Mangalore.
1873–5. de Quatrefages. Étude sur les Todas. Journal des Savants, Paris, 1873, p. 729; 1874, pp. 5 and 96; 1875, p. 30.
1874. Walhouse, M. J. A Toda Dry Funeral. Indian Antiquary, vol. iii, p. 93. A Toda “Green Funeral.” Ibid., p. 274.
1874. Kittel. On some Dravidian Words. Indian Antiquary, vol. iii, p. 205.
1877. Walhouse, M. J. Archæological Notes. Indian Antiquary, vol. vi, p. 41.
1880. Grigg, H. B. A Manual of the Nilagiri District in the Madras Presidency. Madras.
1894. Natesa Sastri, S. M. A New Study of the Todas. Madras Mail, Aug. 28th, 1894.
1895. Thurston, Edgar. The Todas of the Nilgiris. Bull. Madras Government Museum, vol. i, p. 141.
1901. Thurston, Edgar. Todas of the Nilgiris. Ibid., vol. iv, p. 1.
? Ling, Catharine F. The Todas. Publication of the Church of England Zenana Missionary Society: London.
1904. Shams-ul-Ulma Jivanji Jamshedji Modi. A few notes on the Todas. Journ. Anthrop. Soc., Bombay, vol. vii, p. 68.
APPENDIX III
LIST OF TODA VILLAGES (NOT INCLUDING TI MAD)
Village. Clan. Badaga name. Remarks. Akîrsikòdri Nidrsi Taranadmand male funeral place. Ârpâr Päm Ârs Kuudr Anekkalmand Artol Taradr Aretalmand Âtimad Taradr Karadikottumand Eirgûdr Nòdrs Nerkodumand Erparskòdr Piedr Yeppakodumand Îdrtol Kuudr Edattalmand Inikitj Päm Bettumand Isharâdr Kars Kadimand Iûdi Kwòdrdoni male funeral place. Îvigar Kuudr Kekidamand in ruins. Kabûdri Pan Tebbekudumand male funeral place. Kâkhûdri Melgars Kaggodumand Kalmathi Kars Kalmattimand in ruins ten years. Kalmad Kars Kulamand in ruins. Kanòdrs Kanòdrs Devarmand etudmad. Kapthòri Keadr Kunnapemand in ruins. Karars Keradr Karia Kuudr Kariyamand Kârs Kars Kandalmand etudmad. Kârsh Karsh Kashtkòdr Kuudr Kattikadumand unoccupied. Katerk Nòdrs Kaitarkemand Katikâr Kwòdrdoni Kodanadmand Katol Melgars in ruins. Kâvâther Nidrsi Kabaiteraimand Kavîdi Piedr in the Wainad. Keâdr Keadr Karrikadumand etudmad. Kebâr Nidrsi female funeral place. Kedâr Nòdrs Kangatarmand in ruins. Keirod Kuudr Keradamand Kerâdr Keradr Kannagimand etudmad, also male funeral place. Kerkârs Taradr Karrakalmand Keshkar Kanòdrs Keshker Kars Kakerimand also called Minikimand. Kidmad Kidmad Kîrsâs Melgars Kiûdr Kuudr Kengodumand satimad. Kiûsh Piedr Karimulimand Kòdrers Piedr Hadamand Koers Keradr Kokimalmand in ruins. Kozhber Kuudr Kasubiramand disused. Kozhtûdi Nòdrs Kûtdimad Taradr Kulimand Kudòdrs Nòdrs Kombutukkimand Kûdrâdr Keadr Kudukkadumand Kûdrmâs Taradr Kudimalmand kalolmad. Kûdrnâkhum Nòdrs Kudinagamand Kugwuln Kuudr disused. Kûirsi Pan Kolimand Kûlikâl Kwòdrdoni Kolikkalmand in ruins. Kulkòdri Nòdrs Kolakkadumand in ruins. Külmud Kars Malaividumand female funeral place. Külthpuli Nòdrs female funeral place. Kûrkalmut Kuudr female funeral place. Kurvâs Nòdrs Kurudamand Kushârf Kusharf etudmad. Kûûdi Piedr Anaikundukulimand (? Köûdi). Kûûdr Kuudr Kundakodumand etudmad. Kuzhû Kars Kunditolmand Kuzhû Kanòdrs near Kanòdrs: disused. Kwarâdr Keadr Kugadodmand Kwatkash Päm Marunallimand female funeral place. Kwîrg Kuudr Korangumand Kwòdrdôni Kwòdrdoni Kodudonnemand etudmad. Madôni Pedrkars Madsû Päm Manjathalmand Madsû Kuudr disused. Marsners Päm Melgârs Melgars Manjakkalmand etudmad. Melkòdr Kuudr Mekkodumand Melûr Pedrkars Madaliyurmand Merkwadrvalth Kanòdrs Meroln Piedr male funeral place. Mîrzôti Melgars male funeral place. Miûni Kuudr Marlimand Molkush Kuudr Malkodmand Mòmanôthi Piedr female funeral place. Mulòrs Nòdrs funeral place for boys. Muthûkòr Kuudr disused. Nasmiòdr Kars (Aganadmand) Nâtêrs Pan Natanerimand Nedrdol Taradr Kilmand in ruins. Nelkush Nòdrs Neykadimand in ruins. Nerigudi Nòdrs Nergulimand Nerngòdr Kuudr disused. Nersvem Kwòdrdoni Nervenumand in ruins. Nersvem Nidrsi Nadumand in ruins. Neshkwòdr Keadr Nedikodumand Nidrsi Nidrsi Nidimand etudmad. Nîrkâtji Kuudr Nirkachimand Nîrsht Piedr Nirsk Päm female funeral place. Nòdrmad Taradr Nadumand Nòdrs Nòdrs Muttanadmand etudmad. Nongârsi Kars Kettarimand in ruins (? belonged to Piedr). Nüln Melgars Nerigulimand Òdr Nòdrs Aganadmand Òrs Taradr Alaikudalmand Padegâr Melgars Kottapolmand also called Kotapol, see p. 664. Pâkhalkûdr Kars Bagalkodumand Paliners Kuudr Päm Päm in ruins. Pamârkol Piedr female funeral place. Pan Pan Onnamand etudmad: often called “One mand.” Panmuti Nidrsi Banatimand Parzkadi Nidrsi in ruins. Pathâdr Nòdrs Buddankodumand Pathmârs Pan Bettumand Pêdrkârs Pedrkars Bedakalmand etudmad. Pegârsi Keradr Attumand in ruins. Peivòrs Kuudr Pekhòdr Keadr Osamand “new mand.” Peletkwur Kars Attakoraimand Pêrg Pan Yeragimand kalolmad. Perththo Nòdrs Perittitalmand see p. 648. Peshkimad Pedrkars female funeral place. Pevar Taradr Pevarmand in ruins. Pidati Nidrsi Bendutimand Pîedr Pîedr Waragudumand etudmad. Pîitth Kuudr male funeral place, near Kuudr. Pineiwars Nòdrs Pinnapolamand in ruins. Pirshti Nòdrs Baggulamand Pîrsûsh Kuudr Billanjikadumand Pishkwosht Kanòdrs Bikkapatimand Pòdzkwar Kars Narigulimand or Pûzhkwar. Poln Kusharf Pagulimand Pömad Pemand Kars in ruins twenty years: near Peletkwur. Pongûdr Pedrkars Pòsh Melgars Onnekudimand Pòti Piedr Pattimand Potvaili Piedr disused. Pülkwûdr Taradr Olakkodumand Pulthkûln Keradr Bikkolmand Punmud Kwòdrdoni Banukudumand female funeral place. Punumikâtuni Kuudr female funeral place. Purati Nòdrs Portimand Puretimokh Melgars female funeral place. Purskudiâr Pan Porikodiyoramand Pushtar Taradr Pattaraimand Putamad Kuudr disused. Pûtol Nòdrs Puttalmand Püvars Kars Ammakoraimand Pûvi Päm Pudiyapalamand male funeral place Sultar Pedrkars male funeral place. Sudvaili Piedr male funeral place in the Wainad. Tâktut Päm place for small male funerals. Taknin Kanòdrs near Kanòdrs. Tâmâkh Kuudr Tamogamand Târâdr Taradr Tarnardmand etudmad, and male funeral place. Târâdrkîrsi Kars Kavaikkadumand male funeral place, also kalolmad. Tarkòdr Kuudr Terkodmand Tavatkûdr Piedr Tavattakoraimand Tebmârs Taradr Urutharaimand Tedshteiri Nòdrs Talapatharaimand Teidr Kusharf Denadmand Telgûdr Taradr Telhodumand kalolmad. Tigòir Piedr Tukkaramand Tîm Pan male funeral place: possibly another name of Kabûdri. Tòthikeir Nòdrs Jegadevarmand in ruins. Tôvalkan Keradr Tuvalkandimand Tûdrkwur Kusharf Todakaraimand Tülchoven Päm male funeral place. Umgâs Kusharf Yemmekalmand Ushâdr Melgars Kavaimand male and female funeral place. Wengûdr Taradr Yenakodumand in ruins.
