part I would take. Omai was sent for to be my interpreter; but, as he

could not be found, I was obliged to speak for myself, and told them, as well as I could, that as I was not thoroughly acquainted with the dispute, and as the people of Eimeo had never offended me, I could not think myself at liberty to engage in hostilities against them. With this declaration they either were, or seemed, satisfied. The assembly then broke up; but, before I left them, Otoo desired me to come to him in the afternoon, and to bring Omai with me.

Accordingly, a party of us waited upon him at the appointed time; and we were conducted by him to his father, in whose presence the dispute with Eimeo was again talked over. Being very desirous of devising some method to bring about an accommodation, I sounded the old chief on that head, but we found him deaf to any such proposal, and fully determined to prosecute the war. He repeated the solicitations which I had already resisted, about giving them my assistance. On our inquiring into the cause of the war, we were told, that, some years ago, a brother of Waheadooa, of Tieraboo, was sent to Eimeo, at the request of Maheine, a popular chief of that island, to be their king; but that he had not been there a week before Maheine, having caused him to be killed, set up for himself, in opposition to Tierataboonooe, his sister’s son, who became the lawful heir; or else had been pitched upon, by the people of Otaheite, to succeed to the government on the death of the other.

Towha, who is a relation of Otoo, and chief of the district of Tettaha, a man of much weight in the island, and who had been commander-in-chief of the armament fitted out against Eimeo in 1774, happened not to be at Matavai at this time; and, consequently, was not present at any of these consultations. It, however, appeared that he was no stranger to what was transacted; and that he entered with more spirit into the affair than any other chief; for, early in the morning of the 1st of September, a messenger arrived from him to acquaint Otoo, that he had killed a man to be sacrificed to _Eatooa_, to implore the assistance of the god against Eimeo. This act of worship was to be performed at the great _Morai_ at Attahooroo; and Otoo’s presence, it seems, was absolutely necessary on that solemn occasion.

That the offering of human sacrifices is part of the religious institutions of this island, had been mentioned by Mons. Bougainville, on the authority of the native whom he carried with him to France. During my last visit to Otaheite, and while I had opportunities of conversing with Omai on the subject, I had satisfied myself that there was too much reason to admit, that such a practice, however inconsistent with the general humanity of the people, was here adopted. But as this was one of those extraordinary facts, about which many are apt to retain doubts, unless the relater himself has had ocular proof to confirm what he had heard from others, I thought this a good opportunity of obtaining the highest evidence of its certainty, by being present myself at the solemnity; and, accordingly, proposed to Otoo that I might be allowed to accompany him. To this he readily consented; and we immediately set out in my boat, with my old friend Potatou, Mr. Anderson, and Mr. Webber; Omai following in a canoe.

In our way we landed upon a little island, which lies off Tettaha, where we found Towha and his retinue. After some little conversation between the two chiefs, on the subject of the war, Towha addressed himself to me, asking my assistance. When I excused myself, he seemed angry; thinking it strange that I, who had always declared myself to be the friend of their island, would not now go and fight against its enemies. Before we parted, he gave to Otoo two or three red feathers, tied up in a tuft; and a lean, half-starved dog was put into a canoe that was to accompany us. We then embarked again, taking on board a priest who was to assist at the solemnity.

As soon as we landed at Attahooroo, which was about two o’clock in the afternoon, Otoo expressed his desire that the seamen might be ordered to remain in the boat; and that Mr. Anderson, Mr. Webber, and myself, might take off our hats, as soon as we should come to the _morai_, to which we immediately proceeded, attended by a great many men and some boys; but not one woman. We found four priests, and their attendants or assistants, waiting for us. The dead body, or sacrifice, was in a small canoe that lay on the beach, and partly in the wash of the sea, fronting the _morai_. Two of the priests, with some of their attendants, were sitting by the canoe; the others at the _morai_. Our company stopped about twenty or thirty paces from the priests. Here Otoo placed himself; we, and a few others, standing by him; while the bulk of the people remained at a greater distance.

