The Three Voyages of William Barents to the Arctic Regions (1594, 1595, and 1596)
Part 8
It likewise seems only right that the name Matthew’s Land (the “Land of Matpheoue”) or Matvyéeva Zemlya, should not be lost from our maps; and it is therefore proposed to appropriate that designation to the small island extending from Matyushin Shar (“Matochkin Shar”) northwards as far as the channel, in about 74° N. lat., running across the land from Cross Bay to Rosmuislov’s “Unknown Bay”.
As to the name Novaya Zemlya, there can be no doubt that it ought still to continue the generic appellation of the entire series of islands, of which the country usually known by that name is now found to consist. But, at the same time, as it is highly expedient that each of those islands should possess some distinctive specific designation, there is a propriety in restricting the title of Novaya Zemlya (Proper), as it appears in the map of Isaac Massa and Theunis Ys, to the southernmost island of the series, lying between the Kara Gate or Burroughs Strait to the south and Matyushin Shar or Matthew’s Strait to the north.
The establishment of the English in the White Sea, and their explorations to the eastwards, soon induced others to become their competitors; and of these it is not unnatural that the Russians themselves should have been among the first. Accordingly, we find that a short time previously to the year 1581, “two famous men”, named Yacovius and Unekius—which, as Lütke observes, [94] are manifestly the Latinised forms of the Russian names Yakov and Anikyi—employed a Swedish shipwright to build for them two ships in the river Dwina, and then sent one Alferius, by birth a Netherlander (“natione Belga”), to Antwerp to engage pilots and mariners, with a view to their employment on board those ships in discoveries towards the north-east. This Alferius—or Oliver, as Hakluyt translates the name—was the bearer of a letter from John Balak to Gerard Mercator, which letter, written in Latin, was published by Hakluyt in his Principal Navigations, [95] together with an English translation.
On account of the very curious matter bearing on our subject which this letter contains, it is thought advisable to reprint it here in its English form, and also to give the original Latin in the Appendix, [96] for the convenience of reference.
To the famous and renowned Gerardus Mercator, his reuerend and singular friend, at Duisburg in Cliueland, these be deliuered.
Calling to remembrance (most deare friend) what exceeding delight you tooke, at our being together, in reading the geographicall writings of Homer, Strabo, Aristotle, Plinie, Dion, and the rest, I reioyced not a little that I happened vpon such a messenger as the bearer of these presents (whom I do especially recommend vnto you), who arriued lately here at Arusburg, upon the riuer of Osella. This mans experience (as I am of opinion) will greatly auaile you to the knowledge of a certaine matter, which hath bene by you so vehemently desired and so curiously laboured for, and concerning the which the late cosmographers do hold such varietie of opinions: namely, of the discouerie of the huge promontorie of Tabin, and of the famous and rich countreys subiect unto the emperor of Cathay, and that by the northeast Ocean Sea. The man is called Alferius, [97] being by birth a Netherlander, who, for certaine yeeres, liued captiue in the dominions of Russia, vnder two famous men, Yacouius and Vnekius, by whom he was sent to Antwerp, to procure skilfull pilots and mariners (by propounding liberall rewards), to go vnto the two famous personages aforesayd, which two had set a Sweden shipwright on worke to build two ships for the same discouerie, vpon the riuer of Dwina. The passage vnto Cathay by the northeast (as he declareth the matter, albeit without arte, yet very aptly, as you may well perceiue, which I request you diligently to consider), is, without doubt, very short and easie. This very man himselfe hath trauelled to the riuer of Ob, both by land, through the countreys of the Samoeds and of Sibier, and also by sea, along the coast of the riuer Pechora, eastward. Being encouraged by this his experience, he is fully resolued with himselfe to conduct a barke laden with merchandize (the keele whereof hee will not haue to drawe ouer much water) to the Baie of Saint Nicholas, in Russia, being furnished with all things expedient for such a discouerie, and with a new supply of victuals at his arrivall there; and also to hire into his companie certaine Russes best knowen vnto himselfe, who can perfectly speake the Samoeds language, and are acquainted with the riuer of Ob, as hauing frequented those places yeere by yeere.
