Part 6

Before meeting with his untimely end, Willoughby, on the 14th of August, “descried land, which land (he says, in a note found written in one of the two ships) we bare with all, hoising out our boat to discover what land it might be; but the boat could not come to land, the water was so shoale, where was very much ice also, but there was no similitude of habitation; and this land lyeth from Seynam [28] east and by north 160 leagues, being in latitude 72 degrees. Then we plyed to the northward”. [29] As the subject of Willoughby’s voyage has been discussed by Mr. Rundall in a recent publication of the Hakluyt Society, [30] it is here unnecessary to say more than that, whatever may formerly have been the notions of geographers as to the coast reached by our hapless countryman, and to which the name of “Willoughby’s Land” was given, the almost universally received opinion now is [31] that it was that portion of the western coast of Novaya Zemlya, which is called by Lütke the Goose Coast (Gänseufer in Erman’s Translation [32]),—doubtless from the numbers of water-fowl found there,—and of which the North and South Goose Capes (Syevernuy Gusinuy Muis and Yuzhnuy Gusinuy Muis) form the two extremities. Mr. Rundall is therefore fully justified in claiming for Sir Hugh Willoughby, as he so earnestly does in his work just cited, [33] “the credit of having been the first Englishman by whom the coast of Novaya Zemlya was visited”; and as, further, Willoughby was not only the first Englishman, but also the first European, who had ever been there, the rule and usual practice in regard to new discoveries fairly warrants the application of the name of “Willoughby’s Land” to this “Goose Coast”, which our countryman was thus the first to visit and make known to us.

In thus attributing the discovery of Novaya Zemlya to Sir Hugh Willoughby, it is in no wise intended to deny that that island—or chain of islands, as it may be more correctly designated—was previously known to the inhabitants of the northern coasts of Russia. The name itself,—Novaya Zemlya, which in the Russian language signifies “the New Country” or “Newfoundland”,—and the fact that the early European navigators, both English and Dutch, who followed in Willoughby’s footsteps, met with native vessels on the coast, from the crews of which they learned their way and obtained various particulars of local information, are quite sufficient to establish the priority of the Russians.

Still, the discovery of a country, like any other discovery or invention in science or the arts, dates properly from the time when the knowledge of that discovery is first recorded and publicly communicated to the civilised world; and in this sense even the Russian admiral Lütke, [34] the great explorer of Novaya Zemlya in modern times, does not hesitate to acknowledge, that, owing to the absence of all written records bearing on the subject, his countrymen cannot pretend to lay claim to the “discovery” of Novaya Zemlya.

Richard Chancellor, pilot-major of Willoughby’s fleet, was far more fortunate than his hapless chief. In the third vessel, the Edward Bonaventure, commanded by Stephen Burrough, he succeeded in entering the Bay of St. Nicholas, since better known as the White Sea, and on the 24th of August, 1553, reached in safety the western mouth of the river Dwina, whence he proceeded overland to the court of the Emperor of Muscovy or Russia, at Moscow. The result was the foundation of the commercial and political relations between England and Russia, which have subsisted, with but brief interruptions, till the present day.

Shortly after Chancellor had brought his section of Willoughby’s expedition to so successful an issue, the company of merchant-adventurers, by whom the three ships had been fitted out, received a charter of incorporation, bearing date February 6th, 1 and 2 Ph. and Mar. (1554–5); and subsequently, in the eighth year of Queen Elizabeth (1566), they obtained an Act of Parliament, in which they are styled “the Fellowship of English Merchants for Discovery of New Trades”; a title under which they still continue incorporated, though they are better known by the designation of the “Muscovy” or “Russia Company”.

It is not here the place to discuss the general proceedings of the Russia Company, important though they be, and highly deserving of being made the subject of special investigation. All that we have to do is to notice the expeditions which were undertaken under the auspices of that company, for the purpose of exploring the seas bounding the Russian Empire on the north, with a view to the discovery of a north-east passage to China.

Of these expeditions, the first was that of Stephen Burrough, who had in 1553 been the master of Richard Chancellor’s ship, the Edward Bonaventure, and who now, in 1556, was despatched in the pinnace Searchthrift to make discovery towards the river Ob. [35]

Leaving Gravesend on the 23rd of April of the latter year, Burrough, on the 23rd of May, passed the North Cape, which he had so named on his first voyage, and on the 9th of June reached Kola, where he fell in with several small Russian vessels (lodji), all “bound to Pechora, a fishing for salmons and morses”. [36] The master of one of these boats, named Gabriel, rendered good service to Burrough, who is diffuse in his praise of Gabriel’s conduct, as contrasted with that of other Russian seamen with whom he had to do.