The ceremonies now began. One of the priest’s attendants brought a young plantain tree, and laid it down before Otoo. Another approached with a small tuft of red feathers, twisted on some fibres of the cocoa-nut-husk, with which he touched one of the king’s feet, and then retired with it to his companions. One of the priests, seated at the _morai_, facing those who were upon the beach, now began a long prayer; and, at certain times, sent down young plantain-trees, which were laid upon the sacrifice. During this prayer, a man, who stood by the officiating priest, held in his hands two bundles, seemingly of cloth. In one of them, as we afterwards found, was the royal _maro_; and the other, if I may be allowed the expression, was the ark of the _Eatooa_. As soon as the prayer was ended, the priests at the _morai_, with their attendants, went and sat down by those upon the beach, carrying with them the two bundles. Here they renewed their prayers; during which the plantain-trees were taken, one by one, at different times, from off the sacrifice; which was partly wrapped up in cocoa leaves and small branches. It was now taken out of the canoe, and laid upon the beach, with the feet to the sea. The priests placed themselves around it, some sitting and others standing; and one or more of them, repeated sentences for about ten minutes. The dead body was now uncovered, by removing the leaves and branches, and laid in a parallel direction with the seashore. One of the priests then, standing at the feet of it, pronounced a long prayer, in which he was, at times, joined by the others; each holding in his hand a tuft of red feathers. In the course of this prayer, some hair was pulled off the head of the sacrifice, and the left eye taken out; both of which were presented to Otoo, wrapped up in a green leaf. He did not, however, touch it; but gave to the man who presented it the tuft of feathers which he had received from Towha. This, with the hair and eye, was carried back to the priests. Soon after, Otoo sent to them another piece of feathers, which he had given me in the morning to keep in my pocket. During some part of this last ceremony, a king-fisher making a noise in the trees, Otoo turned to me, saying, “That is the _Eatooa_;” and seemed to look upon it to be a good omen.

The body was then carried a little way with its head towards the _morai_, and laid under a tree, near which were fixed three broad thin pieces of wood, differently but rudely carved. The bundles of cloth were laid on a part of the _morai_, and the tufts of red feathers were placed at the feet of the sacrifice, round which the priests took their stations; and we were now allowed to go as near as we pleased. He who seemed to be the chief priest sat at a small distance and spoke for a quarter of an hour, but with different tones and gestures, so that he seemed often to expostulate with the dead person, to whom he constantly addressed himself; and sometimes asked several questions, seemingly with respect to the propriety of his having been killed. At other times he made several demands, as if the deceased either now had power himself, or interest with the divinity to engage him to comply with such requests. Amongst which, we understood, he asked him to deliver Eimeo Maheine, its chief, the hogs, women, and other things of the island, into their hands; which was, indeed, the express intention of the sacrifice. He then chanted a prayer, which lasted half an hour, in a whining, melancholy tone, accompanied by two other priests; and in which Potatou and some others joined. In the course of this prayer, some more hair was plucked by a priest from the head of the corpse, and put upon one of the bundles. After this, the chief priest prayed alone, holding in his hand the feathers which came from Towha. When he had finished, he gave them to another, who prayed in like manner. Then all the tufts of feathers were laid upon the bundles of cloth; which closed the ceremony at this place.