Whereupon, about the ende of May, hee is determined to saile from the Baie of S. Nicholas eastward, by the maine of Ioughoria, and so to the easterly parts of Pechora, to the island which is called Dolgoia. And here also hee is purposed to obserue the latitudes, to suruey and describe the countrey, to sound the depth of the sea, and to note the distances of places, where and so oft as occasion shall be offered. And forasmuch as the Baie of Pechora is a most conuenient place both for harbour and victuall, as well in their going foorth as in their returne home, in regard of ice and tempest, he is determined to bestow a day in sounding the flats, and in searching out the best enterance for ships: in which place, heretofore, he found the water to be but fiue foote deepe, howbeit he doubteth not but that there are deeper chanels: and then he intendeth to proceed on along those coasts for the space of three or foure leagues, leauing the island called Vaigats almost in the middle way betweene Vgoria and Noua Zembla: then also to passe by a certaine baie betweene Vaigats and Ob, trending southerly into the land of Vgoria, whereinto fall two small riuers, called Marmesia and Carah, [98] vpon the which riuers doe inhabite an other barbarous and sauage nation of the Samoeds. He found many flats in that tract of land, and many cataracts or ouerfals of water, yet such as hee was able to saile by. When hee shall come to the riuer of Ob, which riuer (as the Samoeds report) hath seuentie mouthes, which, by reason of the huge breadth thereof, containing many and great islands, which are inhabited with sundry sortes of people, no man scarcely can well discouer; because he will not spend too much time, he purposeth to search three or foure, at the most, of the mouthes thereof, those chiefly which shall be thought most commodious by the aduise of the inhabitants, of whom hee meaneth to haue certaine with him in his voyage, and meaneth to employ three or foure boates of that countrey in search of these mouthes, as neere as possibly he can to the shore, which, within three dayes iourney of the sea, is inhabited, that he may learne where the riuer is best nauigable. If it so fall out that he may sayle vp the riuer Ob against the streame, and mount up to that place which heretofore, accompanied with certaine of his friends, he passed vnto by land through the countrey of Siberia, which is about twelue dayes iourney from the sea, where the riuer Ob falleth into the sea, which place is in the continent neere the riuer Ob, and is called Yaks Olgush, borowing his name from that mightie riuer which falleth into the riuer Ob; then, doubtlesse, hee would conceive full hope that hee had passed the greatest difficulties: for the people dwelling there about report, which were three dayes sayling onely from that place beyond the riuer Ob, whereby the bredth thereof may be gathered (which is a rare matter there, because that many rowing with their boates of leather one dayes iourney onely from the shore, haue bene cast away in tempest, hauing no skill to guide themselves neither by sunne nor starre), that they haue seene great vessels, laden with rich and precious merchandize, brought downe that great riuer by black or swart people. They call that riuer Ardoh, which falleth into the lake of Kittay, which they call Paraha, [99] whereupon bordereth that mightie and large nation which they call Carrah Colmak, which is none other than the nation of Cathay. [100] There, if neede require, he may fitly winter and refresh himselfe and his, and seeke all things which he shall stand in need of; which, if it so fall out, he doubteth not but in the meane while he shall be much furthered in searching and learning out many things in that place. Howbeit, he hopeth that hee shall reach to Cathaya that very sommer, unlesse he be hindered by great abundance of ice at the mouth of the riuer of Ob, which is sometimes more, and sometimes lesse. If it so fall out, hee then purposeth to returne to Pechora, and there to winter; or if he cannot doe so neither, then hee meaneth to returne to the riuer of Dwina, whither he will reach in good time enough, and so the next spring following to proceed on his voyage. One thing in due place I forgate before.