In the company of these native boats Burrough passed by Svyátoi Nos, called by him Cape St. John; Kanin Nos (Caninoz); the island of Kolguev, by mistake called in his journal Dolgoieue; then the second Svyátoi Nos, and so to “the dangerous barre of Pechora”. Passing still onwards, he, on St. James’s day, July 25th, “spied certain islands”, lying to the south of Novaya Zemlya, under one of which he anchored, naming it “St. James his Island”, [37] and making its latitude to be 70° 42′ N., which according to Lütke [38] is about 10′ too far north. The next day they “plyed to the westwards alongst the shoare” of the southern extremity of Novaya Zemlya, where they met with another small native vessel, the master of which, named Loshak, told them that they were past the way which should bring them to the Ob;—that the land by which they were was “called Noua Zembla, that is to say, the New Land;”—and that “in this Noua Zembla is the highest mountaine in the worlde, as he thought, and that Camen Bolshay, [39] which is on the maine of Pechora, is not to be compared to this mountaine; but” (adds Burrough cautiously) “I saw it not”. [40]

On the 31st of July, Burrough was “at an anker among the islands of Vaigats”; on one of which islands he went on shore the following day. On Monday, the 3rd of August, he continues: “We weyed and went roome with another island, which was five leagues east-north-east from us; and there I met againe with Loshak, and went on shore with him, and hee brought me to a heap of the Samoeds idols, which were in number aboue 300, the worst and the most unartificiall worke that ever I saw. The eyes and mouthes of sundrie of them were bloodie; they had the shape of men, women, and children, very grosly wrought; and that which they had made for other parts was also sprinckled with blood. Some of their idols were an olde sticke, with two or three notches made with a knife in it. I saw much of the footing of the sayd Samoeds, and of the sleds that they ride in.” [41]

These particulars clearly prove that the spot thus described by Burrough is Bolvánovsky Nos (Image Cape), at the north-eastern extremity of the island of Vaigats, in 70° 29′ N. lat., which place, according to Lütke, [42] was visited by Ivanov in 1824, and found to be in precisely the same state as represented by its English discoverer. There is a second cape of the same name at the south-eastern extremity of Vaigats Island, in 69° 40′ N. lat., which is the Afgodenhoeck (Idol Cape) of Linschoten and the Beeldthoeck (Image Cape) of De Veer, and which is described by the latter in his account of their second voyage, at pages 53 and 60 of the present volume. Lütke [43] erroneously identifies this latter cape with the one discovered by Burrough; but this is evidently a mere oversight, as the two capes of the same name are distinctly laid down in his chart.

On the 5th of August, fearing to be hemmed in by the ice, which approached his ship in immense masses, Burrough returned westwards, and then southwards; and on the 22nd of the same month, on account of the north and north-easterly winds, the great quantity of ice, and the advanced season of the year, he determined on not attempting to proceed further to the east, but returned round Kanin Nos into the White Sea, and so to Kholmogorui (Colmogro), the Russian port on the Dwina previously to the foundation of Archangelsk,—Archangel, or Novo-Kholmogorui, as it was at first called,—where he arrived on the 11th of September. [44]

The passage by which Burrough thus sailed between Novaya Zemlya and Vaigats into the Sea of Kara, is that which by the Russians is called Karskoi Vorota—the Kara Gate or Strait; and as he was the first navigator who is recorded to have been there, he must be regarded as the “discoverer” of that Strait. And that he was so considered by his contemporaries is established by the fact, that, in the instructions given by the Russia Company, in 1580, to Pet and Jackman, [45] that entrance into the Sea of Kara is actually denominated “Burrough’s Strait”.

For several years after Stephen Burrough’s voyage in the Searchthrift, the Russia Company appear to have directed their attention principally to the trade with the White Sea, and thence, overland, with the interior of the continent both in Europe and in Asia. Still, it must not be imagined that they at all abandoned the idea of a north-east passage to China. On the contrary, there is evidence in the instructions given by them on the fitting out of two expeditions, at intervals of twelve years each, that the subject was not lost sight of by them, and that they neglected no means of obtaining information, with a view to the eventual realisation of the scheme which was their principal object in the original formation of the company.

The former of these two expeditions was in the year 1568, when James Bassendine, James Woodcocke, and Richard Browne were appointed to undertake a voyage of discovery along the northern coast of Russia, “from the river Pechora to the eastwards”. Of this undertaking no memorial appears to be extant, except the “Commission” issued to the adventurers; so that it is impossible to say what its success was. But the instructions contained in that Commission are in themselves of so interesting a character, as showing in a precise and definite form the extent of the knowledge of the Arctic Ocean to the east of the White Sea, possessed by the English at a date mounting up to nearly three centuries from the present time, that no apology will be necessary for here reprinting it from the pages of Hakluyt. [46] It must be premised that the date attributed by that author to this document is 1588; which is, however, clearly a misprint. For, in the first place, it was in 1568 (not 1588) that Thomas Randolph, by whom the Commission was signed only a few days after his arrival in Russia, [47] was appointed ambassador to that country, he having in the following year returned to England; [48] while in the year 1588 it was Dr. Giles Fletcher who was our ambassador. [49] And, secondly, this Commission, though appearing to bear the latter date, is placed by Hakluyt in chronological order among the documents of the year 1568.

