Chapter 15

In this, the same number of voices is heard as in the first part. The performers seem to be the same ones who sang from the beginning.

The scale is the same as that of part 1. The intonation is very distinct and the character unmistakably pentatonic.

In measure 2 there is the harmony-interval of a perfect fourth followed immediately by that of a minor third, the same succession as was used in the _Da-eng_, Girls' part (Record J). In the fourth and fifth measures of this part are found unprepared minor thirds, which also appear in Record J. These harmonies are not so primitive as those found in the boys' part of the same ceremony (see Record A).

The tempo throughout this part is 80 and the rhythm strongly marked. There is a wait between the two lines. The machine was evidently stopped at this point or the needle raised and started again. Each line has the uncommon number of five measures the same as the first part, but metrically the part is in 4/4 rhythm.

The second time through, the singers seem to be striving to repeat the first line of the movement with embellishments consisting of inverted mordents, appogiature, and trills.

Musically, there seems to be absolutely no connection between this song and the other two of the same ceremony. In many ways this song is the most interesting of those submitted. In origin it probably dates between the other two.

It is not given consecutively on the record, as there were breaks between each two lines while the needle was raised.

_Da-Eng_. Girls' part.

Record J. Sung while dancing in a religious ceremony.

The record shows but two voices one of which is greatly predominant in strength and confidence as if it were the leader's voice.

The song is cast in the scale of B minor. It is not pentatonic. The singers would employ, so an interrogation-mark is; placed below that be either A-natural or A-sharp, according to whether the scale is the _natural_ minor or the _harmonic_ minor, it is not possible to determine which tone the singers would employ, so an interrogation mark is placed below that note. The raised fourth (E-sharp), shown in the fifth measure of four out of the six verses, is perfectly intentional on the part of the singers, but musically, is to be interpreted as an accidental, and does not affect the scale of the song.

In this song we again have the interval of a fourth without the sixth above. It occurs four times, each time followed immediately by the less primitive and more harmonious interval of a minor third. The minor third harmony also occurs in three other measures,--in these without preparation.

These minor thirds are all the same,--B-D, the foundation of the tonic chord of the key,--evidence that the singers have a keen sense of the minor tonality.

The tempo alternates between 96 and 108. The first half of each line is given at 96, but the second half is taken more rapidly at 108 beats per minute. Each of these rhythms is very evenly preserved, the time being well marked by accented notes and pulsations of the voice as shown in the score. The figures at the ends of the lines indicate the number of beats rest actually taken by the performers. Twice they take the normal number four, which, if preserved throughout, would place the song in the regular eight-measure form. Some of the measures are 4/4, and some are 3/4.

In each verse of this song we find an example of the characteristic which I have termed a "jog." It is seen in each next-to-last measure with special sign beneath. The jogs in the 2nd, 4th, and 6th measures are the best defined (see table of special signs under _Introduction_, p. 444).

There are three qualities in this song, which indicate that it is of more modern origin than either of the other two which belong to the same ceremony. The frequent and undoubtedly intentional use of the raised fourth giving the half step E-sharp to F-sharp; the persistent recurrence of the hardly primitive, minor-third harmony; and the fact that the song is not cast in the pentatonic scale, as are the other two records of the same ceremony, point to a more modern origin.

It may be that in the earliest practice of this ceremony the girls or women did not participate, their parts having been a later addition. This could not be determined musically, however, without examining more records of songs from this or similar ceremonies.

_Bogoyas_

Record K. Sung by a woman.

This is a woman's song of praise, complimentary to the host at a party.

The singer makes use of all the scale tones of the major key of E-flat, except the D-natural. The B-natural found in the next-to-last measure is a passing tone, and does not affect the scale or tonality. At that point the suggested supporting harmony is an augmented triad upon the tonic leading into the subdominant. With the exception of this one measure, the song is in the five-note scale. Notwithstanding that this measure contains two A-flats and also the passing tone B-natural, both of which tones are foreign to this particular five-note scale, the song is not robbed of its pentatonic character.

The rhythm of this song is interesting. It alternates throughout between 4/4 and 5/4. It might have been notated in 9/4 time instead, in which case it would have but five measures.

The singer uses the downward glissandos, so characteristic of nearly all of the Tinguian songs of this group. These glissandos are indicated by oblique lines drawn beneath the tones covered by the slide.