APPENDIX IV
In the following list I give the botanical names of the plants or kinds of wood used by the Todas in their ordinary life or in their ceremonial. I owe these names to the kindness of Mr. Thurston and Mr. K. Rangachari.
Änmul Rubus moluccanus, L. Âvelashki Hedyotis stylosa, Br. Kabûdri Euphorbia Rothiana, Sprengl. Kadak or kadakmul Rosa Leschenaultiana, W and A. Kâkâr Eragrostica nigra, Nees. Kâkhûdri Dregea volubilis, Benth. Kâkkûdri Gardneria ovata, Wall. Kâkûd Mappia foetida, Miers. Kârkekoi Rhamnus Wightii, W and A. Karneizi Acronychia laurifolia, Bl. Kêrs Eugenia Arnottiana, Wight. Kîâz Litsaea Wightiana, Benth. and Hk. f. Kid Probably Olea robusta. Kîri or Kîrsi Amaranthus (speciosus ?). Kudi Hydrocotyle asiatica, L. Kûrêrs Eugenia calophyllifolia, Wight. Kurskat Strobilanthes, ? species. Kwadiki or kwadriki Myrsine capitellata, Wall. var. lanceolata. Kwagal Polygonum rude, Meissn. and P. chinense, L. Kwatimali Coriandrum sativum, L. Main Cinnamomum Wightii, Meissn. Melkûdri Piper sp. Mòrs Michelia nilagirica, Zenk. Nârk Andropogon schoenanthus, L. Pârs (wood) ? Sideroxylon. Pârs (leaves) Pentapanax Leschenaultii, Seem. Parskuti Eleagnus latifolia, L. Pâsòr Dodonaea viscosa, L. Pathanmul Solanum indicum, L. Patm Panicum miliare, Lamk. Pelkkodsthmul Rubus ellipticus, Sm. Peshteinmul ? Phyllochlamys sp. Pôhvet Pavetta creniflora, DC. Pötûr Anaphalis oblonga, DC. Pûl Ilex Wightiana, Wall. Purs Rhododendron arboreum, Sm. and Elaeagnus latifolia. Pûtkimul Rubus lasiocarpus, Sm. Pûv or pûf Sophora glauca, Lesch. Püvkai Strobilanthes, ? species. Takmul Berberis aristata, DC. Tavat Rhodomyrtus tomentosus, Wight. Teinkûdri Senecio corymbosus, Wall. Tib Leucas zeylanica, Br., and L. aspera, Sprengl. Tirparikat Strobilanthes, ? species. Tiveri Atylosa candollei, W and A. Tôârsmitch Diospyros sp. Tòri or tòrimul Berberis nepalensis, Sprengl. Tûdr Meliosma pungens, Wall. and M. Wightii, Planch. Twadri Girardinia heterophylla DC. Wâdr Ochlandra sp.
GLOSSARY
Only the more important Toda words used in this book are included in the glossary. The words are arranged in alphabetical order, neglecting the quantity or other value of the first vowel. The numbers refer to the pages on which fuller descriptions of the terms are given.
Âḍrpârs, coagulated milk, curd, p. 64.
agâr, a stand in the dairy, p. 60.
al, the deposit after the clarification of butter used as food, pp. 50, 242.
alug, a vessel of the tî dairy, p. 90.
Amnòḍr, the world of the dead, p. 397.
an (anna), elder brother, p. 486.
än, ancient clothing of the Todas, pp. 196, 342, 572.
Anto, a dairy, p. 112; also a god, p. 188.
ârpatznol or ârpasnol, a sacred day, p. 407.
ârs, house, p. 583.
ârsaiîr, buffaloes of the Kwòḍrdôni tî, p. 121.
ârsûp, a salt-giving ceremony, p. 175.
ashkkârtpimi, a food used on ceremonial occasions, p. 580.
âtîr, buffaloes of the Nòḍrs tî, p. 112.
âv (âvâ), mother, p. 485.
âzâram, the circle of stones in which the ashes are buried at a funeral, pp. 337, 379.
âzâramkêḍr, the last part of the second funeral ceremony, pp. 337, 378.
Epotirikhtârs, a double hut, p. 29.
êr, a male buffalo, p. 47.
êrkumptthpimi or êrkumptthiti, the ceremony of sacrificing a calf, p. 274.
êrnkâr, sacrificial place at the êrkumptthpimi ceremony, p. 276.
êrs, leaf.
êrsteiti, the act of making a leaf-cup, pp. 75, 148.
ertatpun, a dairy vessel, p. 60.
ertatmâr, part of the dairy where the less sacred vessels stand, p. 58.
ertatpur, the less sacred objects of the dairy, p. 58.
etûdpali, chief dairy, p. 40.
etûdmad, the chief village of a clan or other important village, pp. 24, 36, 419.
etvainolkêḍr, the first funeral ceremony, p. 337.
ichchil, a condition of impurity due to death or child-birth, pp. 102, 326, 368.
iḍith, “for the sake of,” p. 216.
îḍrkwoi, a vessel used at a tî dairy, p. 90.
îḍrtul, part of a hut containing the sleeping-places, p. 583.
îmûḍrikârs, stones at certain villages, p. 439.
in, father, p. 484.
îr, a female buffalo, p. 47.
îrkarmus or îrkarmüs, the milking-place, p. 53.
îrkârtpun (îrkârithtpun), milking-vessel, p. 58.
îrnörtiti, the offering of a buffalo calf to the tî, p. 293; or to another division of the clan, p. 294.
îrnòḍrthnol, the day of migration, p. 124.
îrpâlvusthi, ceremony after the birth of a calf, p. 172.
îrsankâti, a funeral ceremony, p. 381.
îrskiḍithbûtnol, the day of migration, p. 124.
Kaban, iron.
kabkaḍiti, procedure in which the back is not turned to the contents of the dairy, p. 73.
kachütthti, the cloth-giving ceremony at a funeral, p. 358.
kaḍr, the calf-pen, p. 26.
kâfkati, knife burnt at the âzâramkêḍr, p. 381.
kagûrs, the tî name of the kûvn, p. 103.
kaimûkhti, a salutation, p. 31.
kaizhvatiti, the rite of pouring out buttermilk for the palol, p. 97.
kâkûdêrs, leaves of the kâkûd plant, p. 79.
kâkûl, stick used in the ponûp ceremony, p. 178.
kalkani, part of the dairy, p. 58.
kalmelpuḍithti, a salutation, pp. 34, 496.
kalolmad, villages where women may not live, p. 420.
kâltmokh, the attendant on a palol, pp. 42, 105.
kalvol, a path, p. 26.
