Part 2

Olivier Brunel was born at Brussels in the first part of the sixteenth century. Of the early years of his life absolutely nothing is known. It may be that he went in 1565 with the first ships of Enkhuizen to Kola, or that, escaping from the tyranny of the Spanish Duke of Alva, he came over to Holland, together with a number of South Netherland merchant families, such as the Moucherons, the Le Maires, the Usselins, and others. However, it is quite certain that, soon after the establishment of the Netherlanders at Kola, he undertook the voyage to Kholmogory already alluded to. He was not lucky on that occasion, for, watched by the English, who feared him as a rival, he was handed over to the Russian Government as a spy, and remained for several years a captive at Jaroslav. At last assistance made its appearance in the persons of the brothers Jakov and Grigory Anikiew, who belonged to the celebrated commercial house of the Strogonoffs at Solvitchegodok. These latter asked and obtained his liberty of the Czar.

The generous merchants had every reason to felicitate themselves on the benefit conferred upon Brunel. Their protégé took a zealous and active part in the yearly expeditions which were made by the Russians towards the East.

Brunel passed overland through the territory of the Samoyeds to Siberia, as well as by sea along the coast, and in one of his voyages, crossing the river of Petchora, at last he reached the long-desired Obi river. In one of these expeditions, which probably now and then went through the Matthew’s Strait, a passage well known to the Russians, his guide, a Russian, brought him to Kostin Shar, a strait which by this means became known to Europe.

Soon, however, Brunel rendered himself of greater use to his masters by opening new roads for their trade. Being acquainted with the Dutch colony at Kola, and with the requisites for Dutch commerce, Brunel urged the plan of seeking towards the west for a mart to dispose of Russian produce. To put his plan into execution he himself started, accompanied by two relations of the Anikiews, and provided with passports from the Czar. He hired a Dutch ship, and arrived safely at the city of Dort. There the Russian visitors found a ready market for the greater part of their goods. The rest was advantageously sold at Antwerp and Paris, and when Brunel next year returned to his patrons, the latter were well contented with the results of the voyage. They decided upon entering into a negotiation with Kola, and from thence with the Netherlands. In this manner Brunel, as commercial agent of the Anikiews, yearly visited both places. This state of things did not last long. Brunel made use of his favourable position to put into execution the plan to accomplish which he had gone years before to Russia but with such bad success. He made arrangements with a certain Jan van de Walle, and in 1577 persuaded him to make a journey overland to Russia, accompanied by Brunel himself. Van de Walle made excellent use of the knowledge gained by him on this expedition, for the year following a Dutch ship under Captain Jan Jakobszmette Lippen, of Alkmaar, anchored for the first time in the Pudoshemsco mouth of the Dwina. This ship, having on board Van de Walle as agent, had sailed from Flushing and belonged to an Antwerp merchant named Gilles van Eychelenberg. Almost at the same time another ship arrived, belonging to the well-known Balthazar de Moucheron, and under the command of Adrian Crijt, a captain in the service of Balthazar. Thus the commerce of the Netherlands with the White Sea was established.

Soon after this, Melchior de Moucheron, as commercial agent of his relation Balthazar, settled at the mouth of the Dwina, and the trading establishment was then transferred to a harbour in the neighbourhood of the monastery of Saint Michiel. On this spot, a few years subsequently, rose the city of Nova Kholmogory, commonly known as Archangel.

After some hesitation the English left their settlement on Rose Island and betook themselves to the young, but already prosperous, city of Archangel.

Two years had hardly passed after Brunel had set the Dutch trade with Russia on a secure footing, when we find him occupied with still more gigantic and adventurous designs.

As we know, in the year 1580 the English expedition, under the commanders Pet and Jackman, set out in search of the north-east passage. It was accompanied by the good wishes of thousands of persons who assembled to see it start, whilst the whole scientific world awaited with breathless expectation the result of this further effort. The Russians, also, who at the mouth of the Dwina daily came into contact with the servants of the Muscovy Company, doubtless heard of the expectations which were fostered about the north-east passage.