The corpse was then carried up to the most conspicuous part of the _morai_, with the feathers, the two bundles of cloth, and the drums; the last of which beat slowly. The feathers and bundles were laid against the pile of stones, and the corpse at the foot of them. The priests having again seated themselves round it, renewed their prayers; while some of the attendants dug a hole about two feet deep, into which they threw the unhappy victim, and covered it with earth and stones. While they were putting him into the grave, a boy squeaked aloud, and Omai said to me, that it was the _Eatooa_. During this time, a fire having been made, the dog before mentioned was produced and killed, by twisting his neck and suffocating him. The hair was singed off and the entrails taken out and thrown into the fire, where they were left to consume. But the heart, liver, and kidneys were only roasted, by being laid on the stones for a few minutes; and the body of the dog, after being besmeared with the blood which had been collected in a cocoa-nut shell, and dried over the fire, was, with the liver, &c. carried and laid down before the priests, who sat praying round the grave. They continued their ejaculations over the dog for some time, while two men, at intervals, beat on two drums very loud; and a boy screamed as before, in a loud shrill voice, three different times. This, as we were told, was to invite the _Eatooa_ to feast on the banquet that they had prepared for him. As soon as the priests had ended their prayers, the carcase of the dog, with what belonged to it, were laid on a _whatta_, or scaffold, about six feet high, that stood close by, on which lay the remains of two other dogs, and of two pigs which had lately been sacrificed, and at this time emitted an intolerable stench. This kept us at a greater distance than would otherwise have been required of us. For after the victim was removed from the seaside toward the _morai_, we were allowed to approach as near as we pleased. Indeed, after that, neither seriousness nor attention were much observed by the spectators. When the dog was put upon the _whatta_, the priests and attendants gave a kind of shout, which closed the ceremonies for the present. The day being now also closed, we were conducted to a house belonging to Potatou, where we were entertained and lodged for the night. We had been told that the religious rites were to be renewed in the morning; and I would not leave the place, while any thing remained to be seen.

Being unwilling to lose any part of the solemnity, some of us repaired to the scene of action pretty early, but found nothing going forward. However, soon after, a pig was sacrificed, and laid upon the same _whatta_ with the others. About eight o’clock, Otoo took us again to the _morai_, where the priests and a great number of men were by this time assembled. The two bundles occupied the place in which we had seen them deposited the preceding evening; the two drums stood in the front of the _morai_, but somewhat nearer it than before; and the priests were beyond them. Otoo placed himself between the two drums, and desired me to stand by him.

The ceremony began as usual, with bringing a young plantain-tree, and laying it down at the king’s feet. After this a prayer was repeated by the priests, who held in their hands several tufts of red feathers, and also a plume of ostrich feathers, which I had given to Otoo on my first arrival, and had been consecrated to this use. When the priests had made an end of the prayer, they changed their station, placing themselves between us and the _morai_, and one of them, the same person who had acted the principal part the day before, began another prayer, which lasted about half an hour. During the continuance of this, the tufts of feathers were, one by one, carried and laid upon the ark of the _Eatooa_.

Some little time after, four pigs were produced; one of which was immediately killed, and the others were taken to a stye hard by, probably reserved for some future occasion of sacrifice. One of the bundles was now untied, and it was found, as I have before observed, to contain the _maro_, with which these people invest their kings, and which seems to answer, in some degree, to the European ensigns of royalty. It was carefully taken out of the cloth in which it had been wrapped up, and spread at full length upon the ground before the priests. It is a girdle about five yards long and fifteen inches broad, and, from its name, seems to be put on in the same manner as is the common _maro_, or piece of cloth used by these people to wrap round the waist. It was ornamented with red and yellow feathers, but mostly with the latter, taken from a dove found upon the island. The one end was bordered with eight pieces, each about the size and shape of a horse-shoe having their edges fringed with black feathers. The other end was forked, and the points were of different lengths. The feathers were in square compartments, ranged in two rows, and otherwise so disposed as to produce a pleasing effect. They had been first pasted or fixed upon some of their own country cloth, and then sewed to the upper end of the pendant which Captain Wallis had displayed, and left flying ashore, the first time that he landed at Matavai. This was what they told us; and we had no reason to doubt it, as we could easily trace the remains of an English pendant. About six or eight inches square of the _maro_ was unornamented, there being no feathers upon that space, except a few that had been sent by Waheadooa, as already mentioned. The priests made a long prayer relative to this part of the ceremony; and, if I mistook not, they called it the prayer of the _maro_. When it was finished, the badge of royalty was carefully folded up, put into the cloth, and deposited again upon the _morai_.