In the second measure there is an almost inaudible tone at the end of the glissando. It is indicated by a small, square note. Careful listening to the record at this point shows that the singer really leaves the principal tone E-flat and slides with a sudden dying-down of volume. The abruptness with which the sound of the voice fades as it starts the glissando, leaves the impression of E-flat still sounding.

One tone in this song is given on the inhaled breath. It is indicated by a circle with a dot in the center placed beneath the note. This tone was produced well back in the throat, while the singer sharply inhaled the breath. This artifice, occasionally used by the Tinguian, is seldom, if ever, heard in the singing of civilized peoples (for other examples, see analysis of Record M, _Dang-dang-ay_).

This song, given by a woman, has not the well-marked motive development shown in the other _Bogoyas_, sung by a man. However, we find two quite distinct, prevailing ideas set forth. The first includes the whole of the first measure and the first beat of the second. It seems to be in the nature of a question which finds its answer in the remainder of the second measure, and again in the third, and again in the fourth measure. It is the same answer, but expressed each time in a little different manner. In the fifth measure and carrying over into the sixth, the questioning is heard again. Although put forth in a different arrangement of tones, it is the same musical thought as that expressed in the first measure. This time it is answered but once. The answer takes parts of two measures. Now follows another query similar to the first, and again comes the answer fully expressed in each of the two concluding measures.

The principal interest in this centers around the B-natural, indicating that the singer has a very decided appreciation of the half step and of the upward leading tendency of a tone raised a semitone by an accidental.

_Na-Way_

Record L. Sung at the celebration which closes the period of mourning for the dead.

There are two voices heard in the record, probably women. In ten of the measures there is a splitting up of the parts. In the first measure of each of the second and third lines, and also in the third measure of the third line, the difference in the parts is owing to uncertainty of attack, one of the singers, usually the leader, starting the syllable ahead of the other performer. In the second measure of the last line, the first divergence is caused by the leader taking E by way of embellishment; and the second divergence, producing a minor third, is caused by the other voice dropping to B too soon. These are not intentional harmonies. The other six departures from unison are caused by the leader embellishing her part. The appogiatura, shown with a tiny circle above, has the quality of falsetto. The singer yodles down to the principal tone B.

The song is strictly pentatonic. Peculiarly enough, it may be considered as belonging to any one of the following tonalities, B minor, E minor, or G major, though there is no G in the melody. The song seems the most primitive, however, when considered in the key of E minor, for the harmonies required to place it in this tonality carry more of the primitive atmosphere than do the chords which are required in either of the other tonalities.

In this connection it would be interesting to know just how these various harmonizations would appeal to the Tinguian. It is a well-known fact among musicians who have recorded the songs of primitive peoples, that though the songs are used with practically no harmonies, yet the singers feel an harmonic support which they do not express. Experiments along this line have been tried with the American Indians. Various harmonizations of a given melody have been played for them, a melody which they themselves sing only in unison, and they have been very quick to choose the particular harmonic support which appeals to them as being an audible expression of the vague something which they feel within, but do not attempt to voice.

The tones of this song when arranged to represent the scale of E minor coincide exactly with the scale tones of two of the tunings of the Japanese 13 stringed _koto_. These tunings were both borrowed by the Japanese from the Chinese by whom they were used as special tunings of the _ch'in_, or _kin_, one of the most ancient of musical instruments.

In each of the eleven glissandos shown in the notation, the voices drop suddenly to approximately the tone shown by the small square note. The glides are taken diminuendo, the tone dying away completely. The sudden diminuation of tone taken with a glissando gives an effect something like a short groan. The song is in seven-measure periods.

_Dang-Dang-Ay_

Record M. Sung by women while pounding rice out of the straw and husks.

Only one voice can be distinguished in the record. It is that of a woman.

Though strongly pentatonic in character, the song is cast in the diatonic scale of F major. Metrically there is considerable freedom. 3/4, 4/4, and 5/4 rhythms are thrown in with the most haphazard abandon, yet it has the even pulsing which should dominate a song of this character.

The song is in two rather distinct movements. The first, in spite of the two triplets thrown in at the first and third measures, has a straight-away motion which offers a striking contrast to the more graceful, swaying second part which is mostly in triplets. The change from one style to the other is made by the singer with no variation in tempo. It is therefore admirably adapted to accompany the regular falling of the pestles while beating out the rice.

Near the close of the song are two notes with [Sun] over them. These were vocalized on the inhaled breadth (for other examples of Inhaled Tones, see analysis of Record K, _Bogoyas_).