Kamasòḍrolam, legendary Todas, p. 195.
kanârvaznûḍr, the evil eye, p. 263.
kar, a young calf, p. 47.
karenpôh, the calf-house of a tî, p. 85.
kârpun, a milking-vessel of the tî, p. 90.
kârs, stone.
karûd, younger, p. 485.
karûvnòḍr, the mother’s village, p. 547.
kârvnol or kârivnol, the day after a ceremony, pp. 105, 333.
kâtû, the wall surrounding a house or dairy, p. 24.
kavulpûv, a flower, p. 111.
kêḍr, funeral, relics, etc., p. 368.
keitankursîr, the wûrsulîr of Niḍrsi and Kwòḍrdôni, p. 71.
kepun (kaipun), vessel to hold water, p. 57.
kerk, the name of the waist-string during the ordination ceremony, pp. 148, 572.
kêrtnòḍr, a funeral place, p. 338.
kevenârût, mode of baring the right arm, pp. 31, 571.
kîp, the broom, p. 32.
kîtün, bed on left-hand side of dairy, p. 57.
kô, stake used at the êrkumptthpimi sacrifice, p. 276.
kòghlag, the name of the churning-stick at the tî, p. 89.
kòrûp, one of the salt-giving ceremonies, p. 175.
kubuntuni, the cloak of the palol, p. 103.
kudeipîr, the wûrsulîr of Pan, p. 71; also the sacred buffaloes of Pieḍr, p. 81.
kudi, a measure used for liquids corresponding to about four pints, p. 588.
kûḍr, horn, a division of a clan, pp. 37, 295, 542.
kûḍrpali, a Tarthar dairy, pp. 40, 66.
kûdrpalikârtmokh, the dairyman of the kûḍrpali, p. 66.
kûḍrs mani, the bells of the punîr of the tî, p. 91.
kûḍrvars, fireplace made of four stones, pp. 57, 583.
kudupel or kudubel, family, p. 545.
kûgh, daughter, p. 485.
kûghîr, a buffalo whose horns bend downwards, p. 47.
kugvali, a sacred dairy of Târâḍr, pp. 41, 76.
kugvalîr, the buffaloes of the kugvali, pp. 41, 77.
kugvalikârtmokh, the dairyman of the kugvali, pp. 41, 76.
kûlâtîr, buffaloes of the Nòḍrs tî, p. 113.
Kûlinkârs, a god, p. 188.
kuneḍsti, funeral laments, etc., pp. 385, 600.
Kûrub, a Kurumba, p. 641.
kûrubûḍrchiti, Kurumba sorcery, p. 262.
kush (? kûḍsh), structure for young calves, p. 26.
kuter, floor, pp. 62, 583.
kûvn, the perineal band, p. 30.
kûvun or kûpun, a vessel used at the kugvali of Târâḍr, p. 79.
kwainûr (kwoinûr), the tî name of the pennâr, p. 103.
kwarkûl, stick used at the ponûp ceremony, p. 178.
kwarzam, name used in prayer, etc., pp. 216, 384, 614.
kwoi, the milking-vessel of the tî dairy, p. 89.
kwoinîr spring supplying water for a tî dairy, p. 85.
kwoinörtpet, a wand used by the palol when milking, p. 90.
kwotârs, the calf-house, p. 26.
Kwoten, a teu or god, p. 193.
Kwoto, a god, p. 203.
kwottün, seat, p. 29.
kwungg, the ordinary bell, p. 424.
Kwûrg, Coorg, p. 114.
Mad, village, pp. 24, 338; head, p. 282.
madnol, sacred day of village, p. 405.
madol, village people or clan, p. 36.
madth, the churning-stick, p. 60.
maj, buttermilk.
majparîv, a dairy vessel, p. 60.
majvatitthkalvol, path reserved for women, p. 27.
majvatvaiîḍrn, spot on which women receive buttermilk, p. 28.
maiîr, a barren buffalo, p. 47.
mani, the sacred bell, pp. 40, 66, 424.
mankûgh, sister’s daughter, 488.
manmokh, sister’s son, pp. 484, 488.
martîr, the sacred buffaloes of the Kârs clan, p. 68.
mârûp, one of the salt-giving ceremonies, p. 175.
mârvainolkêḍr, the second funeral ceremony, pp. 337, 372.
masth, axe, pp. 57, 585.
matchuni, children of brother and sister, pp. 488, 512.
Mâv, a Badaga, p. 630; also sambhar.
meilkûḍr, extra share, 560.
meitün, bed on right-hand side of dairy, p. 57.
merkalârs, double hut, pp. 29, 318.
mersgûrsîr, the wûrsulîr of Nòḍrs, p. 71.
methkûdi, place of cremation, p. 343.
miniapîr, the wûrsulîr of Kerâḍr, pp. 71, 192.
mogâl, forearm, also segment of forelimb of calf corresponding to metacarpus, p. 281.
mogoi, a cubit, p. 588.
mokh, son, child, p. 485.
mokhthoditi (mokhthodvaiol), mode of union between the sexes, p. 526.
mokhûḍrtvaiol, man who gives away a wife, p. 494.
Mondârdsetipol, Toda name of a tribe living in the Wainad.
mòr, the name of buttermilk at the tî, p. 107.
mòrkuḍriki, a ladle of the tî dairy, p. 90.
mòrol, privileged visitors to a tî, p. 107.
mòrpun, a dairy vessel used to hold buttermilk at the tî, p. 90.
mòrûp, the ordinary salt-giving ceremony at the tî, p. 175.
mû, a name given to several kinds of dairy vessels, pp. 58, 422.
muli or mul, a name for various plants, p. 145; also used for thorns, p. 194; and for the quills of a porcupine, p. 267.
mulinîròditi, the ordination ceremony of the palikartmokh, p. 148.
mun, mother’s brother and wife’s father, pp. 487, 492.
mûrn, the sieve, p. 32.
mûrthvichi, anger, p. 260.
Naim or noim, the council, pp. 32, 550.
nâkh, a three-year-old calf, p. 47.
nan, a young shoot, p. 145.
nânmakud, a club, pp. 381, 586.
nârthpimi, a game, p. 596.
nâshperthîr, sacred buffaloes originally given to Nòḍrs, p. 69.
nêḍrkursh, middle room of a three-roomed dairy, p. 57.
nêḍrvol, intermediary, pp. 258, 527.
nei, clarified butter or ghi, p. 50.
nersatiti, a salutation, p. 304.
neurzûtpol, name of the kâltmokh at the migration ceremony, p. 139.
neurzülnkârs, stones of ceremonial importance, pp. 129, 140, 438.
nîpâ, stream, p. 26.
nîr, water, spring.
nîròdibudnûḍr, the initial stages of the ordination of the kâltmokh, p. 153.
nîròditi, the ordination ceremony, pp. 144, 157.
nîrsi, the fire-stick, p. 60.
nòḍr, country, place; sometimes used for ‘ceremony.’
nòḍrkûtchi, ancestors of buffaloes, p. 112.
nòḍrodchi, a ruler, pp. 183, 186.
nòḍrved, younger brother, p. 486.
Nòtîrzi, a goddess, p. 189.
Ol or òl, man, husband, p. 489.
oñ, a sacred syllable uttered in the dairy ceremonial, p. 65.
Ön, a god, p. 184.
Paiol, male relations-in-law, pp. 489, 492.
Pâkhwâr, a river, 418; also a god.
pali or paḷthli, the dairy, p. 26.
palikârtmokh (? paḷḷikârithtmokh), the dairyman, p. 39.
palinol, sacred day of dairy, p. 405.
pâlmän, staff used in churning, p. 52.
palol, the dairyman of a ti, pp. 42, 98.
paniûp, one of the salt-giving ceremonies, p. 175.
pâpun, a water-vessel at the tî, p. 92.
pârkûl, stick used at the ponûp ceremony, p. 178.
pârsêrs, milk-leaves, p. 317.
parsîr, buffaloes of the Kârs tî, p. 117.
pârskaḍrvenmû, vessel to hold butter, p. 58.
pasthîr, the sacred buffaloes of the Teivaliol, p. 39.
pâtat, vessel to hold milk, p. 58.
pâtatmâr, part of the dairy where the more sacred vessels stand, p. 58.
pâtatpur, the more sacred objects of the dairy, p. 58.
patcherski, the husked grain patm (samai), p. 580.
pâtol, one who has held the office palol, p. 104.
pâtun, screen separating the two rooms of a tî dairy, p. 86.
pâv, threshold.
pâvnersatiti, saluting the threshold, p. 65.
