Part 10

The several vessels composing the fleet having assembled at the Texel, they all sailed out of Mars Diep on the morning of Sunday, the 2d of July, 1595. It was not till the 10th of August that they passed the North Cape, and on the 17th they fell in with ice, being then about fifty miles distant from the coast of Novaya Zemlya. On the following day they reached the island of “Matfloe”, [139] and on the 19th came to the mouth of the strait to the south of Vaigats Island (Yugorsky Shar), where they found the ice to lie in such quantities, “that the entire channel was closed up as far as the eye could see, so that it had the appearance of a continent, which was most frightful to behold”. [140] Under these circumstances they scarcely knew how to act, but at length resolved to go into the roadstead called Train-oil Bay (Traenbay [141]), where, as it was under the shelter of Idol Cape (Afgoden Hoeck), and thus out of the current which set from the strait, there was a little open water. [142] The preceding winter appears to have been more than ordinarily severe, and the ice-masses set in motion by the summer’s sun were consequently far greater in quantity than usual. This, coupled with the late period of the year at which, from some unexplained cause, they had commenced their voyage, soon convinced them that they had but little prospect of being able to get forward. On the 20th August, while thus lying in Train-oil Bay, a council was held on board the admiral’s ship, when it was decided that a yacht should be sent to examine the condition of the strait and the probability of their getting through, and also that a party of thirty or forty armed men should proceed across the Island of Vaigats for the same purpose. The yacht could go no further than Cross Point, where the entire sea was found to be covered with ice without the least break or opening; but the crew thence proceeded by land as far as Cape Dispute, though without better success. The party of men—whom De Veer describes [143] as fifty-four in number, himself included—returned with a somewhat more favourable report; for they thought they had discovered a practicable passage, because they saw so little ice there. [144] In this their experience agreed with that of Pet and Jackman, who found a passage close along the shore, between the ice and the land, at times when the deep sea was entirely filled with ice-masses. [145]

On the 24th of August a yacht was again sent out to inspect the strait, and got as far as Cross Point, bringing back the consolatory intelligence that the ice was beginning to move, and that all was clear, with open water, as far as Cape Dispute. On the following day therefore the fleet weighed anchor, and sailed as far as beyond the latter cape, without meeting with any ice; but soon afterwards they fell in with such quantities that they were forced to return. That night they anchored between Cape Dispute and Cross Point, and on the following day betook themselves to their former station under Idol Cape, “there to stay for a more convenient time.” [146] Here they were so entirely surrounded by the ice, that they could walk dry-foot from one ship to the other. [147]

The admiral and other officers had now evidently given up all hopes of effecting a passage, to which result the murmurings of the crews may perhaps have contributed. Barents, however, with that determination and perseverance for which he appears to have been distinguished, was not so satisfied as they were that nothing more could be done; and as on the 30th of August the ice began again to move, he, on the following day, had a good many words with the admiral on the subject, [148] after which he in person crossed over the strait to the main land of the Samoyedes, where he made inquiries of the natives. On his return the following day, he again “spake to the admirall to will him to set sayle, that they might goe forward; but they had not so many wordes together as was betweene them the day before.” [149] The conversation which ensued is quaintly told by De Veer, and with an air of perfect truthfulness. On the following morning (September 2nd), a little before sun-rise, Barents began to warp his vessel out, when Nai and Tetgales, on seeing him do so, “began also to hoyse their anchors and to set sayle.” [150] The result of this movement was, that, with immense labour and difficulty and no little danger, they succeeded in making their way through the ice as far as States Island, which they reached in the evening of the 3rd September; sailing on the following morning a little further along the channel between that island and the mainland, so as to be sheltered from the drifting of the ice. [151]

This was virtually the termination of their voyage. On the following day (September 4th) a council was held on board the admiral’s ship, when it was decided that, “in order not to fail in their duty,” [152]—which means that it was little more than a matter of form,—they should on the following day make one more endeavour to get through the ice; and if they did not succeed, that then they should not attempt it any further, seeing that the time was passing rapidly, and the winter, with its dreadful cold and long nights, was on the point of setting in. “For,” adds Linschoten, [153] “it is now sufficiently clear and manifest that it does not please the Lord God to permit us this time to proceed further on our voyage of discovery, so that it is not fitting that we should wilfully tempt Him any longer and run with our heads against the wall.”