The other bundle, which I have distinguished by the name of the ark, was next opened at one end. But we were not allowed to go near enough to examine its mysterious contents. The information we received was, that the _Eatooa_, to whom they had been sacrificing, and whose name is _Ooro_, was concealed in it; or rather, what is supposed to represent him. This sacred repository is made of the twisted fibres of the husk of the cocoa-nut, shaped somewhat like a large fid or sugar-loaf, that is, roundish, with one end much thicker than the other. We had very often got small ones from different people, but never knew their use before.

By this time the pig that had been killed, was cleaned, and the entrails taken out. These happened to have a considerable share of those convulsive motions, which often appear in different parts after an animal is killed, and this was considered by the spectators as a very favourable omen to the expedition, on account of which the sacrifices had been offered. After being exposed for some time, that those who chose might examine their appearances, the entrails were carried to the priests and laid down before them. While one of their number prayed, another inspected the entrails more narrowly and kept turning them gently with a stick. When they had been sufficiently examined, they were thrown into the fire and left to consume. The sacrificed pig, and its liver, &c. were now put upon the _whatta_, where the dog had been deposited the day before; and then all the feathers, except the ostrich-plume, were inclosed with the _Eatooa_ in the ark; and the solemnity finally closed.

Four double canoes lay upon the beach, before the place of sacrifice, all the morning. On the fore-part of each of these was fixed a small platform covered with palm-leaves tied in mysterious knots; and this also is called a _morai_. Some cocoa-nuts, plantains, pieces of bread-fruit, fish, and other things, lay upon each of these naval _morais_. We were told that they belonged to the _Eatooa_, and that they were to attend the fleet designed to go against Eimeo.

The unhappy victim offered to the object of their worship upon this occasion, seemed to be a middle-aged man, and, as we were told, was a _towtow_, that is, one of the lowest class of the people. But, after all my inquiries, I could not learn that he had been pitched upon on account of any particular crime committed by him meriting death. It is certain, however, that they generally make choice of such guilty persons for their sacrifice, or else of common low fellows, who stroll about from place to place and from island to island, without having any fixed abode, or any visible way of getting an honest livelihood, of which description of men enough are to be met with at these islands. Having had an opportunity of examining the appearance of the body of the poor sufferer now offered up, I could observe that it was bloody about the head and face, and a good deal bruised upon the right temple; which marked the manner of his being killed. And we were told, that he had been privately knocked on the head with a stone.

Those who are devoted to suffer, in order to perform this bloody act of worship, are never apprized of their fate till the blow is given that puts an end to their existence. Whenever any one of the great chiefs thinks a human sacrifice necessary on any particular emergency, he pitches upon the victim. Some of his trusty servants are then sent, who fall upon him suddenly, and put him to death with a club or by stoning him. The king is next acquainted with it, whose presence at the solemn rites that follow is, as I was told, absolutely necessary; and, indeed, on the present occasion, we could observe that Otoo bore a principal part. The solemnity itself is called _Poore Eree_, or chief’s prayer; and the victim who is offered up _Taata-taboo_, or consecrated man. This is the only instance where we have heard the word _taboo_ used at this island, where it seems to have the same mysterious signification as at Tonga, though it is there applied to all cases where things are not to be touched. But at Otaheite, the word _raa_ serves the same purpose, and is full as extensive in its meaning.