This being the case, surely it is not surprising that the Russians, possessing much more accurate knowledge of the Siberian coast than the English, should try to make use of that knowledge and also form plans to find the desired passage.

A Swedish ship-builder, who had for some years been occupied in the service of the Anikiews, received the order to construct two ships fitted up with everything requisite for the exigencies of an Arctic expedition; and, on the other hand, Brunel, the Dutch voyager, was instructed to proceed to Antwerp and there hire, at almost any price, hardy sailors and mates, with whom these vessels were to be manned.

On his way thither, Brunel, in 1581, arrived at the Island of Oesel, in the Gulf of Riga. Here he had an interview at Arensburg with a cosmographer named John Balak, a friend of the renowned Gerard Mercator.

Balak, who took much interest in voyages of discovery, and who seems to have appreciated the enterprising genius of Brunel, gave him a letter of recommendation to Mercator at Duisburg. From that letter, happily preserved by Hakluyt, we know the plans and intentions of Brunel. [1] But Brunel desired that his native country, and not his Russian benefactors, should have the advantage of his researches. Acting upon this impulse, he, immediately after his arrival in Holland, tried to find acceptance for his favourite scheme.

It may, therefore, be supposed that a few merchants, and amongst them, beyond all doubt, De Moucheron, influenced by the zealous persuasions of Brunel, proposed to the noble Prince William the Taciturn a project for sending out an expedition in order to try and discover the north-east passage to the Indies. Probably they claimed the aid of the Government to support their efforts; but the political situation of the country was too unsettled to allow the States to risk their money in so doubtful an undertaking. Nevertheless, the prince himself was greatly in favour of the expedition; yet, to support it with the funds of the nation was out of the question.

However, two such enterprising men as Brunel and De Moucheron were not so easily daunted; for the first Netherland Arctic voyage was undertaken in 1584, and, in all probability, was fitted out entirely at the expense of De Moucheron. But to Brunel belongs the honour of the voyage. This indefatigable traveller sailed with a ship belonging to the city of Enkhuizen, towards the north, to reach the far-off Empire of Cathay. Brunel, like a true Dutchman of the period—for the Dutch were then merchants to the very core—occupied himself on the way with entering into commercial relations with the Samoyed tribes.

In the records of the Archives of Utrecht, among the papers of Buchelius, Mr. Muller has discovered an old letter, in which it is recounted that Brunel had tried in vain to pass through Pet Strait.

Be this as it may, it is quite certain that his expedition was most unfortunate. On his return home, his ship, freighted with a rich cargo of valuable furs, mountain-crystal, and Muscovy glass, was wrecked in the shallow mouth of the Petchora river. Brunel, after this sad occurrence, being perfectly aware that his country was unable at the moment to assist him in making a new effort, and not daring to return to the service of his former masters, the Russians, resolved to seek a new scene of action. Accordingly he presented himself to the King of Denmark, and offered him his services, in order to try and find the long-lost Greenland colonies. The proposal of the able Arctic traveller was eagerly accepted. Brunel immediately entered into the Danish service, and did not abandon the task before three vain attempts, made one after another, convinced him of the fruitlessness of his endeavours. But little more is known of the remaining period of his life.

Mr. Muller has called attention to some information furnished by Purchas’ Pilgrimes iii, p. 831, of which the following is an extract:—“The rest of this journall, from the death of Master John Knight, was written by Oliuer Browne” (or Brownel, [2] this last letter l is unfortunately not distinct).

It may appear strange that so distinguished a seaman should have been on board a ship in a subordinate position. Yet, in all likelihood, this is the true Brunel, for other reasons justify the idea that he was in English service.

Firstly, Josiah Logan, in 1611, knew very accurately how to describe the manner in which Brunel had found “Kostin Shar”. [3] Those particulars he could not have known from the very brief details given in the Dutch accounts. Either he must have been personally acquainted with Brunel or have read something that was written by him.