Peḍr, a Tamil.
pelk, the lamp, p. 60.
pelkkoḍichiti, the ordination ceremony, p. 144.
pelkkatitthwaskal, fireplace at a tî dairy used in lighting the lamp, p. 92.
pem, a plateau or a gradual slope of a hill.
pen, butter, p. 58.
pennâr, the string supporting the kûvn, pp. 30, 572.
pep, buttermilk used ceremonially, pp. 64, 166.
pepeirthti, a rite at the kûḍrpali, p. 67.
pepkarichâ or pepkarichti, the ceremony of making new pep, p. 166.
pepkarmus, the milking-place of a tî, p. 85.
peptòrzum, a dairy vessel of the tî, p. 89.
pepûti, the rite of drinking buttermilk at the ordinary dairy, p. 78; also the ceremonial drinking of buttermilk by buffaloes, p. 135.
perithîr, buffaloes of the Nòḍrs tî, p. 113.
perkûrsol, the lower stage in the office of kâltmokh, p. 105.
perol, an ordinary person, not ordained to any dairy office, p. 39.
persâsîr, sacred buffaloes originally given to Melgârs, p. 69.
persin, the vessel in which milk is churned at the tî, p. 89.
persinîr, the sacred buffaloes of a tî, p. 84.
perûd, elder, p. 485.
petuni, a piece of tuni, p. 105.
pîan, grandfather, p. 485.
pîâv, grandmother, p. 486.
pîlikòren, sorcerers, p. 255.
pîlinörtiti, offering of a ring, pp. 294, 306.
pîliûtpol, a sorcerer, p. 255.
pîliûtvichi, sorcery, p. 255.
pineipîr, sacred buffaloes originally given to Pan, p. 69.
pöḍri, contributions from relatives by marriage, p. 396.
pòḍrshtuni, the loin-cloth of the palol, p. 103.
pôh, the conical and other sacred dairies, p. 45.
pôhkârtpol, the dairyman at Kanòḍrs, p. 79.
pôhvelkârs, seat on which the palol sits, pp. 87, 96.
pôhvet (pôhpet), a wand used by the palol when praying, pp. 89, 96.
pòl, a calf of one to two years, p. 47.
pòlm, a portion, a division of a clan pp. 37, 544.
pòlmachok, a dairy vessel, p. 60.
pon, festival, pp. 85, 161; up, p. 383; see also p. 496.
ponkârtvaimokh, boy who takes a leading part at the îrnörtiti ceremony, p. 302.
ponnol, festival day.
ponûp, a salt-giving ceremony at the tî, p. 177.
pòrmunkursh, outer room of dairy, p. 56.
püḍrshtipîr, the wûrsulîr of Kârs and Târâḍr, p. 71.
pûkûrûputkûli, the ornamented cloak, p. 572.
pül, surroundings or outskirts, p. 85.
püliol, relatives with whom marriage is prohibited, p. 509.
punetkalvol, path reserved for the dairyman, p. 27.
punîr, the ordinary buffaloes of a tî, p. 84.
punrs, a name for two days, p. 142.
pürsîr, buffaloes of the Kârs tî, p. 117.
pursütpimi, the ceremony of giving a bow and arrow during pregnancy, p. 319.
pût, a stirring-stick, p. 60.
pûthpep, the buttermilk obtained in the pepkarichâ ceremony, p. 169.
putiîr, ordinary buffaloes, p. 39.
putkûli, the cloak, pp. 30, 571.
puzhârs, seclusion-hut, p. 313.
puzhûlpimi, the ceremony of throwing earth at a funeral, p. 344.
Satimad, a village of especial sanctity, p. 421.
sedvaitazmokh, name of the woman in the mokhthoditi union, p. 526.
Taḍri, pole used in funeral ceremonies, p. 376.
taḍrp, the loin-cloth, p. 30.
tâf, fern.
tagârs, a chain.
tarsîr, buffaloes of the Pan tî, p. 119.
Târthârol, one of the two divisions of the Toda people, p. 34.
târûpunkudi, hole used at the salt-giving ceremony at a Tarthar village, p. 177.
târvali or târpali, the lowest grade of Tarthar dairy, pp. 40, 61.
târvalikârtmokh, the dairyman of the târvali, p. 461.
tasth, the bars in the opening of a pen, p. 153.
tazmokh, woman, wife, p. 489.
teḍshk, a ring used in carrying dairy vessels, p. 60.
Teikîrzi, a goddess, p. 186.
teiks, stone or post at which a buffalo is killed at a funeral, p. 349.
Teipâkh, the Paikara river, p. 418; also a god, p. 187.
teirtîr, buffaloes of the Nòḍrs ti, p. 112.
Teivaliol, one of the chief divisions of the Toda people, p. 34.
tek (tekh?), basket, p. 57.
têrersthi, custom of transferring wives, p. 523
tersamptpimi, a ceremony of childhood, p. 333.
terzantirikiti, the rite of putting curd or milk on the bell, p. 66.
tesherst, a qualifying ceremony for the office palol, p. 154.
teshnîr, the first stage of the ordination ceremony of the palol, p. 157.
teu, god, p. 182.
teukwoi, clay vessel made at the ponûp ceremony, p. 179.
teuol, diviner, p. 249.
teutütusthchi, ceremony of lighting a fire on a hill, p. 290.
tî, the most sacred dairy institution of the Todas, pp. 42, 83.
tîîr, the buffaloes of the tî, p. 42; also used of a special group of these buffaloes at the Nòḍrs tî, p. 112.
tîkelfmâv, Badaga associated with a tî, p. 98.
tî mad, a village or place belonging to a tî, p. 83.
tòratthwaskal, fireplace at a tî dairy used to cook food, p. 91.
tòrsum, the tî name of the mû, p. 89.
tû, the buffalo-pen, p. 26.
tûḍr, a sacred tree, pp. 67, 433.
tûkitthkârs, stone lifted as a sport, p. 597.
tûkulîr mani, a bell used in the funeral ceremonies, pp. 376, 424.
tün, a seat or bed, p. 30.
tuni, the grey garment used by many dairymen, pp. 72, 572.
tuninörtiti, offering of a tuni, pp. 294, 305.
tunitusthkâltmokh, the full kâltmokh, pp. 105, 152.
tûrâvali, the cooking-pot of a tî dairy, p. 90.
tûri, knife.
twaḍrinâr, material made by the Todas, p. 574.
Ulârwûrthkûrs, a wand, p. 60.
ulkkursh, inner room of dairy, p. 56.
unîr, buffaloes of the Nòḍrs tî, p. 112.
ûppun, a vessel of the tî dairy, p. 90.
ûpunkudi (? ûppunkudi), hole used at the salt-giving ceremonies, p. 176.
ûrvatpimi, ceremony during pregnancy, p. 313.
ûtkòren, people who apply certain magical or medical remedies, p. 263.
ûtpol, medicine man, p. 263.
Wâk, vessels burnt at the âzâramkêḍr, p. 381.
warsîr, buffaloes of the Nòḍrs tî, p. 112; and of the Pan tî, p. 119.
wask, grain-pounder, p. 32.
waskal, fireplace of three stones, pp. 57, 582.
wûrsol, the dairyman of the wûrsuli, pp. 40, 72, 74.
wûrsuli, a Tarthar dairy, pp. 40, 71.
wûrsulîr, the buffaloes of a wûrsuli, p. 40.
NOTES
[1] One of the most frequent consonantal sounds in the Toda language is dr which in the text always stands for ḍr; when d comes before sh, it also represents the lingual sound. In both cases the ḍ was hardly appreciated by my ear, and the European will perhaps most nearly imitate the Toda sound if he pronounces dr and dsh as r and sh.
[2] The bibliography of this literature is given in Appendix II.
[3] See British Journal of Psychology, 1905, vol. i., p. 321.