The _morai_ (which, undoubtedly, is a place of worship, sacrifice, and burial, at the same time), where the sacrifice was now offered, is that where the supreme chief of the whole island is always buried, and is appropriated to his family and some of the principal people. It differs little from the common ones, except in extent. Its principal part is a large oblong, pile of stones, lying loosely upon each other, about twelve or fourteen feet high, contracted towards the top, with a square area on each side loosely paved with pebble stones, under which the bones of the chiefs are buried. At a little distance from the end nearest the sea, is the place where the sacrifices are offered; which, for a considerable extent is also loosely paved. There is here a very large scaffold or _whatta_, on which the offerings of fruits and other vegetables are laid. But the animals are deposited on a smaller one already mentioned, and the human sacrifices are buried under different parts of the pavement. There are several other relics which ignorant superstition had scattered about this place, such as small stones raised in different parts of the pavement, some with bits of cloth tied round them, others covered with it; and, upon the side of the large pile which fronts the area, are placed a great many pieces of carved wood, which are supposed to be sometimes the residence of their divinities, and, consequently, held sacred. But one place, more particular than the rest, is a heap of stones at one end of the large _whatta_, before which the sacrifice was offered, with a kind of platform at one side. On this are laid the skulls of all the human sacrifices, which are taken up after they have been several months under ground. Just above them are placed a great number of the pieces of wood; and it was also here where the _maro_, and the other bundle supposed to contain the god _Ooro_ (and which I call the ark), were laid during the ceremony; a circumstance which denotes its agreement with the altar of other nations.

It is much to be regretted, that a practice so horrid in its own nature and so destructive of that inviolable right of self-preservation, which every one is born with, should be found still existing; and (such is the power of superstition to counteract the first principles of humanity!) existing amongst a people in many other respects emerged from the brutal manners of savage life. What is still worse, it is probable that these bloody rites of worship are prevalent throughout all the wide extended islands of the Pacific Ocean. The similarity of customs and language, which our late voyages have enabled us to trace between the most distant of these islands, makes it not unlikely that some of the most important articles of their religious institutions should agree. And, indeed, we have the most authentic information that human sacrifices continue to be offered at the Friendly Islands. When I described the _Natche_ at _Tonge-taboo_, I mentioned that, on the approaching sequel of that festival, we had been told that ten men were to be sacrificed. This may give us an idea of the extent of this religious massacre in that island. And though we should suppose that never more than one person is sacrificed, on any single occasion at Otaheite, it is more than probable that these occasions happen so frequently, as to make a shocking waste of the human race; for I counted no less than forty-nine skulls of former victims lying before the _morai_, where we saw one more added to the number. And as none of those skulls had as yet suffered any considerable change from the weather, it may hence be inferred, that no great length of time had elapsed, since, at least, this considerable number of unhappy wretches had been offered upon this altar of blood.

The custom, though no consideration can make it cease to be abominable, might be thought less detrimental, in some respects, if it served to impress any awe for the divinity or reverence for religion, upon the minds of the multitude. But this is so far from being the case, that though a great number of people had assembled at the _morai_ on this occasion, they did not seem to show any proper reverence for what was doing or saying during the celebration of the rites. And Omai happening to arrive after they had begun, many of the spectators flocked round him, and were engaged the remainder of the time in making him relate some of his adventures, which they listened to with great attention, regardless of the solemn offices performing by their priests. Indeed, the priests themselves, except the one who chiefly repeated the prayers, either from their being familiarized to such objects, or from want of confidence in the efficacy of their institutions, observed very little of that solemnity, which is necessary to give to religious performances their due weight. Their dress was only an ordinary one; they conversed together without scruple; and the only attempt made by them to preserve any appearance of decency, was by exerting their authority to prevent the people from coming upon the very spot where the ceremonies were performed, and to suffer us, as strangers, to advance a little forward. They were, however, very candid in their answers to any questions that were put to them concerning the institution. And particularly, on being asked what the intention of it was? they said that it was an old custom, and was agreeable to their god, who delighted in, or, in other words, came and fed upon the sacrifices; in consequence of which, he complied with their petitions. Upon its being objected that he could not feed on these, as he was neither seen to do it, nor were the bodies of the animals quickly consumed; and that, as to the human victim, they prevented his feeding on him, by burying him. But to all this they answered, that he came in the night, but invisibly, and fed only on the soul or immaterial part, which, according to their doctrine, remains about the place of sacrifice, until the body of the victim be entirely wasted by putrefaction.