This song contains seven examples of the "Jog" (see _Definition of Qualities_, p. 479). Those in the second part of the song are the best defined. One of these is shown with open head. This jog is given the most nearly like the Igorot manner of execution of any of the examples found in these fourteen songs.

In general character, this song somewhat resembles the Boys' Part of the _Da-eng_ ceremony (Record A).

_Kuilay-Kuilay_

Record N. Sung by women while passing liquor.

There is one singer only on this record. It is a woman. The song is given in a lively, jolly, rollicking style.

It is cast in the F major scale. The melody has good variety. At times it defines quite clearly the harmonic outline by following the tonal framework of the tonic, dominant, or subordinant chords. Passing tones are used more freely and naturally in this song than in any of the others.

In the third measure of the fifth line, the singer very plainly vocalizes a half step from F to E. The second and fourth lines also show semitones, though these are not so distinctly given on the record as the other example.

In the last measure of the third line there is a modulation into the tonality of B-flat which carries through two measures.

In the fifth line are three accents which make the meter rather elusive at that point. The two small notes shown at the beginning of the third line seem to be spoken with no attempt at vocalization. They are notated, however, at the pitch of the speaking voice. The small note shown in the bottom line is given very faintly in the record and seems more like a muffled exclamation than an intentionally vocalized tone.

The tempo throughout is quite regular, following the indicated pulse of 92 in both the 6/8 and 2/4 rhythms.

In the latter part of the song there are a number of changes between duple and triple rhythm. The singer makes these changes with perfect ease and sings the groups with that exactness of proportion which characterizes the performance of most of the singers in these records.

Musically this song is strikingly adapted to the purpose for which it is intended.

_Tabulation of Qualities and Characteristics_.--The qualities found in the records have been tabulated under two main headings. Under the caption, "Rarely or Never Heard in Modern Music," are listed those qualities which, so far as present research goes, are so very unusual that they may be termed musical idiosyncrasies of the race. These qualities are so eccentric that if found in several of the songs, even if the number of songs be much in the minority, the qualities may be accepted as characteristics. [252]

To receive recognition as a characteristic, any quality found under the other heading, "Commonly Heard," would necessarily have to show that it quite persistently occurred throughout a large majority of the songs.

The columns of the large table, when read horizontally, show which qualities appear in a given song. Read vertically they show the degrees of dominance of the various qualities.

The songs are grouped under two heads, those given by men and boys, and those given by women and girls. This will facilitate comparison of the degrees of dominance of the qualities found in the songs of each. [253]

Numbers have been put down in some of the columns of the table. These figures indicate the number of times the quality appeared in the song. If the song has several verses on the record, and the quality appears the same number of times in each, then the tabulation gives the number of times in but a single verse. If the verses vary in the use of the quality, then an average has been struck and figure put down in the tabulation. In those songs where a certain quality occurs with such irregularity that it was impossible to represent the average without fractions, only the mark X has been put down in the table, simply to indicate that the quality was present. Such qualities as Tonality, Character, Structure, Scale, etc., naturally, with few exceptions, run through the whole song, and they are indicated by the X. Some songs have both of two opposed qualities. When this occurs, it is shown by checking both qualities. [254] Some qualities which were present, but indeterminable are indicated by an interrogation-point. [255]

Following the tabulation is given a detailed explanation or definition of each of the qualities listed at the heads of the vertical columns.

_Dying Tones_.--Found only at the end of some few glissandos. On the glide, the volume of sound diminishes so rapidly that when the final tone of the group is reached, the sound has practically died out. The effect is something like a short groan with no anguish in it. Sign,--same as a muted note, but written at the end of a glissando.

_Muted Tones_.--Sort of half-articulated tones, if I may use that expression. Without more records of the same songs in which these are shown, it is not possible to determine whether they are intended by the singers as necessary parts of the records. Sign,--note with small square head.

_Inhaled Tones_.--Tones produced well back in the throat while sharply inhaling the breath rather than exhaling it, as practiced almost universally by singers. Sign,--circle with dot in center.

_Pulsated Tones_.--Tones of more than one beat sung with a rythmic stressing usually in accord with the time meter or some multiple of that meter. Pulsation is rarely heard among modern musicians, except in drilling ensemble singing. It is heard quite frequently in the singing of our American Indians and in the songs of several other primitive peoples. It occurs to some extent in nearly every one of the Tinguian men's songs. It is found in but one of those sung by women.