It cannot be denied that Nai and his companions were beset with great difficulties, and that any further attempts might have been extremely hazardous. The crews too of the vessels were now louder in their murmurs, and complained that their commanders desired their deaths, inasmuch as being surrounded by the ice, they ran the chance of remaining locked up during the whole winter; [154] added to which, the loss of two men, who were killed by a bear on the 6th of September, [155] was not at all unlikely to augment the panic, and to cause insubordination among the survivors.

Finding the sea to continue quite full of ice, a council was again held on the 8th September on board the admiral’s ship, in order to determine finally whether they should proceed or return, whereon a great debate took place. [156] Most of them were of opinion that they should at once return. To this however, the Amsterdammers were opposed, their opinion being that some of them should volunteer to remain there with two of the vessels during the winter, and take their chance of the wintering, besides seeing whether they could not manage to get through, or else trying whether they might not be able to make their way to the west of Vaigats, and so round by the north of Novaya Zemlya. But it was replied, that the time for doing so was past, and that moreover it did not accord with their instructions. Nevertheless, if they wished it, they could do it of their own authority, and then see how they might afterwards answer for their conduct. [157]

On the following day the indefatigable Barents “went on shoare on the south side of the States Iland, and layd a stone on the brinke of the water, to proue whether there were a tide, and went round about the iland to shoote at a hare; and returning”—as he says in the only writing undoubtedly of his original composition which has been preserved to us—“I found the stone as I left it, and the water neither higher nor lower; which prooueth, as afore, that there is no flood nor ebbe.” [158]

He could scarcely have returned on board before the fleet set sail from States Island, on their return to the strait; but the ice came in so thick and with such force, that they could not get through, and therefore had to put back in the evening. [159] Next day, however, they succeeded in again reaching Cape Dispute, where they anchored.

On the 11th, it was decided that they should once more sail towards the ice, for the purpose of removing all doubts as to the impossibility of proceeding; but they had not sailed three hours before they reached the firm ice, which stretched round in all directions, completely preventing all further passage. [160] They therefore returned and anchored at Cross Point, where they remained till the morning of the 14th, when Barents weighed his anchor and set his top mast, thinking once again to try what he could do to further his voyage; but the admiral, being of another mind, lay still till the 15th of September. [161]

On that day, as Linschoten relates in no very courteous language, “seeing how the weather had set in, the Amsterdammers thought better of the matter, and let their obstinacy somewhat abate (lieten hun obstinaetheyt wat sincken), agreeing to conform with all the rest.” [162] The following protest, which had been drawn up by Linschoten, was accordingly signed by Barents together with the other officers, [163] and the same day the whole fleet sailed out from the west end of the strait homeward bound.

PROTEST.