The people which dwell at that place called Yaks Olgush, affirme that they haue heard their forefathers say that they have heard most sweete harmonie of bels [101] in the lake of Kitthay, and that they haue seene therein stately and large buildings: and when they make mention of the people named Carrah Colmak (this countrey is Cathay), they fetch deepe sighes, and holding vp their hands, they looke vp to heaven, signifying, as it were, and declaring the notable glory and magnificence of that nation. I would this Oliuer were better seene in cosmographie; it would greatly further his experience, which doubtlesse is very great. Most deare friend, I omit many things, and I wish you should heare the man himselfe, which promised me faithfully that he would visite you in his way at Duisburg; for he desireth to conferre with you, and doubtlesse you shall very much further the man. He seemeth sufficiently furnished with money and friends, wherein, and in other offices of curtesie, I offered him my furtherance, if it had pleased him to haue vsed me. The Lord prosper the mans desires and forwardnesse, blesse his good beginnings, further his proceedings, and grant vnto him most happy issue. Fare you well, good sir and my singular friend. From Arusburgh, vpon the river of Ossella, the 20 of February, 1581.
Yours wholy at commandement,
John Balak.
It is not known what success attended this Alferius or Oliver in his scheme, or what subsequently became of him; unless, indeed, it be assumed that he is the Oliver Brunel (or Bunel), concerning whom several unconnected notices are met with, and with respect to whom various conflicting opinions have been entertained. The early history of the discovery of Novaya Zemlya would hardly be complete were these notices and opinions passed over in silence.
The first mention made of this individual is by Gerrit de Veer, when speaking, in page 30 of the present work, of “a great creeke, which William Barents iudged to be the place where Oliuer Brunel had been before, called Costincsarch”.
The next is Henry Hudson, who, on his second voyage to discover a passage to the East Indies by the north-east, in 1608, having entered into this same creek, in the hope of its affording him a way through into the Sea of Kara, expresses himself as follows:—“This place vpon Noua Zembla is another then that which the Hollanders call Costing Sarch, discouered by Oliuer Brownell: and William Barentsons obseruation doth witnesse the same. It is layd in plot by the Hollanders out of his true place too farre north; to what end I know not, unlesse to make it hold course with the compasse, not respecting the variation.” [102]
In this, however, Hudson was mistaken. The creek into which he entered was really Kostin Shar; and his error in supposing it to be another “than that which the Hollanders call Costing Sarch”, arose from the circumstance that in the Dutch maps that name had been removed northwards to Matfeiov-tsar (Matvyéeva Shar) or Matyushin Shar, and made to supersede the original name. The whole of Hudson’s account of his visit to Novaya Zemlya is of so interesting a character, that it is deemed deserving of a place in the Appendix to the present work, [103] especially as it has hitherto been either overlooked or else made use of to very little good purpose.
In 1611, three years after Hudson’s visit to Novaya Zemlya, Josiah Logan went on a voyage to the Pechora, and on the 27th of August of that year we find the following entry in his journal, which, like that of Hudson, is published by Purchas: [104]—“We came to an iland called Mezyou Sharry, being sixtie versts to the eastwards of Suatinose, and it is about ten versts in length and two versts broad. At the east end thereof Oliver Brunell was carried into harbour by a Russe, where he was land-locked, hauing the iland on the one side and the mayne on the other.” It is here manifest that Logan’s “Mezyou Sharry” Island is the Mezhdusharsky Ostrov, or “the island between the two straits”, of the Russians. [105]
From these several statements of three seamen, who visited Kostin Shar at different periods between the years 1594 and 1611, the only facts to be elicited are, that, at some time previous to the former date, this strait was first discovered by some well-known individual, named Oliver Brunel, who was there exposed to some danger or difficulty, from which he was rescued by the crew of a Russian vessel. That he was, however, subsequently lost at the mouth of the river Pechora is made known to us in the work of Hessel Gerard already referred to. [106]
As this work of Gerard is but little known, the commencement of the author’s Preface (Prolegomena) shall be reprinted here, both on account of its clearing up the history of Oliver Brunel, and also because it shows the important bearing which his adventure had on the subsequent voyages of the Dutch, which form the subject of the following pages.