Though pusation does serve to define the rhythm, I believe it is used by primitive peoples mostly as a purely æsthetic touch. It is indicated in the notation by the usual musical staccato sign thus, --.....

_Swelled Tones_.--Tones usually of from two to four beats which are sung with increasing volume to the center, finishing with a decrescendo to the end. The Swell is sometimes applied to tones of more than four beats, but when so used, it looses some of its character. Swelled tones must be given to single syllables only, and they are the most effective when introduced several times in succession with but few, if any, intervening tones. The sign which I have used is double diverging lines followed by double converging lines placed under the note.

In 1905 it was my privilege to transcribe a number of native songs from the singing of a group of Igorot. In these songs they made frequent use of swelled tones.

_Downward Glissandos_.--An even sliding of the voice from the topmost tone of a group to the lowest with no perceptible dwelling on any intermediate tone and without in any manner defining any of the tones lying between the extremes. Sign,--a straight line drawn obliquely downward beneath the group.

_Upward Glissandos_.--An even sliding of the voice upward without sounding any of the intermediate tones. Sign,--a straight line drawn obliquely upward beneath the group.

_Notes in Group, Beats in Measure, or Measures in Period_.--Groups of five seem to have no terrors for these people. In modern music it is extremely unusual to find notes grouped in fives, or measures having the rhythmic value of five beats, or periods made up of measures in fives. A study of the tabulation shows that the Tinguian have a rather natural bent for groupings in this number. It seems easy for them to drop into that metric form. I consider this trait, evidenced in their melodies, one of the marked characteristics of their music. [256]

Groups of notes, beats, or measures in seven are so few in these records that we are not warranted in accepting it as a characteristic.

_Jog_.--An over-emphasized short-appoggiatura with always either the tonic or dominant of the key as the principal tone. The first tone is usually an eighth or sixteenth in value, and must stand on the next degree above the principal tone. The principal tone is usually a quarter note or longer in value.

In singing the jog, the short note is given a very pointed accent, the voice dropping quickly with a sort of jerk to the second, unaccented, sustained tone. It is executed without sliding, both tones being well-defined. To be most effective, it should be given two, three, or four times consecutively without intervening tones.

This device was heard very frequently in the Igorot songs; in fact, some of their songs consisted of little else than the jog sounded first on tonic two or three times, then the same number of times on the dominant, then again on the tonic, then on the dominant, and so on back and forth.

It would be interesting to know just how commonly this device is used in the singing of the Tinguian and also in the music of other tribes of these Islands. From it we might learn something of the contact of other tribes with the Igorot.

Japanese Scales.--For structure of these scales, see analysis of those songs using one or another of the Japanese "tunings" or approximations to them.

Tonality.--That entire group of harmonies which, intimately related to a foundation or "tonic" chord, may be considered as clustered around and drawn to it.

Major Tonality. That tonality in which the upper two of the three tones constituting its tonic chord, when ranged upward from its foundation tone, are found at distances of four and seven semitones respectively from it.

Minor Tonality. That tonality in which the upper two of the three tones constituting its tonic chord, when ranged upward from its foundation tone, are found at distances of three and seven semitones respectively from it.

Pentatonic Character. That peculiar essence or quality which a melody has when it is built up entirely or almost wholly of the tones of the pentatonic or five-note scale. The melody may employ sparingly one or both of the two tones foreign to the pentatonic scale, and yet its pentatonic character will not be destroyed.

Diatonic Character. That quality which a melody takes on when the two tones which are foreign to the pentatonic scale of the same key or tonality are freely employed.

I use this term in contradistinction to "Pentatonic Character," and not in contradistinction to "Chromatic," as it is usually employed in musical literature.

Melodic Structure. That form of flowing succession of tones in which the accented tones, if considered in sequence, show dominant non-adherence to chord intervals.

_Harmonic Structure_. That form of tonal succession in which the tones of the melody follow rather persistently the structural outline of chords.

_Major Pentatonic Scale_. That scale in which the constituent tones, if considered in upward sequence, would show the following arrangement of whole and whole-and-a-half-step intervals,--(whole) (whole) (whole-and-a-half) (whole) (whole-and-a-half).

_Minor Pentatonic Scale_. That scale in which the constituent tones, if considered in upward sequence, would show the following arrangement of whole and whole-and-a-half step intervals,--(whole-and-a-half) (whole) (whole) (whole-and-a-half) (whole).