[4] As we shall see later, this is only true of some parts of the hills and some institutions.
[5] With more exact knowledge of Indian customs and ceremonies which have lingered on side by side with, though often obscured by Brahmanism, it is possible that these differences would be found to be much slighter than the evidence at present available suggests.
[6] Hindu Manners, Customs, and Ceremonies, part ii., chap. v.
[7] See chapter XX and Journ. Anthrop. Inst., 1900, vol. xxx., p. 74.
[8] Those who wish for information on this point should consult the articles by Mr. Edgar Thurston in the Bulletins of the Madras Museum, vol. i., pp. 148 and 207, and vol. iv., p. 2.
[9] The word marth is also occasionally used.
[10] Harkness and others have called this pen tuel, but repeated inquiry on my part failed to elicit this form of the word. Tuelu would mean “where is the tu?” and it is possible that Harkness heard the word in this form.
[11] For the purpose of photography, a hole was made outside the hut exactly like that within the hut. The picture must not be taken to indicate that pounding is ever normally performed out of doors.
[12] The old man on the right in this picture shows a very characteristic Toda attitude, in which a person crouches down completely enveloped in the cloak.
[13] This salutation has been previously known by its Badaga name, adabuddiken.
[14] In these names and throughout the text the signs to indicate long vowels are generally omitted. In order to ascertain the exact method of pronunciation, the map or the list of villages in Appendix III. should be consulted.
[15] This word should probably be paḷḷi and was usually pronounced paḷthḷi, but I have adopted the spelling of the text for the sake of simplicity.
[16] According to some Todas, kart was a shortened form of karitht, milking or milked.
[17] In previous accounts of the Todas, the place where these sacred herds are kept has always been called a tirieri. This is not properly a Toda term, but is that used by the Badagas.
[18] An Account of the Primitive Tribes and Monuments of the Nilagiris, 1873, p. 14.
[19] This word, in the forms boa, boath, &c., has by previous writers been limited to dairies of the conical shape. There is no doubt that it has at present a far wider application.
[20] A Phrenologist among the Todas, 1873, p. 132.
[21] This is literally ‘cooked milk.’ It probably receives this name because the coagulation is often hastened by heating.
[22] About four pints.
[23] I am not sure whether this restriction does not also apply to the tarvalikartmokh.
[24] See Chapter XXIII.
[25] Probably a corruption of kaipun, hand vessel.
[26] This is done by folding a leaf in such a way that it forms a cup.
[27] The method of wearing the cloak adopted by the wursol is not unlike that shown in a picture at the Guimet Museum in Paris, which represents a Brahman engaged in prayer.
[28] The world of the dead.
[29] The proper name for the pen at the ti was mukadr, and for the calf-pen, tülkkadr, but my informants always used the ordinary words tu and kadr.
[30] These are the kwarzam, or prayer names (see Chapter X) of Teikirzi and Tirshti. They were used by Naburs (64) who had been palol at the Pan ti, but it is doubtful whether their use or the use of any other kwarzam on these occasions is an established custom.
[31] In the story of Kwoto and the Keradr ti (Chap. IX) the kaltmokh has to pour away buttermilk at an appointed spot. It is probable that this buttermilk is that unfinished by the palol, and possibly this custom is still followed but was not mentioned by my informants.
[32] According to Breeks (p. 14) these garments are made by the Badagas of Jakaneri. This may be correct, but it is much more probable that they are procured through the Badagas living in this village.
[33] It is possible that Finicio was told of this custom, and that his statement about the relations of the palol to women only refer to this ceremony.
[34] This legendary account probably preserves a tradition of a real invasion of the Nilgiri Hills by the people of Coorg. The Todas put the date of the occurrence at about seven or eight generations ago. In 1774 Linga Raja, with 3,000 Coorgs, invaded the Wainad and remained there for five years. During this time it is highly probable that the Coorgs would have explored the Nilgiri Hills. (See Mysore and Coorg, by Lewis Rice, Bangalore, 1878, vol. iii., p. 110.)
[35] In 1902.
[36] The buffaloes may also move from one village to another if sickness should break out among them, but I do not know whether this would become the same ceremonial occasion as in the other kinds of migration.
[37] The vessels used for the purposes of these photographs were not the real vessels of the dairy, but those of the house. The method of fastening the earthenware vessels does not correspond to that described for the ti dairy, and I am doubtful whether the method of fastening for real dairy vessels would not have corresponded to the procedure of the ti rather than to that shown in the figures.
[38] This is probably only true of Teivali dairies.
[39] This is a special food used on important ceremonial occasions, the mode of preparation of which is given in Chapter XXIV.
[40] The vessel derives its name from this ceremony.
[41] Palm juice sugar.
[42] At Anto, and probably at some other dairies, there is a special tu for use on this occasion.
[43] This word was translated “he prays for the calves.” One verb is used in naming the ceremony of praying for the calves and another in the case of praying for the adult buffaloes.
[44] Probably this should be translated “may the river (when in flood) swallow him.”
[45] This is the ordinary muli used in the ordination of the palikartmokh.
[46] This is inconsistent with the statement made on p. 73 that the wursol never prepares food except at the irpalvusthi ceremony. It is possible that the food is only given to the candidate by the wursol and is not prepared by him.
[47] This has not the same form as the word uttered by the wursol and kaltmokh in the corresponding ceremony. In some cases different verbal forms are used at the ti, and this may be an instance.
[48] It has been stated by Harkness, Marshall and others that when the palol is entering on his office he has to sleep in the wood completely naked. This is not strictly correct, though the covering afforded by the tuni is so meagre that the statement is almost justified.
[49] The ti name of the kuvn.
[50] This is the only occasion on which this cream is used by the Todas. It is used because there are now neither butter nor ghi at the dairy. Its use here is an indication that the process of coagulation is less rapid than usual.
[51] See p. 222.
[52] I am doubtful whether a special wand is also used in other dairies.
[53] Eleven ak = one kwa (see p. 588).
[54] When there is only one palol for both kinds of buffaloes, as at the Pan ti, he only digs one hole.
[55] See Chapter XVII.
[56] This hole at an ordinary village is sometimes known as a tarupunkudi.
[57] This account of the creation of men and buffaloes was obtained from Arsolv (27) of Kanòdrs, one of the oldest living Todas. It agrees very closely with the story as related to Mr. Breeks.
[58] According to another account, Püv died from trying to catch the image of a white calf in the water. At that time, it was the custom to kill and bury any calf of a white colour, and one had been buried close to the spring.
[59] Usually called petkuter.
[60] These are quite unlike Toda names, nor is the name of the village, Mîtâhârzti, like a Toda name.
[61] ? Pòdrâni or pudrâni.
[62] I do not know exactly to which ceremonies tatòtiti and muòtiti refer. The words mean “he takes the tat” and “he takes the mu,” and evidently refer to some dairy ceremonial. Ponkastiti probably means that he kept pon throughout the year—i.e., gave or sold nothing from his dairy during the year.
[63] A spirit which brings death (see p. 403).
[64] When Keikarskutan shot the bow and arrow he lay down. According to my informants, Keikarskutan lay down to shoot the bow and arrow because he was lame, but shot it in the ordinary way and did not use his legs in doing so. Breeks, who gives a brief version of this legend, was told that the arrow was shot by means of the legs and refers to this method as the ancient Indian custom.
[65] I give this as it was told.
[66] To meet this bird going from right to left is a bad omen; if going from left to right, it is a good omen.
[67] I could not find out the exact meaning of this word, but it appeared to be a name for the blood-stained froth which may come from the mouth of a dying man. In a sentence which occurs later the word appears as pògh (blood), but my informants were certain that pug itself is not blood.
[68] See p. 616.
[69] This is a creeper used in the funeral ceremonies.
[70] Probably the tree or bush from which the material called twadrinar is manufactured by the Todas.