“Lucri et utilitatis spes animos hominum nunquam non excitavit ad peregrinas regiones nationesque lustrandas. Ita pretiosæ illæ, nobis a mercatoribus Russis allatæ pelles, mercatores nostrates inflammarunt acri quadam cupidine incognitas nobis ipsorum terras, si fieri posset, peragrandi. Profuit ipsis quadam tenus hac in parte iter quoddam à Russis conscriptum, Moscovia Colmogroviam, atque inde Petzoram (ubi incolæ anno Christi 1518 Christianam fidem amplexi sunt) hinc porro ad fluvium Obi, pauloque ulterius ducens. Quod quidem plurima falsa veris admiscet, puta de Slatibaba anu illa (ut fertur) aurea, eiusque filijs, necnon monstruosis illis trans ipsum Obi hominibus. [107] Transtulit verò descriptionem hanc Russicam, eamque suis de regionibus Muscovitarum libris inseruit Sigismundus ab Herberstein, Imperatoris Maximiliani orator. Ediditque posteà tabulam Russiæ Antonius quidam Wiedus, adjutus ab Iohanne à Latski, Principe quondam Russo, et ob tumultus post obitum Magni Ducis Iohannis Basilij in Russia excitatos, in Poloniam profugo. Quæ tabula I. cuidam Copero, Senatori Gedanensi, dicata, Russicisque et Latinis descriptionibus aucta, in lucem prodiit apud Wildam anno Christi 1555. [108] Aliam quoque Russiæ tabulam ediderunt post modum Angli, qui in tractu illo negotiati fuerunt. Atque hæ quidam tabulæ et qualescumque descriptiones, quæque præterea de regionibus hisce comperta sunt, elicuerunt Oliverium quendam Bunellum, domo Bruxella, uti conscenso navigio Euchusano, animum induxerit eò sese conferre. Vbi aliquandiu vagatus, et pellium pretiosarum, vitri Russici, crystallique montani, ut vocant, adfatim nactus, omnium opum suarum scaphæ commissarum in undis fluvij Petzoræ triste fecit naufragium. Quæ tum Anglorum, tum hujus Bunelli, qui et Costinsarcam Novæ Zemlæ lustraverat, navigationes, cum et Batavis nostris, opum Chinensium Cathaicarumque odore allectis, animum accendissent, nobiles et prepotentes Provinciarum Fœderatarum Ordines, duas naves, ductore Iohanne Hugonis à Linschot, versus fretum quod vulgò Weygats, totidemque ductore Guilielmo Bernardi, suasu D. Petri Plancij, recto supra Novam Zemblam cursu sententionem versus ituras, destinarunt.”
Oliver Brunel, or “Bunel”, was therefore no Englishman, but a native of Brussels; and if the particulars thus recorded of him and of the motives of his enterprise be correctly stated, he would scarcely seem to be the Alferius of Balak’s letter to Mercator. Still, the point cannot be looked on as absolutely decided. One further remark is necessary with respect to the spelling of his name. On the one hand, it will be seen that, according to De Veer and Logan, it is “Brunel” or “Brunell”, while Hudson makes it to be “Brownell”, which latter may, however, be regarded as merely a broad pronunciation of the word, or perhaps an attempt to give it a vernacular and significant form;—a process with respect to proper names not unusual among seamen of all nations. On the other hand, Gerard writes “Bunel”. But this form cannot be allowed to stand in opposition to the conjoint authority of the three seamen, all writing separately and without concert; and we may quite reasonably conjecture the r to have been left out by Gerard, through some clerical or typographical error.
Gerard’s work must have come to the knowledge of Purchas soon after its publication; for, in the year 1625, it is referred to by the latter [109] as his authority for the following statement:—“The Dutch themselues [110] write that after the English Russian trade, one Oliuer Bunell, moued with hope of gaine, went from Enckhuysen to Pechora, where he lost all by shipwracke, hauing discouered Costinsarca in Noua Zemla. These nauigations of the English, and that of Bunell, and the hopes of China and Cathay, caused the States Generall to send forth two shippes, vnder the command of Hugo Linschoten, to the Streights of Wey-gates, and two others, vnder William Bernards, by the perswasion of P. Plancius, to goe right northwards from Noua Zemla.”