The pentatonic scale is markedly primitive in character. It is known to have been in use anterior to the time of Guido d'Arezzo, which would give it a date prior to the beginning of the 11th century. [257]

Rowbotham ascribes the invention of scales to those primitive musicians who, striving for greater variety in their one-toned chants, added first one newly-discovered tone, then another, and another. [258] The pentatonic scale might have resulted from such chanting.

Most of the primitive peoples of the present day do not seem to feel or "hear mentally" the half step. If musicians of early days had this same failing, it was only natural for them to avoid that interval by eliminating from their songs one or the other of each couplet of tones which if sung would form a half step, thus their chants would be pentatonic.

Not only do people in the primitive state fail to sense the half step, but also people in modern environment who have heard very infrequently this smallest interval of modern music.

Inability to sense this interval may be better understood when we stop to consider that most of us find it unnatural and difficult to hear mentally the still smaller quarter-step interval or one of the even-yet-smaller sub-divisions of the octave which some peoples have come to recognize through cultivation, and have embodied in their music.

This tendency to avoid the half step and develop along the line of pentatonic character is sometimes seen in our own children when they follow their natural bent in singing. It has been my observation that children with some musical creative ability, but unaccustomed to hearing modern music with its half steps, almost invariably hum their bits of improvised melody in the pentatonic scale.

_Major Diatonic Scale_. That scale in which the constituent tones if considered in upward sequence would show the following arrangement of whole and half step intervals,--(whole) (whole) (half) (whole) (whole) (whole) (half).

_Natural Minor Diatonic Scale_. That scale in which the constituent tones, if considered in upward sequence, would show the following arrangement of whole and half step intervals,--(whole) (half) (whole) (whole) (half) (whole) (whole).

_Harmonic Minor Diatonic Scale_. That scale in which the constituent tones, if considered in upward sequence, would show the following arrangement of half, whole and whole-and-a-half step intervals,--(whole) (half) (whole) (whole) (half) (whole-and-a-half) (half).

_Melodic Minor Diatonic Scale_ (_Ascending_). That scale in which the constituent tones, if considered in upward sequence, would show the following arrangement of whole and half step intervals,--(whole) (half) (whole) (whole) (whole) (whole) (half).

_Falsetto_. Artificial or strained head-tones which sound an octave above the natural tone. Sign,--a tiny circle above the note.

In record L. _Naway_ is shown one falsetto tone. It is unusual to find this effect in a woman's voice.

_Semitones Sung_. This needs no definition. The classification is put down to show to what extent these singers appreciate the half-step intervals, and are able to vocalize it (see preceeding definition of Pentatonic Scale for footnote relative to appreciation of this interval). Sign,--curved bracket above or below the notes.

In these records the men use the half-step interval in six of their seven songs, while the women make use of it in but three of their eight songs.

_Appoggiature_. These, with the exception of one double one shown in the _Bagoyas_ (Record G), are all of the single, short variety. The singers execute them with the usual quickness heard in modern music, but with the accent about equally divided between the appoggiatura and the principal tone. In the transcription they are indicated by the usual musical symbol,--a small eighth note with a slanting stroke through the hook.

_Mordents_. Those used in these songs are all of the "inverted" kind, and were executed by the singers in the manner used by modern musicians; that is, by giving a quick, single alternation of the principal tone with the next scale tone above. Indicated in the score by the usual musical symbol.

_Trills and Wavers_. These need no comment except to call attention to the fact that there are none found in the regular songs of the women. The one shown in Record I (_Da-eng,_ Boys and Girls alternating) is in the boys' part.

_Changing Between Duple and Triple Rhythm_. I consider this quite a striking quality in these songs. Some primitive peoples show little concern over such rhythmic changes, in fact, among some races where percussive instruments are used to accompany the singing, we frequently hear the two rhythms at the same time fitted perfectly one against the other. This is especially true among our American Indians.

While it is not uncommon to find compositions in modern music using these two rhythms alternately, they are alternated rather sparingly. A great many musicians have difficulty in passing smoothly from one to the other, preserving perfect proportions in the note values.