And, secondly, the fact that Brunel, after his failure in his Arctic voyage (1584), had been constantly in Danish and English service, would account for his absence in the later Dutch Arctic voyages, and would sufficiently explain the want of acquaintance of Hessel Gerritsz with Brunel’s further researches.

It, therefore, is by no means impossible that Brunel, together with Knight, quitting the Danish for the English service, again visited the north-west. After this we lose sight of Brunel. It is a great pity that the evening of the life of this great man should be lost in total obscurity. Even the year of his death is not exactly known. However, it is supposed to have taken place in the first years of the seventeenth century, because, in 1613, Hessel Gerritsz wrote of Brunel’s voyage, as that of “Oliverii cuiusdam Brunelli”.

The above is the history of Brunel, as related by Mr. S. Muller.

If his views are correct, then, in all probability, the first Dutch Arctic expedition took place in 1584. Now, in that same year, the King of Spain prohibited to the inhabitants of the Netherlands all trade with Portugal. Thus it is easy to comprehend that attention was drawn towards the finding of a northern passage, which would have enabled the Dutch to open a direct trade with the Indies. Consequently during three successive years we see different expeditions leaving the Netherland ports, and boldly penetrating into the Arctic seas.

Dr. Beke has given, in his introduction, the principal outlines of the route taken by these expeditions. However, led away by the example of the German geographer, Petermann, Dr. Beke has made a mistake in laying down the track of Barendsz in his third voyage. This can be proved almost mathematically by an extract taken from a log, probably of Barendsz himself, which is preserved in the very rare work, “Histoire du Pays, nommé Spitsbergen, etc., par Hessel Gerard, à Amsterdam, 1613.” This extract runs thus:—

“May 18, New Style. We set out from the Texel, and arrived on the 22nd at Fayril, [4] and in the neighbourhood of the Orkneys.

“June 5. We encountered ice, which, according to our estimation, came from Greenland; for we judged from our calculations that we were about 100 nautical miles distant from the said Greenland. The water was green with a brownish colour. Sounded without finding any bottom. The ice extended the whole length of the sea, south-east and north-west, and was either in pieces or in floes. [5]

“The next day we made our way N.E. and N.E. ¼ N. for a distance of 36 miles, and came upon a great ice-field, through which it was impossible to pass. Found no bottom at 120 fathoms. In our opinion, we were N.W. 220 miles off Luffoden Island, and 400 to 460 miles from the North Cape.

“Turning thence towards the east, we arrived at Bear Island on the 10th of June, in 74° 35′ latitude, and sailing N.E. we came upon an ice-field, against which we were anchored, and were obliged to return under the island.

“From Bear Island we set out, shaping our course W.N.W., thinking to find towards the north a better passage; for those of the other vessel wished constantly to draw towards the west, whilst I desired to go more eastwardly. We made until night, W.N.W., 64 miles, and during the night till the morning, N.W., 60 miles.

“June 14. Made till night, N. ¼ W., 88 miles. Then the weather clearing up, we found ourselves in the neighbourhood of ice, and we fancied we could see land to the north, but we were not certain.

“June 15. We hove to, sounded, without finding bottom with 150 fathoms. Sailed until noon S.E. and S.E. ¼ E., 20 miles, having attained 78¼° latitude. Then we sailed, wind aft east, 28 miles; and afterwards, till night, N.N.E., 20 miles. We passed a large dead whale, on which were several sea-gulls.

“June 16. Foggy weather, wind west, we sailed until noon, N.N.E., 84 miles. Came into the ice, and we had to keep away in order to follow the edge of the ice, N.E. 20 miles. Again we had to put back S.E. 24 miles, clear of the ice, till shaping a course S.S.W. 16 miles, we came again in the ice, which was in the morning.