[71] My informants could not say whether the boy went away in the air as a child or as a kite. The boy often assumed the form of a kite later, and it is tempting to suppose that the assumption of this form by the child was connected with the death of the kite, i.e., that it was a case of transmigration. The fact that the child went away in the air and was found sitting on a tree makes it highly probable that it flew in the form of a kite, but my informants could not say that this was definitely part of the legend.
[72] The kwarzam is the name used in prayer (see Chap. X).
[73] This place is close to the spot at which the path from Pishkwosht (Bikkapatimand) to Kodanad crosses a stream soon after leaving the former village.
[74] This pool has been converted into the Marlimand reservoir, the source of the water-supply of Ootacamund.
[75] The Hindu god who sends smallpox is Mari or Mariaman. The Toda name for buttermilk is mòr.
[76] P. 142.
[77] Erd means two, and this translation is a free rendering of the Toda words, though it probably conveys the proper meaning.
[78] I am doubtful about this point at the poh of Kanòdrs.
[79] It is in favour of this supposition that in the legend Kwoten wore the tuni when acting as palikartmokh although he was one of the Tartharol.
[80] It is an Indian practice to add sour buttermilk to the milk to promote coagulation, but this is usually done after heating the milk. It is possible that in some parts of India it may be added to the milk before or immediately after it is drawn.
[81] From the account of Finicio (Appendix I), it would seem that at one time the palol and wursol possessed the power of divination.
[82] For an account of what Midjkudr seems to have said and the consequent proceedings, see p. 392.
[83] I am very doubtful whether the meaning of this and the preceding clause is correctly given in these words.
[84] The middle room of a three-roomed dairy is the nedrkursh.
[85] For the meaning of this see above.
[86] Bulletin, i. p. 182.
[87] The leaves of this plant, Solanum indicum, are used in the ordination of the kugvalikartmokh.
[88] For the meaning of these kinship-terms, see Chap. XXI.
[89] It is noteworthy that the Kotas are not included.
[90] This is the plant, Euphorbia Rothiana, used at the purification of the ti dairy (p. 136).
[91] I think it is probable that all the incantations are said in this manner, but I only had it specifically mentioned in this case.
[92] This distinction was pointed out to me by my informant.
[93] I did not obtain this formula.
[94] Mul, which means bramble and thorn, is here used for the porcupine’s quills.
[95] Pûdrt is probably the Toda form of the word bhût.
[96] Our final difficulty, the laughter over which seemed to overcome Teitnir’s scruples, was in the identification of the spleen, which was described as “a little tongue.”
[97] This and the succeeding photographs were taken in a badly lighted wood, and represent the actual ceremony.
[98] The importance of the omentum in Indian animal sacrifices suggests that the tütmîis might have been the omentum, or have included part of the omentum. At this stage of the proceedings, so many operations were going on simultaneously that exact observation became very difficult.
[99] Andropogon Schœnanthus, a strongly-scented grass.
[100] ? Kiaz.
[101] This estimate included the value of the calf four years hence!
[102] Haug’s Aitareya Brahmanam, Bombay, 1863, vol. ii., p. 85, note II.
[103] I have some reason to think, however, that er may be used as a term for ‘buffalo’ in general, whether male or female.
[104] From the nature of this formula it might be expected that the ceremony would only be performed if the man’s wishes are fulfilled, but, in practice, I think it is clear that the performance is not conditional on the recovery of himself or his buffaloes.
[105] The special mention of uncut ears and tail in this and the erkumptthpimi ceremony suggests that the widely spread practice of cutting the ears of animals may occur among the Todas, but I have no other notes on the subject.
[106] Or irnörtpuspimi, “buffalo giving have we come.” The whole formula runs, “Swami, Teikirzi, the kudrpali, the wursuli, the buffalo pen, may it be well; may it be well with the buffaloes and calves; buffalo giving have we come, may it be well.”
[107] This is mentioned in the prayer of the Kiudr dairy (see p. 220).
[108] According to a later finding of the teuol, the death of Tersveli was due to sorcery (see p. 261).
[109] It will be noticed that the patatpun are placed in the inner room and the ertatpun in the outer room. In the ordinary dairy both would be placed in the inner room, though in different places. The procedure of this ceremony seems, therefore, to resemble that of the ti rather than of the ordinary dairy. It suggests that we have here a relic of a time when every dairy had at least two rooms, one for the things of the patatmar and another for the things of the ertatmar.
[110] I was told at first that it might be done by her husband, but this appeared to be a mistake.
[111] The fact that the people of Melgars and Kwòdrdoni are not allowed to intermarry suggests, however, that there is some relation between these clans which is the cause of the exception.
[112] This may possibly be a corruption of perithtòr.
[113] Eugenia Arnottiana.
[114] Sophora glauca.
[115] Andropogon schœnanthus.
[116] See the bow in the hand of the boy in Fig. 57. This bow is the same as that used in the pursütpimi ceremony.
[117] The buffalo given in this way is called pulkwadr, or bow and arrow gift.
[118] My notes do not make it absolutely clear as to whether he may not also salute the female relatives of his wife, but I do not think that he does so.
[119] According to a recent account given to me by Mr. Thurston, the people leave the spot about six o’clock in the evening. The time is determined by the opening of the flowers of Ænothera tetraptera which is called by the Todas âr mani pûv, or six o’clock flower. This flower is a garden escape, so that this special practice must be recent, but it suggests that the general practice of telling the time of day by means of flowers may be an old Toda custom.
[120] Mr. Natesa Sastri (Madras Mail, August 28th, 1894) states that the bow and arrow are tied round the neck of the woman, so that they definitely take the place of the tali.
[121] This seems to have occurred in a similar ceremony practised by the Badagas, among whom it is said that a woman is not fully considered a wife till about the seventh month of the first pregnancy, when a cord is put round her neck by the husband and the legal marriage becomes complete. (See Thurston, Bull. IV., p. 167.)
[122] Called by the Todas tòri or tòrimul (Berberis nepalensis); its leaves are used in the ordination of the kugvalikartmokh.
[123] Possibly this means “calf of tuni.”
[124] It will be noticed that the woman puts the fragments of tuni in her waist-string on the right side, while the various dairymen who wear petuni put it on the left side.
[125] I am doubtful whether this is essential.
[126] Fawcett, Bull. Madras Museum, vol. iii. p. 242.
[127] According to one account the ceremony takes place on the fortieth day after birth.
[128] For the nature of the name see Chapter XXVI.
[129] Rosa Leschenaultiana.
[130] Lit. ‘eye arrow.’
[131] Probably here pei = demon (see p. 180).
[132] Loc. cit.
[133] The madnol and the palinol are sacred days on which certain activities are prohibited (see Chap. XVII).
[134] Eugenia Arnottiana. This is the tree in which the hole is cut at the pursütpimi ceremony.
[135] This was a marvainolkedr, but the rules for the earth-throwing are the same at the first funeral.
[136] Ind. Antiq., 1874, vol. iii., p. 274.
[137] Bull., 1901, iv., p. 12.
[138] These photographs were obtained from Messrs. Wiele and Klein, and I do not know the place or nature of the funeral which they illustrate, but there is no indication of a pen in the picture; they probably represent throwing earth at the entrance of a former pen. There is such a place at Taradrkirsi, the male funeral place of the Kars clan. Here earth is thrown by the side of a wood where the forest has grown over the site of an old tu.
[139] Atylosia Candollei.
[140] If the word teiks is the same as that of teak wood it would make it probable that the buffalo was formerly killed by the side of a wooden post and that the use of a stone is secondary.
[141] Owing to the fact that the Nòdrs people do not kill both of these kinds of buffalo at one funeral at the present time, they now only bring one of the two bells from Òdr.
[142] Some observers have stated that the feet of the corpse are placed within the mouth of the buffalo, but I could not confirm this.
[143] More elaborate laments are given on pp. 385–8.
[144] This ceremony is also called kachpùtchpimi.
[145] Natesa Sastri, Madras Mail, Aug. 28th, 1894.
[146] The matchuni of a person is the child of his mother’s brother, or of his father’s sister (see Chapter XXI).