On this day, the 15th of September, 1595, in the country and in the roads of the Cross Point, in the Strait of Nassau, where the ships are now lying at anchor all together, by desire and command of the admiral, Cornelis Cornelisz., the captains or pilots of all the aforesaid ships being assembled and met together in the cabin of the ship of the said admiral, in order that, jointly and each of them severally, they may without dissimulation and freely declare their opinion and final decision, and so consult together as to what is best and most advantageous to be done and undertaken in respect of the voyage which they have commenced round by the north towards China, Japan, etc.; and they having maturely and most earnestly considered and examined the subject, and also desiring strictly to carry out, as far as is practicable and possible, the instructions of His Excellency and the Lords the States, for the welfare and preservation of the same ships, their crews and merchandize: It is found that they have all of them hitherto done their utmost duty and their best, with all zeal and diligence, not fearing to hazard and sometimes to put in peril the ships and their own persons (whenever need required it), in order to preserve their honour in everything, and so as to be able with a clear conscience to answer for the same to God and to the whole world. But inasmuch as it has pleased the Lord God not to permit it on the present voyage, they find themselves most unwillingly compelled, because of the time that has elapsed, to discontinue the same navigation for this time, being prevented by the ice caused by the severe and unusually long frost, which, from what they have heard on the information of others and from their own experience, has this year been very hard and extraordinary in these parts. All which having been well considered and discussed by them together, they find no better means, being forced by necessity, than, with the first fit weather and favourable wind, to take their course homewards, all together and in the order in which they came, using every diligence so as if possible to preserve themselves from the frost which is momentarily expected to set in, and with God’s help to bring the ships, before all the perils of winter, into a safe harbour; inasmuch as at the present time no other better means can be found to lead them to a better judgment. Protesting before God and the whole world, that they have acted in this matter as they wish God may act in the salvation of their souls, and as they hope and trust cannot be gainsaid or controverted by any of those who have accompanied them; and they willingly submit themselves to defend this at all times, if requisite, by means of the fuller and more detailed journals and notes, which each of them, separately and without communication with the others, has kept thereof. And in order that there may be no disorder or idle talking unjustly spread abroad, to the disadvantage or derogation of those who with such good will have braved so many perils for the honour and advantage of our country, whereby they might be deprived of their merited reward, they have, for their defence and in order to provide before hand against the same, unanimously signed this Act, which I, Ian Huyghen van Linschoten, have drawn up at their request, and together with Françoys de la Dale, as chief commissioners of the said fleet, have, with the like affirmation and in further corroboration, in like manner signed, the day and date above written.

Cornelis Cornelisz. Brant Ysbrantsz. Willem Barentsz. Lambert Gerritsz. Thomas Willemsz. Harmen Ianssz. Hendrick Hartman. Ian Huyghen van Linschoten. Françoys de la Dale.

It may well be conceived that it was no easy task for a bold and resolute sailor, and at the same time a devout and conscientious man, as William Barents undoubtedly was, to “protest before God, as he wished He might act in the salvation of his soul”, that it was impossible for him to do more than he had done, so long as his ship was staunch and he had a crew willing to go forward with him, or even to brave a winter residence in those inhospitable regions. Linschoten speaks of the dissentient Amsterdammers in the plural number; whence it is to be inferred that Barents did not stand alone, but that Harmen Ianszoon, the master of the other Amsterdam vessel, was at first of the same opinion; and, most probably, it was only when he yielded, that Barents saw himself, however reluctantly, forced to give in.

After the protest had been so signed, the fleet proceeded on its homeward voyage, and on the 30th of September reached Wardhuus, where it remained till the 10th of the following month. The vessels then again set sail all together; but the vice-admiral’s ship, the Hope, on board of which was Linschoten, managed to get the start of the rest, arriving at the Texel on the 26th of October. It was not till the 18th of the following month that Barents’s vessel arrived in the river Maas.

The journal of the proceedings of the fleet, which was kept by Linschoten in pursuance of his instructions, was communicated by him to the Government immediately on his arrival; but it was not till six years afterwards that he published his very interesting and valuable narrative of this voyage, as well as of that of the preceding year so far as concerns the Enkhuysen vessels, which had sailed through Yugorsky Shar—“Pet’s Strait” or the “Strait of Nassau”—into the Sea of Kara.

So little appears to be known by bibliographers respecting Linschoten’s narrative of these voyages, that we have scarcely the means of describing any other editions than those which happen to exist in the British Museum.