A Commission given by vs, Thomas Randolfe, ambassadour for the Queenes Maiestie in Russia, and Thomas Bannister, etc., vnto Iames Bassendine, Iames Woodcocke, and Richard Browne; the which Bassendine, Woodcocke, and Browne we appoint ioyntly together, and aiders the one of them to the other, in a voyage of discouery to be made (by the grace of God) by them, for searching of the sea and border of the coast, from the riuer Pechora to the eastwards, as hereafter followeth. Anno 1568, the first of August.

Imprimis, when your barke with all furniture is ready, you shall at the beginning of the yere (assoone as you possibly may) make your repaire to the easterne part of the riuer Pechora, where is an island called Dolgoieue, and from thence you shall passe to the eastwards alongst by the sea coast of Hugorie, or the maine land of Pechora; and sailing alongst by the same coast, you shall passe within seuen leagues of the island Vaigats, which is in the straight, almost halfe way from the coast of Hugorie unto the coast of Noua Zembla; which island Vaigats and Noua Zembla you shall finde noted in your plat, therefore you shall not need to discouer it, but proceed on alongst the coast of Hugory towards the river Obba.

There is a bay betweene the sayd Vaigats and the river Obba, that doth bite to the southwards into the land of Hugory, in which bay are two small riuers, the one called Cara Reca, the other Naramsy, as in the paper of notes which are giuen to you herewith may appeare: in the which bay you shall not need to spend any time for searching of it, but to direct your course to the river Ob (if otherwise you be not constrained to keepe alongst the shore); and when you come to the river Ob, you shall not enter into it, but passe ouer into the easterne part of the mouth of the sayd riuer.

And when you are at the easterne part of the mouth of Obba Reca, you shall from thence passe to the eastwards, alongst by the border of the sayd coast, describing the same in such perfect order as you can best do it. You shall not leaue the sayd coast or border of the land, but passe alongst by it, at least in sight of the same, untill you haue sailed by it so farre to the eastwards, and the time of the yeere [be] so farre spent, that you doe thinke it time for you to returne with your barke to winter, which trauell may well be 300 or 400 leagues to the eastwards of the Ob, if the sea doe reach so farre, as our hope is it doth; but and if you finde not the said coast and sea to trend so farre to the eastwards, yet you shall not leaue the coast at any time, but proceed alongst by it, as it doth lie, leauing no part of it vnsearched or [un-]seene, unlesse it be some bay or river, that you doe certeinly know by the report of the people that you shall finde in those borders, or els some certeine tokens whereby you of your selues may iudge it to be so. For our hope is that the said border of land and sea doth, in short space after you passe the Ob, incline east, and so to the southwards. And therefore we would haue no part of the land of your starreboord side, as you proceed in your discouery, to be left vndiscouered.

But and if the said border of land do not incline so to the eastwards as we presuppose it, but that it doe proue to incline and trend to the northwards, and so ioyne with Noua Zembla, making the sea from Vaigats to the eastwarde but a bay; yet we will that you do keepe alongst by the said coast, and so bring us certaine report of that forme and maner of the same bay.

And if it doe so proue to be a bay, and that you have passed round about the same, and so by the trending of the land come backe vnto that part of Noua Zembla that is against Vaigats, whereas you may from that see the said island Vaigats; if the time of the yeere will permit you, you shall from thence passe alongst by the said border and coast of Noua Zembla to the westwards, and so to search whether that part of Noua Zembla doe ioyne with the land that Sir Hugh Willoughbie discouered in anno ’53, and is in 72 degrees and from that part of Noua Zembla 120 leagues to the westwards, [50] as your plat doeth shew it unto you; and if you doe finde that land to ioyne with Noua Zembla, when you come to it, you shall proceed further along the same coast, if the time of the yere will permit it, and that you doe thinke there will be sufficient time for you to returne back with your barke to winter, either at Pechora or in Russia, at your discretion; for we refer the same to your good iudgements, trusting that you will lose no time that may further your knowledge in this voyage.