Nearly a century later, Witsen, in his oft-cited work, [111] writes as follows:—“Het zijn veele jaren geleden, en lange voor Willem Barents-zoons reis, dat eenen Olivier Bunel, met een scheepje van Enkhuizen uitgevaren, deze rivier [Petsora] heeft bezocht, daer hy veel pelterye, Rusch glas, en bergkristal vergaderd hadde; doch is aldaer komen te blyven.” Witsen does not cite any authority for this statement; but it bears internal evidence of having been taken from Gerard, whose work we know he had before him. That both he and Purchas should have written the name “Bunel”, and not “Brunel”, is perfectly natural, and adds nothing to the weight of evidence in favour of the former spelling.
The next writer to be mentioned is Johann Reinhold Forster, who, in his Voyages and Discoveries in the North, [112] after referring to De Veer’s statement respecting Oliver Brunel,—whom, however, he styles “Bennel”, on what authority it is impossible to say—adds in a note:—“It is manifest that the navigators mentioned here, who had been in Nova Zembla previous to Barentz’s arrival there, were Englishmen; for the name Oliver Bennel is entirely English, and the name of the inlet, which Barentz calls Constint Sarch, can hardly have been any other than Constant Search; but in which of the known voyages of the English into these parts this place was thus named, or whether Oliver Bennel made a voyage for the sole purpose of making discoveries, or was cast away here in his way to other regions, cannot easily be determined, for want of proper information on the subject.”
The absurdity of Forster’s derivation of the name Kostin Shar is manifest from the explanation of it given in page 30 (note 4) of the present work. And as to the allegation that “the name Oliver Bennel is entirely English”, it could only have been made by a foreigner. On the contrary, it may be asserted that such a name as “Bennel” is altogether un-English; and were it not for the cosmopolitan character of our English surnames, it might—had it really been that of the individual in question—in itself be fairly taken as evidence that he was not an Englishman. With much more reason might we, at the present day, claim “Brunel” as an English name. Probably Forster had in his mind the “entirely English” name of Stephen Bennet, the well-known walrus-hunter on Bear (Cherie) Island.
But the confusion as to Oliver Brunel does not rest here. Sir John Barrow, in his work already cited, [113] says:—“The Dutch themselves admit, that an Englishman of the name of Brunell or Brownell, ‘moved with the hope of gain, went from Enkhuysen to Pechora’, where he lost all by shipwreck, after he had been on the coast of Nova Zembla, and given the name of Costin-sarca (qu. Coasting-search ?) to a bay situated in about 71½°.” And in another place, [114] the same writer speaks of Oliver Brunel as “an Englishman, of whom a vague mention only is made by the Dutch.”
With the statements of the various writers who preceded Barrow before us, we can see at a glance, though no authorities are cited by him, that he took that of Purchas as his basis, modifying it by means of those of Hudson, Logan, and Forster. It is to be regretted that he did not refer to the original Dutch authority cited by Purchas.
The last modern writer who treats of Oliver Brunel is Dr. Hamel, who, assuming him to be the Alferius of Balak, makes him, in his work already cited, [115] the subject of an hypothetical biographical memoir, beginning with the words, “Ich finde es wahrscheinlich”, but without seeming to be aware of what Gerard says respecting his hero, except so far only as it is repeated by Witsen. By this writer, therefore, no additional light is thrown on the subject now under consideration; and, in fact, it is to the original authority, after all, that we must revert for the only information that is really available and useful.
From this authority, then, we learn that Oliver Brunel, a native of Brussels, went in a vessel belonging to the town of Enkhuysen on a trading voyage into the Russian seas, where, after collecting a valuable cargo, he was lost; and that his enterprise (though unsuccessful), together with those of the English in the same quarter, induced the Dutch to set on foot the memorable expeditions which form the subject of the following pages. If this person was really the Alferius who was recommended by Balak to Mercator in the year 1581, he must subsequently have been engaged in the Russian trade for several years before his unlucky end; or else Gerard, writing in 1612, would surely not have named him as an immediate cause of an undertaking which was not projected till 1593.