In noting down in the table the findings under this head, I have put down under each song, not the number of duple or triple or quadruple groups in the song, but rather the number of "changes" which occur. After one has made the transition from one style of rhythm to the other, and has the new "swing" established, manifestly it is no special feat to follow along in that same kind of measure; but the real test is the "change" to the rhythm of the other sort. For instance, in the Song of the Spirit (Record E), I find but 31 measures and parts of measures which are in triple rhythm, yet the singer had to change his meter 47 times to execute these. On the other hand, the _Dang-dang-ay_ (Record M), has in it 21 triple-time measures and triplet groups of notes, but because of the persistence of the triple rhythm, when once established in the second part, the song requires a changing of swing but 17 times.

Because of the frequency of changes found throughout these songs, and noting, as heard in the records, the precision with which, in nearly every instance, a new rhythm is taken, I conclude that the Tinguian have a remarkable grasp of different metric values, which enables them to change readily from one to the other. Naturally this trait would stamp itself upon their music, and I consider the use of such frequent metric changes a dominant characteristic.

Although frequent rhythmic change is also strongly characteristic of the music of some other peoples, as I have indicated elsewhere, it is important to tabulate it here to differentiate the Tinguian from those peoples who do not make use of it.

_Minor 3rds, Perfect 4ths, and Perfect 5ths_. These are the only intentional harmonies found in these songs. It is interesting to note that the only examples are in the _Da-eng_ ceremony, where all three are used, some in one part and some in another.

Among some primitive peoples, only the men take part in the songs. The early chanting of all peoples was quite likely by men. Probably the most primitive harmony was a perfect fifth resulting from the attempt of men with different ranges to sing together. The difference between a bass and a tenor voice is just about a fifth. Between an alto and a soprano it is about a fourth. The difference in these voices made it impossible to sing melodies of wide range in unison, and so the basses and tenors sang in consecutive fifths. When women took up the chanting, they sang either in fifths or in fourths.

These harmonies appealed to them, and so continued in use even when there was no exigency on account of restricted range.

Referring again to the _Da-eng_ ceremony, it is interesting to observe that the three different parts of this ceremony are in distinct scales, and that the part sung by the girls alone, is diatonic in character while the other two parts are pentatonic.

_Conclusion_.--I have long been of the opinion that the music of different peoples should be given more consideration by scientists in their endeavor to trace cultural relationships. In years gone by, ethnologists have attached too little importance to the bearing which music has on their science.

I am of the opinion that every peculiarity, even to the smallest element that enters into the make-up of a given melody, has some influence back of it which has determined the element and shaped it into combination. It is not unlikely that a thorough study of the music would reveal these influences, and through them establish hitherto unknown ethnological facts.

I believe that a careful study of a large number of the songs or instrumental pieces of a people will reveal a quite definite general scheme of construction which can be accepted as representative of that people alone; and if such an analysis be made of the music of many peoples and the findings so tabulated that the material will be comprehensible to ethnologists trained to that branch of musical research, many interesting and instructive side-lights will be thrown on the question of tribal relationship.

I realize that to examine exhaustively and then tabulate the characteristics found in the music of just one of the many peoples of the globe would be something of an undertaking; but nevertheless I believe the work should be undertaken in this large way, and when it is, I am sure the results will justify the experiment.

I appreciate that there is an intangible something about music, which may prove baffling when it comes to reducing it to cold scientific symbols and descriptions. Take, for instance, quality of tone. Each one of us knows perfectly the various qualities of the different speaking voices of friends and acquaintances, yet how many of us can so accurately describe those qualities to a stranger that he also may be able to identify the voices among a thousand others. The tabulation of such elusive qualities would have to be in very general terms. Such indefinable characteristics would, to some extent, have to depend for comparison upon the memory of those workers who had received first-hand impressions. It would be something like a present-day musician identifying an unfamiliar composition as belonging to the "French school," the "Italian school," or the "Russian school;" and yet, this same musician might not be able to point out with definiteness a single characteristic of that particular so-called "school."

Though I have held these opinions for several years, I am more than ever convinced, since examining these few Tinguian records, that something really tangible and worth while can be deduced from the music of various primitive peoples, and I trust this branch of ethnology will soon receive more serious recognition.

Manifestly it would be unwise to draw any unalterable conclusions from the examination of but fourteen records of a people. But even in this comparatively small number of songs, ranging as they do over such a variety of applications and uses, it is possible to see tendencies which the examination of more records may confirm as definite characteristics.