Note you, it was the 20 of August, ’56, yer [51] the Serchthrift began to returne backe from her discouerie, to winter in Russia; and then she came from the island Vaigats, being forcibly driuen from thence with an easterly winde and yce, and so she came into the riuer Dwina, and arriued at Colmogro the 11 of September, ’56. If the yce had not bene so much that yere as it was in the streights on both sides of the island Vaigats, they in the said pinnesse would that yeere haue discouered the parts that you are now sent to seeke; which thing (if it had pleased God) might haue bene done then; but God hath reserued it for some other. Which discouerie, if it may be made by you, it shall not only proue profitable vnto you, but it will also purchase perpetuall fame and renowne both to you and our countrey. And thus, not doubting of your willing desires and forwardnesse towards the same, we pray God to blesse you with a lucky beginning, fortunate successe, and happily to end the same. Amen.

As has already been stated, the results of this expedition are not known. We may, therefore, pass to the consideration of the voyage of Arthur Pet and Charles Jackman in the year 1580. For this undertaking written instructions were in like manner given by the Russia Company, which have also been preserved by Hakluyt. [52] But as these instructions correspond in many respects with those given to Bassendine and his companions, it is here unnecessary to cite more from them than some few passages requiring particular notice.

The Commission from the Russia Company to Pet and Jackman was “for a voyage by them to be made, by God’s grace, for search and discoueries of a passage by sea by Borough’s Streights and the island Vaigats, eastwards to the countries or dominions of the mightie prince, the emperour of Cathay, and in the same unto the cities of Cambalu and Quinsay, or to either of them”. And for that purpose they were directed to “saile from this river of Thames to the coast of Finmarke, to the North Cape there, or to the Wardhouse”; and from thence, continued their instructions, “direct your course to haue sight of Willoughbies Land, and from it passe alongst to the Noua Zemla, keeping the same landes alwayes in your sight on your larboord sides (if conueniently you may), to the ende you may discouer whether the same Willoughbies Land be continent and firme land with Noua Zemla or not; notwithstanding we would not haue you to entangle your selues in any bay, or otherwise, so that it might hinder your speedy proceeding to the Island Vaigats.

“And when you come to Vaigats, we would haue you to get sight of the maine land of Samoeda, which is ouer against the south part of the same island, and from thence, with God’s permission, to passe eastwards alongst the same coast, keeping it alwayes in your sight (if conueniently you may) untill you come to the mouth of the riuer Ob: and when you come unto it, passe ouer the said riuers mouth unto the border of land on the east side of the same (without any stay to bee made for searching inwardly in the same riuer), and being in sight of the same easterly land, doe you, in Gods name, proceed alongst by it from thence eastwards, keeping the same alwayes on your starboord side in sight, if you may, and follow the tract of it, whether it incline southerly or northerly (as at times it may do both), untill you come to the country of Cathay, or the dominion of that mightie emperour.” [53] But in case they should not be able to reach Cathay, they were directed to attempt to ascend the river Ob; and if they should not succeed in this, they were then to “returne backe through Boroughs Streights”, and “discouer and trie whether Willoughbies Land ioyne continent with Noua Zembla or not”. [54]

In pursuance of these instructions, Pet and Jackman sailed from Harwich on the 31st of May, 1580, in two small barks: namely, the George, of the burthen of forty tons, under the command of the former, with a crew of nine men and a boy, and the William, of twenty tons, commanded by the latter, with a crew of five men and a boy. On June 23rd they reached Wardhuus, which place they left in company on the 1st of the following month. On the next day, however, as the William seemed “to be out of trie and sailed very ill”, she “was willing to goe with Kegor”, where she might mend her steerage; “whereupon Master Pet, not willing to go into harborough, said to Master Jackman that if he thought himselfe not able to keepe the sea, he should doe as he thought best, and that he in the meane time would beare with Willoughbies Land, for that it was a parcel of our direction, and would meete him at Veroue Ostroue, or Vaigats”. [55]

The name of Veroue Ostroue, here given to the island of Vaigats, does not occur elsewhere. It is manifestly Russian; though it is difficult to say what is its correct form, and consequently what its signification. As to the designation by which that island is generally known, Witsen states, though without further explanation, that it was acquired from one Iwan or Ian Waigats; [56] in commenting on which statement, Lütke says that the name should properly be written Waigatsch, the Russian termination tsch having been changed by the Dutch into tz, in the same way as in Pitzora for Petschora, etc. [57] The correctness of this criticism is, however, questionable. For, long before the Dutch visited or knew anything of these parts, we find Englishmen,—who certainly had no difficulty in pronouncing the sound ch (tsch), which is common to our language, and who in fact always wrote Pechora (Petschora), and not, like the Dutch, Pitzora,—invariably writing not Vaigach (Vaigatsch), but Vaigats or Vaygatz. It is therefore reasonable to conclude that Vaigats is the original pronunciation of the name, and that the Russian form is merely a corruption.