“June 17. Weather calm until noon. We then found the latitude of 80° 10′. We tacked, having the wind right ahead to keep clear from the ice (estoyons passe si, ou 6 lieues?) Wind till night, west; found bottom at 90 fathoms. During the whole watch we continued steering S.S.W. 16 miles, having wind from the S.E. We then saw land, but still kept on towards the W.S.W. The land trended for about 32 or 36 miles, from W. ¼ S., towards E. ¼ N. It was high land, and entirely covered with snow, and it extended from the N.W. to another point.

“June 18. S.W. ¼ W. 24 miles, and there we found the latitude of 80°. With wind W. and N.W. we sailed against the wind along the land till noon, the 20th. Then we had the western point of the land S.S.W. 20 miles. Continued to sail S.S.W. and S.W. ¼ S., 20 miles, and came close to a large bay, which extended into the land towards the south; and another bay, before which was an island, and that bay extended far towards the south. Then sailed anew from the land, and till night continued steering N.W. ¼ N., 8 miles, and came again in the ice, owing to which we had to return towards the south.

“June 21. It blew very hard and snowed much from the S.W., and we steered close to the wind, until night, anchored close under the land, near our companion, just before the entry of the channel. At 18 fathoms sandy bottom. At the east point of the mouth was a rock, which was moreover split, a very good landmark. There was also a small island or rock, about 1⅓ from that eastern one. On the west point also, was a rock, very near.

“June 22. Took in ballast of 7 boatsful of stones, thus much because our ship was little ballasted. And came a great bear, swimming towards the ship, which we pursued with three boats. He was killed, and his skin was 12 feet long. This day we entered with the boat into the entry, to find a better port, which was necessary, and found inside the land all separated and broken and some islands, where was good anchorage in several spots.

“June 23. Looked for our true meridian by means of the Astronomical Circle, and found before noon 11, and after noon 16 degrees declination, that the compasses, or the needle turned towards the N.W., so that the circle proved not correct. We went out of the bay to seek how far the coast could extend itself, for the weather was very clear. Could not perceive the end of the land, which extended itself S. ¼ E., 28 miles, as far as a high and mountainous cape, which looked as if it was an island. At midnight took the altitude of the sun 13°, so that we were at the latitude of 79° 24′.

“June 24. Before noon it was calm, with the wind S.W. The land (along which we shaped our course) was for the greatest part broken, rather high, and consisted only of mountains and pointed hills; for which reason we gave it the name of ‘Spitsbergen’. [6] We sailed about S.W. and S.W. ¼ S., 28 miles, and then we were about 40 or 48 miles from the spot where we had anchored the first time more easterly.

“In the evening, we again kept out from the land, the north-western point of it was N.E. of us, and steered out of the coast W. and W. ¼ S., 32 miles. Until the end of the first watch, sailed towards the east, and steered S.E., 32 miles, until noon of the 25th. Then came close to the land, and sailed with wind aft, N.N.E., 8 miles. And anchored behind a cape in 18 fathoms sandy bottom; and it seamed to us there was ebb and flow, for we found in the time of 12 hours a current running from the S.W. and another running from the N.E., so strong that the buoys of our anchors hid themselves under the water. This bay, in which we were, ran rather far inland, with still another interior creek; on the south side there was a low cape, behind which one could sail, keeping along the northern coast and stopping behind the cape, having shelter from all winds. Our men found there teeth of walrus or sea-cows, for which reason we called that bay ‘Teeth-bay’. We also found there much dung of stags, and some wool as of sheep. Just south of the cape was a little creek, like a harbour.

“June 26. We had the wind north, made sail, and steered S. ¼ E., 40 miles. At noon we arrived between the mountainous cape and the terra firma, thinking that the mountainous cape was an island. We sailed within S. ¼ E. and S., and being a little distance inside the cape, we found the depth 12 and 10 fathoms good sandy bottom, and being entered, 32 miles; there was a depth of 50 fathoms stony bottom, and the land was all covered with snow. Entering about 20 miles between the cape and the coast of the terra firma, we found that the cape, which we thought to be an island, was attached by a sand-bank to the land; for we found a depth of 5 fathoms. There was ice on the shallows, so that we were obliged to return. That cape, which we thought to be an island, lies at 79° 5′ latitude; we called it ‘Cape Bird’, because there were so many birds upon it and in the neighbourhood.