[147] At the azaramkedr (see p. 381) these boxes are only burnt at a woman’s funeral, their place at a man’s funeral being taken by bamboo vessels called wak. This is probably also true of the etvainolkedr.
[148] Loc. cit., p. 176.
[149] Ind. Antiq., 1874, iii. 274.
[150] P. 21.
[151] Letters on the Neilgherries, 1829, p. 81.
[152] This experience gave me a very striking object-lesson, showing how easy it is to make mistakes in anthropological investigation. The first account given to me seemed to make it absolutely clear that the removal of the relics was made the occasion of a feast.
[153] Kûdri is the generic word for creeper.
[154] See Thurston, Bull., ii. p. 4.
[155] See Chap. XXV.
[156] Probably Olea robusta.
[157] Bull., i. 176.
[158] As I have already pointed out, this would only happen if the people were of the same clan and sex.
[159] My notes do not make it absolutely clear who lights the fire at the funeral of a male. The puntüt is lighted by a man of the same clan, and this is probably also the case with the azaramtüt. Owing to the fact that a woman becomes a member of her husband’s clan, the daughter-in-law who lights the fire at a woman’s funeral will also be of the same clan as the deceased.
[160] There was some question as to whether the ceremony did not begin as soon as the fire was lighted.
[161] This would seem to indicate that when the fire is extinguished, the objects burnt with the relics are far from being consumed by the fire.
[162] See p. 365.
[163] Ind. Antiq., 1874, vol. iii. p 35.
[164] This is also the usual vocative termination.
[165] Kakoji is the Kota name for a toe-ring worn on the second toe of the right foot by Kota women (see Breeks, p. 123). A similar word is used for bracelets of vine made by the Todas as a game.
[166] In some cases Samuel could not give the literal meanings, and has only given the general sense of the kwarzam.
[167] A play on Pidrvan’s name.
[168] As both these funeral laments were obtained from Samuel, I cannot guarantee that the method of spelling adopted is the same as that used elsewhere in the book; this is especially the case with the sign ‘th,’ which, in agreement with the practice customary in South India, was used by Samuel for the lingual ‘ṭ,’ and sometimes for a sound for which I have used the letter d.
[169] For the story to which this refers, see Chapter XXVIII.
[170] This may possibly be the world of Yama, the Todas rarely, if ever, using the letter y. The word was often pronounced Amanòdr.
[171] This is one of several instances in which the initial t of a word is omitted in compound forms.
[172] Möditi is the name applied to all the women of other tribes. It is perhaps suggestive that this name should be used for a stone connected with the goddess Teikirzi.
[173] Several of those who have witnessed Toda funerals have noticed that barren buffaloes are killed on these occasions, and I believe that it is a recognised custom to use such animals. Pidrvan’s funeral lament begins with a reference to barren buffaloes, and the clause, “in the midst of barren buffaloes you went,” evidently refers to Pidrvan’s skill in catching buffaloes at the funeral ceremonies.
[174] See Fawcett, Journ. Anthrop. Soc. Bombay, 1890, vol. ii., p. 146.
[175] In Teitnir’s lament for Pidrvan (see p. 387) he speaks of a Kars kazun, which suggests that each clan has its own kazun.
[176] At this place there is now only a dairy.
[177] Pp. 18 and 67.
[178] According to another account, these bells are kept at the wursuli of Nasmiòdr, and the wursuli of Kars has three mani in addition to these.
[179] As we have already seen (p. 243) there is some reason to think that there has been example of such transference of sanctity to an object in the case of the mu or buried dairy vessel.
[180] Falls of the Cavery, 1834, p. 49.
[181] For the special method employed see p. 581.
[182] Burton (Goa and the Blue Mountains, p. 316) brands the Todas as inveterate liars, because, evidently owing to some misunderstanding, he was told that a “putting stone” was the “grandfather of the gods.”
[183] It will be remembered that at the azaramkedr of a woman, two women stand at the entrance of the azaram one of whom holds a pounder in her hands.
[184] I do not intend by this to indicate my belief that these cairns are ancient Toda monuments. I only wish to point out that one of the arguments which has been directed against this view is probably not valid. I shall return to this point in a future chapter.
[185] I had no Toda with me when I visited the place, so cannot speak with absolute certainty on the point.
[186] I do not wish to lay any stress on this argument, for, as I have already indicated, it is possible that the eating of sambhar is a recent innovation, which has arisen since the advent of Europeans to the Nilgiris. Also I do not wish to indicate by the above that I commit myself to a belief in the universality of totemism as a stage in religious development. I only wish to point out that if this has been so, the Todas furnish a good case in which we might expect all traces of this descent to have disappeared or to have become so blurred and scanty as to be of little value.
[187] These were the names given to me by the Todas, and their spelling may not correspond with that in ordinary use.
[188] See Reports of the Cambridge Anthropological Expedition to Torres Straits, vol. v, p. 122.
[189] For a few cases in which an individual is entered as the child of a man who is known not to be his real father, see p. 534. In such a case I have assigned the child to the parent who is regarded as the legal father by the Todas.
[190] Grigg’s Manual of the Nilagiri District, 1880, Appendix No. 17, p. xlviii.
[191] Ibid. App. No. 20, p. lx.
[192] Letters on the Neilgherries, London, 1829, p. 75.
[193] Madras Journ. of Lit. and Science, 1836, vol. viii, p. 86.
[194] Ibid., 1848, vol. xv, p. 1.
[195] Manual, p. 27.
[196] Proc. Camb. Philos. Soc., 1904, vol. xii, p. 481.
[197] Specimens of South Indian Dialects, Mangalore, 1873.
[198] Pp. 194–5.
[199] See Marshall, p. 213.
[200] Properly the river should not be crossed at all on these days (see p. 418).
[201] The probable rule is that the day must not be a madnol or palinol.
[202] In cases of polyandry the names of the husbands are enclosed in square brackets.
[203] See his account at the end of this chapter.
[204] I use the term ‘fatherhood’ instead of ‘paternity’ because the latter term seems to imply a meaning which does not belong to the Toda notion of ‘father.’
[205] For an instance, see p. 535.
[206] It will be noticed that I am using the term ‘Levirate’ in a wider sense than that in which it is sometimes employed, for Sargveli was not a childless widow.
[207] In 1902.
[208] Ter is also used in the sense of ‘fine,’ but is only used when the fine takes the form of a buffalo or buffaloes. A money fine is called saver.
[209] For an instance in the past see p. 538.
[210] For an instance see p. 535.
[211] Mokh here means ‘child’ in general, not son.
[212] For a full account see p. 366.
[213] Grigg’s Nilgiri Manual, Appendix, p. lxxiv.
[214] The definite appearance of jealousy in the history of Kwoten must, however, be noted in this connexion.
[215] Loc. cit.
[216] This is evidently the same word as marth, which occurs in Chapter XIV as a word for village.
[217] This is the kach. Harkness states that it was generally a piece of dyed or printed cotton as at present.
[218] This is a custom of which I failed to obtain any account.
[219] This is evidently due to misunderstanding of the pursütpimi ceremony. The Tamil word for ‘bow’ is vil.
[220] Probably Keradr.
[221] Badagas and Kotas.
[222] A full account of the two divisions and of their relation to one another will be given in Chapter XXIX.
[223] Another name for a man of no clan is pazuli, but I do not know whether this is merely a synonym of padmokh or whether a man can lose the right of belonging to a clan for any other reason than that described above.
[224] P. 132.
[225] A meeting of the council is often spoken of as kûtkûdriti, “the assembly assembles,” or kûtpuniti, “the assembly makes.”
[226] It seemed clear that the term naim is also applied to these clan councils.
[227] For a full account of this controversy see the Manual of the Nilagiri District, by H. B. Grigg, Madras, 1880. See also Thurston, Bull. i. 182.
[228] I am not clear on whom the expense of rebuilding and repairing a dairy would fall when the dairy is situated at a village occupied by one family only, and used exclusively for buffaloes which are the private property of that family.
[229] On p. 70 I have given an example of the ownership of sacred buffaloes in the Kars clan.