The earliest of these appeared in Dutch, in 1601, in folio, under the following title:—

Voyagie, ofte Schip-vaert, van Ian Hvyghen van Linschoten, van by Noorden om langes Noorwegen, de Noort­caep, Laplant, Vinlant, Ruslandt, de Witte Zee, de Custen van Candenoes, Swetenoes, Pitzora, &c. door de Strate ofte Engte van Nassau tot voorby de Revier Oby. Waer inne seer distinctelicken Verbaels-ghewijse beschreven ende aenghewesen wordt, alle t’ghene dat hem op de selve Reyse van dach tot dach bejeghent en voorghecomen is. Met de af beeldtsels van alle de Custen, Hoecken, Landen, Opdoeningen, Streckinghen, Coursen, Mijlen, ende d’ander merckelicke dingen meer: Gelijc als hy’t alles selfs sichtelicken en̄ waerachtelicken nae’t leven uytgeworpen ende gheannoteert heeft, &c. Anno 1594 en̄ 1595.

Ghedruct tot Franeker, by Gerard Ketel.

The colophon has—

Ghedruct tot Franeker, by Gerard Ketel, voor Ian Huyghen van Linschoten, resideerende binnen Enchuysen, anno 1601.

This rare edition consists of thirty-eight numbered leaves, with a dedication to the States General, dated June 1st, 1601, on two leaves unnumbered, and contains numerous maps and coast views by Johannes and Baptista a Doetechum. It was reprinted at Amsterdam in 1624, likewise in folio, with the same plates.

In the first edition, between the dedication and the text, are inserted several eulogistic poems, the longest of which is an ode on “Vaygats ofte de Straet van Nassau”, by C. Taemssoon van Hoorn, and another is a “Lof-dicht”, by Jacobus Viverius, which is directed to be sung to the tune of the forty-second Psalm. It is worthy of remark, that, even so early as 1595, allusion was made to the first north-east voyage of Linschoten in the commendatory verses (which included also the poem on Vaygats above referred to) at the commencement of the “Reys-gheschrift van de Navigatien der Portugaloysers in Orienten.........door Jan Huyghen van Linschoten. Amstelredam, MDXCV. folio”; which work, though it bears the date of 1595, the register shows to be a portion of the author’s “Itinerario, Voyage ofte Schipvaert van Jan Huygen van Linschoten naer Oost ofte Portugaels Indien”, the title-page of which is dated a year later. This was reprinted in 1604 with the same verses.

An abstract in Dutch of Linschoten’s narrative was printed at Amsterdam by G. J. Saeghman, in 4to., with the following title:—

Twee Journalen van twee verscheyde Voyagien, gedaen door Jan Huygen van Linschooten, van by Noorden om, langhs Noorwegen, de Noordt-Caep, Laplandt, Findlandt, Ruslandt, de Witte Zee, de Kusten van Candenoes, Sweetenoes, Pitzora, etc., door de Strate ofte Enghte van Nassouw, tot voorby de Reviere Oby, na Vay-gats, gedaen in de Jaren 1594 en 1595. Waer in seer pertinent beschreven ende aen gewesen wordt, al het geene hem op de selve Reysen van dagh tot dagh voor gevallen is, als mede de Besschryvingh van alle de Kusten, Landen, Opdoeningen, Streckingen en Courssen, etc. T’Amsterdam, Gedruckt by Gillis Joosten Saeghman, in de Nieuwe-Straet, Ordinaris Drucker van de Journalen ter Zee, en de Reysen te Lande.

This has no date, but was probably printed in or about 1663, the year in which Saeghman printed the “Verhael van de vier eerste Schip-vaerden der Hollandtsche en Zeeuwsche Schepen naar Nova Zembla, etc.”, which will be more particularly described when we come to speak of the editions of Gerrit de Veer’s work.

We learn from Mr. Henry Stevens that a copy of this abstract is in the possession of John Carter Brown, Esq., of Providence, Rhode Island.