“June 27. It was calm, so that we remained floating, without being able to advance between Cape Bird and the land.

“June 28. We rounded it, and then sailed S.S.W., 24 miles, always keeping along the land, which was very mountainous and sharp, with a beautiful shore. We sailed south and S. ¼ E., 24 miles, and afterwards S. ¼ W., 12 miles. Found, at noon, the latitude to be 78⅓°, and we were then in the neighbourhood of ice. Sailed same distance seaward, to keep clear of the ice, and sailed thus along the edge of the ice and in the neighbourhood of the land S.E. ¼ S., 28 miles. And then we were close to a large bay, which extended itself in the land E.N.E., and was on both sides high and mountainous. Sailed with N.N.E. wind abaft till night all along the coast, S.S.E. and S. ¼ W., 20 miles. Then again there was a large bay, in which was much ice under the land. To keep out of the ice we steered a little W.S.W., and sailed S. ¼ W., 16 miles. Came into the ice, for which reason we sailed S.W. 12 miles.

“June 29. Continued, with a north wind, to sail S.E. ¼ E. and S.S.E. 20 miles. All along the coast, till noon, south 16 miles, and found at noon the latitude of 76° 50′. Sailed south and S.S.E. without finding land, until we saw Bear Island, on the first of July.”

This is all that Hessel Gerritsz has copied out of the log of Barendsz himself, as he earnestly assures us.

Dr. Beke, speaking in his introduction of this extract, says:—

“Want of time and space prevents us from giving the subject any lengthened consideration. But from what we have been able to make out, our impression decidedly is, that it was never written by Barendsz, but was attributed to him solely for the purpose of giving to it an authority which it might otherwise not have possessed.”

Dr. Beke then gives his arguments in support of this opinion, and in order to refute them Mr. Muller makes the following remarks:—

I do not see (he says) why, after the death of Barendsz, the important ship’s log should have fallen into the hands of an inferior officer, even had he been a friend of the deceased. It would seem more probable, that after Barendsz’s death the skipper and supercargo, Jakob Heemskerck, would have taken all possible care of that interesting document, and, on his return to his native country, would have delivered it to Plancius, or others entitled to it. Admitting that the log came into the hands of Plancius, we are not at all surprised that he should allow the perusal of its contents by his friend Hessel Gerritsz, to assist him in his work of proving that the Dutch were the real discoverers of Spitsbergen.

Dr. Beke’s chief argument against the authenticity of the extract above given, is that in it, instead of Greenland, the newly discovered land is spoken of as being Spitsbergen, a name, according to him, only given to that island years afterwards. But Barendsz’s opinion that they sailed along Greenland is no reason why they should not have given the name of Spitsbergen to a part of that coast.

Mr. De Jonge, assistant-keeper of the Royal Archives at the Hague, and author of the “History of the Dutch East Indies Company”, sets at least this question at rest by making mention of evidence which he found in the Archives at the Hague, given by Barendsz’s companion, Captain Rijp, before the magistrates of Delft, in which it is said:—“And we gave to that land the name of Spitsbergen, for the great and high points that were on it.”

De Veer, [7] it is true, does not make any mention of this name in his account, but the extract from the ship’s log of William Barendsz, as Hessel Gerritsz gives it, contains other peculiarities, which are not found in “De Veer”.

Dr. Beke, moreover, brings a charge against Hessel Gerritsz of having intentionally invented wrong courses, but there is no reason why he should have done so. For, in order to prove the discovery of Spitsbergen by the Dutch, he had only to refer to the work of “De Veer”, and the invention of new courses would in no respect have strengthened his arguments. The difference in the statements of the courses, and here and there in the account of the circumstances, proves sufficiently that we have here to do with two quite distinct documents.