[230] Some patterns are given by Mr. Thurston, Bulletin, i. 1896, pl. xii.
[231] This is the fruit of one of the plants (Rubus lasiocarpus) of which the leaves are used in the ordination ceremonies of the dairymen of Taradr and Kanòdrs.
[232] Bulletin, vol. iv., p. 16.
[233] Ashk is one of the Toda words for rice, and the name of the food is therefore derived from this substance.
[234] It might have been expected that the part of the floor near the door used for the dairy operations would be the meilkuter, but it is not so. Meil also means ‘west’ and the explanation may be connected with this.
[235] See Crooke’s Popular Religion and Folk-Lore of Northern India, 1896, vol. ii pp. 187–191.
[236] In India the marks on the moon are frequently supposed to represent a hare.
[237] For another version of this story obtained by Mr. Thurston, see Bulletin, iv. p. 1.
[238] The game is described by Breeks and Thurston under the name of ilata, but this again is certainly not Toda.
[239] Bull. iv. p. 7.
[240] Madras Journ. Lit. and Sci., 1837, vol. v. p. 155.
[241] A Comparative Grammar of the Dravidian Languages, 2nd ed., London, 1875, p. 557.
[242] Outlines of the Tuḍa Grammar appended to Marshall’s Phrenologist among the Todas.
[243] London, 1868.
[244] Madras Journ. Lit. and Sci., 1857, N.S., vol. i., p. 104.
[245] These sounds have usually been omitted in the Toda words as written in this book.
[246] For equivalents of these signs in English words see the Phonetic System at the beginning of the book.
[247] Mad, or more usually madth, is also the Toda word for churn, and this word is probably derived indirectly from the Sanscrit mantha.
[248] See story of Kwoto.
[249] The last syllable of the name Meilitars given to Kwoto is probably this word so that the name means ‘superior man.’
[250] This name also occurs in the story of Kwoten.
[251] Mopuvan is named after the hill Mopuvthut, which is mentioned in the legend of Puzi (193).
[252] It will be noticed that, in these two cases, the old names are those which occur in the genealogies. My informant probably remembered these better than the new names, which had been assumed only late in life.
[253] Mav is also the Toda word for sambhar.
[254] According to Harkness, “each burgher, hamlet, or village” gives about two quarts (p. 108), or (p. 135) half a bushel to the ti and half a bushel to the other Todas. According to Breeks (p. 9), the gudu is about one-tenth, one-eighth, or one-fifth of the gross produce.
[255] It is possible that the elucidation of this point might also help towards the explanation of the Badaga account of the Toda clans.
[256] P. 136.
[257] P. 4.
[258] According to Breeks, the Kotas who supply the Todas are known as muḷḷu Kotas.
[259] The Kotas are agriculturists as well as mechanics, and, according to Breeks, they are quite as efficient as the Badagas in this occupation. They also keep buffaloes, though chiefly or entirely for their own use.
[260] It is perhaps noteworthy that some of the Kurumbas of Malabar are still noted for their cleverness in collecting honey, and are known as Tên or honey Kurumbas (Fawcett, Bull. Madras Museum, iii, p. 9).
[261] By this I mean that there are now living thirty females who were born members of the Nòdrsol, but since a woman becomes a member of her husband’s clan, most of these are now members of other clans. I give the numbers of each clan in this form because it brings out several features of interest in relation to the relative fertility of different clans, the proportions of the sexes, &c.
[262] Pidrvan died soon after my visit.
[263] For the story how the Kuudr people came to lose the right of providing the palol for the Nòdrs ti, see p. 114.
[264] This was evidently a council consisting of the members of the clan only.
[265] There is also a place called Devali in the Wainad which may possibly be connected in some way with the Teivaliol.
[266] Grigg (Manual, p. 187) derives the word from tasan, a servant. S or sh is sometimes inserted into the word Tartharol, but it is purely euphonic, and I do not think that this derivation is at all probable.
[267] Proc. Camb. Philos. Soc., 1904, vol. xii, p. 481.
[268] I neglect the first generation on account of the small number of families for which there are data.
[269] Popular Religion and Folklore of Northern India, London, 1896.
[270] Cf. Crooke, loc. cit., vol. ii. pp. 187–191.
[271] Dalton, Trans. Ethnol. Soc., London, N.S., 1868, vol. vi, p. 37.
[272] Fawcett, Journ. Anthrop. Soc., Bombay, 1888, vol. i. p. 249.
[273] Loc. cit.
[274] Cain, Ind. Antiq., 1876, vol. v, p. 357.
[275] Kearns, Tribes of South India, p. 51.
[276] The Hindu at Home, Madras, p. 234.
[277] IV. 240.
[278] Crooke, loc. cit., vol. i. p. 269.
[279] Logan’s Malabar Manual, vol. i. p. 141.
[280] See Malabar Marriage Commission and Wigram’s Malabar Law and Custom, 2nd ed., Madras, 1900.
[281] Census of India, 1901, vol. i., Eth. App., p. 136.
[282] Ibid., p. 142.
[283] Madras Gov. Museum Bull., iii. p. 247.
[284] Ibid., p. 70.
[285] Ibid., p. 61. See also Dubois, Hindu Manners, Customs, and Ceremonies, Oxford, 1899, p. 17.
[286] Madras Museum Bull., iii. p. 242.
[287] Cf. Caldwell, A Comparative Grammar of the Dravidian or South-Indian Family of Languages, 2nd ed., London, 1875, p. 23.
[288] It is perhaps worth noting that at present only Teivali diviners are reputed to speak Malayalam.
[289] Journ. Anthrop. Soc., Bombay, 1889, vol. i. p. 535.
[290] Mysore Census Report, 1901, Pt. i. p. 521.
[291] Histoire générale des Races Humaines, Paris, 1889, Introduction, p. 469.
[292] Ethnology, Cambridge, 1896, p. 418.
[293] The Races of Man, London, 1900, p. 412.
[294] In a paper which I have only seen since the above was written (C. R. de la Soc. de Biol., 1905, t. lix, p. 123) M. Louis Lapicque has called attention to the resemblance between Todas and Nairs. He regards the Todas as pure or almost pure examples of one of the two races of which he believes the Dravidian population of India to be composed, the Nairs being more mixed with the negroid element, which forms the other component of the population according to M. Lapicque.
[295] It must also be borne in mind that the figures of the Nambutiris and those of some of the Todas are based on the measurement of twenty-five individuals only in each case.
[296] Some of these measurements are based on the examination of eighty-two men, others are derived from twenty-five men only.
[297] The relations existing between Nair women and Nambutiri men must have brought about an approximation of the two Malabar castes in physical characters, even if they were originally of different ethnical origin.
[298] It is worth noting that they practise male descent, while the Nairs follow the Marumakkattayam system of inheritance.
[299] I should much like to know the ratios between the lengths of different limb bones, such as those shown by the radio-humeral or tibio-femoral indices. The observations on the cubit and the distance from the middle finger to the patella suggest that considerable differences might be found between the Todas and the Malabar castes in these ratios, which do not seem to me to have yet received from the physical anthropologist the attention they deserve.
[300] It will be remembered that the Todas claim to have once possessed a spear which had belonged to their god, Kwoten.
[301] See p. 445.
[302] The argument will hold equally well if the Todas in their previous home had been accustomed to procure their pottery from others, but had when they reached the Nilgiris to rely solely on the Kotas for help in this direction.
[303] See p. 402.
[304] Loc. cit.
[305] Add. MS. 9853, pp. 464–5, MS. 25–26 vol. [Translation].
[306] Or Cattanar, a native priest of the Syrian Church.
[307] Add. MS. 9853, p. 479, MS. 40 vol. [Translation].
[308] In the translation given by Whitehouse the name of this priest is given as Ferreira.
[309] A member of the Errari or cowherd caste.
[310] ? Vaishya.
[311] Whitehouse suggests that this is Melur.
[312] I do not know the meaning of this. One caste of the Badagas is called Torya.
[313] Seventh?
[314] By the context this should be 100 buffalo cows.
[315] Evidently the wursol.