In 1610, appeared a French translation of Linschoten’s voyages, with the following title:—

Histoire de la Navigation de Iean Hvgves de Linscot, Hollandois, et de son voyage es Indes Orientales: contenante diuerses descriptions des Pays, Costes, Haures, Riuieres, Caps, et autres lieux iusques à present descouuerts par les Portugais: Obseruations des coustumes des nations de delà quant à la Religion, Estat Politic et Domestic, de leurs Commerces, des Arbres, Fruicts, Herbes, Espiceries, et autres singularitez qui s’y trouuent: Et narrations des choses memorables qui y sont aduenues de son temps. Avec annotations de Bernard Paludanus, Docteur en Medecine,...... à quoy sont adiovstées quelques avtres descriptions tant du pays de Guinee et autres costes d’Ethiopie, que des nauigations des Hollandois vers le Nord au Vaygat et en la nouuelle Zembla. Le tovt recveilli et descript par le mesme de Linscot en bas Alleman, & nouuellement traduict en Francois. A Amstelredam, de l’Imprimerie de Theodore Pierre, MDCX. folio.

Although the voyages to the north are thus announced in the title-page, they are not inserted in the only copy which we have been able to consult, namely, that in the British Museum; nor is any light thrown on the matter by bibliographers.

In the title of the third edition, published at Amsterdam in 1638, fol., these northern voyages are not announced, nor are they given, but the edition is described as “troixiesme édition augmentée”.

The second French edition has not fallen within our reach, but we believe the date to be 1619.

The only French version of Linschoten’s narrative of his northern voyages with which we are acquainted, is that inserted in the fourth volume of the “Recueil de Voiages au Nord”, published in eight volumes, Amsterdam, 1715–27, 12mo.; of which another edition, in ten volumes, 12mo., was published at the same place, 1731–38.

This French version formed the basis of the German description of these voyages given by Johann Christoph Adelung, at pp. 107–213 of his Geschichte der Schiffahrten, published at Halle, 1768, 4to.

An abstract of Linschoten’s work is given in Latin, at fol. 31 of the first volume of Blaeu’s “Atlas Major sive Cosmographia Blaviana, qua Solum, Salum, Cœlum accuratissime describuntur”. Eleven volumes in folio, Amsterdam, 1662.

In the French edition, entitled “Le Grand Atlas ou Cosmographie Blaviane”, etc., 12 vols. in folio, Amsterdam, 1663, and republished in 1667, the same appears at fol. 35 of the first volume of the latter edition, which is the only one in the British Museum.

It is also at fol. 52 of the first volume of the Spanish edition, entitled “Atlas Mayor, Geographia Blaviana”, etc.; Amsterdam, 1659–72, 10 vols., fol.

In the elaborate dissertation on the works of John Blaeu, contained in the fourth volume of Clement’s “Bibliothèque Curieuse”, mention is made, at page 277, of an “Atlas Flamand de l’an 1662”. This is apparently a Dutch edition, to which reference is made by Lütke, under the title of “J. Blaeu’s Grooten Atlas, of Werelt Beschrijving, Erste Deel, ’t Amsterdam, 1662”. Beyond this reference, we know nothing of that edition.

A German edition is also described by Brunet as announced in a catalogue of Blaeu’s; but it is not alluded to by Clement, nor can we find any other trace of it. If ever printed or in progress of printing, it may have been consumed in the great fire, by which, on the 22nd February, 1672, nearly all Blaeu’s stock in trade was destroyed.

In part XII, pp. 20–23, of Levinus Hulsius’s Collection, is an extract from Linschoten’s Navigation, stating the progress of the Dutch in the attempt to find the passage, the discovery of which formed a favourite scheme of his countrymen at the end of the sixteenth and beginning of the seventeenth centuries.

Summaries more or less concise, derived apparently from Blaeu’s abstract, the French “Recueil de Voyages au Nord”, or Adelung’s “Geschichte der Schiffahrten”, have also been given in most of the histories of Arctic discovery.

Gerrit de Veer’s description of the second voyage, contained in the present volume, must be understood to relate almost exclusively to the proceedings of Barents’s vessel, as forming one of the fleet under Nai’s command. This reconciles or explains away such differences as may appear to exist between his narrative and that of Linschoten.