While it would be presumptuous at this time to attempt to formulate a Tinguian style, I trust that what I have tabulated may prove valuable in summing up the total evidence, which will accumulate as other surveys are made; and if perchance, the findings here set down and the conclusions tentatively drawn from them help to clear up any obscure ethnological point, the effort has been well spent.

_Albert Gale_.

CONCLUSIONS

The first impression gained by the student of Philippine ethnology is that there is a fundamental unity of the Philippine peoples, the Negrito excepted, not only in blood and speech, but in religious beliefs and practices, in lore, in customs, and industries. It is realized that contact with outside nations has in many ways obscured the older modes of thought, and has often swamped native crafts, while each group has doubtless developed many of its present customs on Philippine soil; yet it seems that enough of the old still remains to proclaim them as a people with a common ancestry. To what extent this belief is justified can be answered, in part, by the material in the preceding pages.

A study of the physical types has shown that each group considered is made up of heterogeneous elements. Pigmy blood is everywhere evident, but aside from this there is a well-marked brachycephalic and a dolichocephalic element. With the latter is a greater tendency than with the first for the face to be angular; the cheek bones are more outstanding, while there is a greater length and breadth of the nose. Individuals of each type are found in all the groups considered, but taken in the average, it is found that the Ilocano and Valley Tinguian fall into the first or round-headed class, the Bontoc Igorot are mesaticephalic, while between them are the mountain Tinguian and Apayao.

Judging from their habitat and the physical data, it appears that the Igorot groups were the first comers; that the brachycephalic Ilocano-Tinguian arrived later and took possession of the coast, and that the two groups have intermarried to form the intermediate peoples. However, a comparison of our Luzon measurements with the people of southern China and the Perak Malay leads us to believe that the tribes of northwestern Luzon are all closely related to the dominant peoples of southern China, Indo-China, and Malaysia in general, in all of which the intermingling of these types is apparent.

The dialects of northwestern Luzon, while not mutually intelligible, are similar in morphology, and have a considerable part of their vocabularies in common. Here again the Igorot is at one extreme, the Ilocano and Valley Tinguian at the other, while the intervening groups are intermediate, but with a strong leaning toward the coast tongue.

Considering, for the moment, the Bontoc Igorot and the Tinguian, it is found that both have certain elements of culture which are doubtless old possessions, as, for instance, head-hunting, terraced rice-fields, iron-working, a peculiar type of shield, and a battle-axe which they share with the Apayao of Luzon and the Naga of Assam.

A part or all of these may be due to a common heritage, at any rate, they help to strengthen the feeling that in remote times these peoples were closely related. But a detailed study of their social organizations; of their ceremonies, songs, and dances; of their customs at birth, marriage, death, and burial; of their house-building; as well as the details of certain occupations, such as the rice culture, pottery making, and weaving, indicates that not only have they been long separated, but that they have been subjected to very different outside influences, probably prior to their entry into the Philippines.

It is not in the province of this monograph to deal with the probable affiliations of the Igorot, neither is it our intention to attempt to locate the ancient home of the Tinguian, nor to connect them with any existing groups. However, our information seems to justify us in certain general conclusions. It shows that the oft repeated assertions of Chinese ancestry are without foundation. It shows that, while trade with China had introduced hundreds of pieces of pottery and some other objects into this region, yet Chinese influence had not been of an intimate enough nature to influence the language or customs, or to introduce any industry. On the other hand, we find abundant evidence that in nearly every phase of life the Tinguian were at one time strongly influenced by the peoples to the south, and even to-day show much in common with Java, Sumatra, the Malay Peninsula, and through them with India. As a case in point we find in the procedure at birth that the Tinguian are in accord with the Peninsular Malay in at least eight particulars, some of which, such as the burning of a fire beside the mother and newborn babe for a month or more, the frequent bathing of both in water containing leaves and herbs, the "fumigating" of the baby, the throwing of ashes to blind evil spirits, are sufficiently distinctive to indicate a common source, particularly when they still occur together in connection with one of the great events of life.

Frequent reference has been made to the parallels between Tinguian customs and those practiced in Sumatra, while the methods of rice-culture are so similar that they can have come only from the same source. In the weaving the influence of India seems evident, despite the fact that cotton is not bowed in Abra, and the Tinguian method of spinning seems unique. These methods, apparently distinctive, may once have been practised more broadly, but were superseded by more efficient instruments. The primitive method of ginning cotton by rolling it beneath a tapering rod appears to be found nowhere in the Philippines outside of Abra, but it is used in some remote sections of Burma.