It were much to be wished that this deluded people may learn to entertain the same horror of murdering their fellow-creatures, in order to furnish such an invisible banquet to their god, as they now have of feeding, corporeally, on human flesh themselves. And, yet, we have great reason to believe, that there was a time when they were cannibals. We were told (and, indeed, partly saw it), that it is a necessary ceremony, when a poor wretch is sacrificed, for the priest to take out the left eye. This he presents to the king, holding it to his mouth, which he desires him to open; but, instead of putting it in, immediately withdraws it. This they call “eating the man,” or, “food for the chief;” and, perhaps, we may observe here some traces of former times, when the dead body was really feasted upon.

But not to insist upon this; it is certain, that human sacrifices are not the only barbarous custom we find still prevailing amongst this benevolent, humane people. For, besides cutting out the jaw-bones of their enemies slain in battle, which they carry about as trophies, they, in some measure, offer their dead bodies as a sacrifice to the _Eatooa_. Soon after a battle, in which they have been victors, they collect all the dead that have fallen into their hands, and bring them to the _morai_, where, with a great deal of ceremony, they dig a hole, and bury them all in it, as so many offerings to the gods; but their skulls are never after taken up.

Their own great chiefs, that fall in battle, are treated in a different manner. We were informed, that their late king Tootaha, Tubourai-tamaide, and another chief, who fell with them in the battle, fought with those of Tiaraboo, and were brought to this _morai_, at Attahooroo. There their bowels were cut out by the priests, before the great altar, and the bodies afterwards buried in three different places, which were pointed out to us, in the great pile of stones, that compose the most conspicuous part of this _morai_. And their common men, who also fell in this battle, were all buried in one hole, at the foot of the pile. This, Omai, who was present, told me was done the day after the battle, with much pomp and ceremony, and in the midst of a great concourse of people, as a thanksgiving-offering to the _Eatooa_, for the victory they had obtained; while the vanquished had taken refuge in the mountains. There they remained a week, or ten days, till the fury of the victors was over, and a treaty set on foot, by which it was agreed, that Otoo should be declared king of the whole island; and the solemnity of investing him with the _maro_, was performed at the same _morai_, with great pomp, in the presence of all the principal men of the country.

CHAP. III.

CONFERENCE WITH TOWHA.—HEEVAS DESCRIBED.—OMAI AND OEDIDEE GIVE DINNERS.— FIREWORKS EXHIBITED.—A REMARKABLE PRESENT OF CLOTH.—MANNER OF PRESERVING THE BODY OF A DEAD CHIEF.—ANOTHER HUMAN SACRIFICE.—RIDING ON HORSEBACK.—OTOO’S ATTENTION TO SUPPLY PROVISIONS AND PREVENT THEFTS.—ANIMALS GIVEN TO HIM.—ETARY, AND THE DEPUTIES OF A CHIEF HAVE AUDIENCES.—A MOCK-FIGHT OF TWO WAR CANOES.—NAVAL STRENGTH OF THESE ISLANDS.—MANNER OF CONDUCTING A WAR.

The close of the very singular scene exhibited at the _morai_, which I have faithfully described in the last chapter, leaving us no other business in Attahooroo, we embarked about noon, in order to return to Matavai; and, in our way, visited Towha, who had remained on the little island, where we met him the day before. Some conversation passed between Otoo and him, on the present posture of public affairs; and then the latter solicited me, once more, to join them in their war against Eimeo. By my positive refusal I entirely lost the good graces of this chief.

Before we parted, he asked us, if the solemnity, at which we had been present, answered our expectations; what opinion we had of its efficacy; and whether we performed such acts of worship in our own country? During the celebration of the horrid ceremony, we had preserved a profound silence; but, as soon as it was closed, had made no scruple in expressing our sentiments very freely about it, to Otoo, and those who attended him; of course, therefore, I did not conceal my detestation of it, in this conversation with Towha. Besides the cruelty of the bloody custom, I strongly urged the unreasonableness of it; telling the chief, that such a sacrifice, far from making the _Eatooa_ propitious to their nation, as they ignorantly believed, would be the means of drawing down his vengeance; and that, from this very circumstance, I took upon me to judge, that their intended expedition against Maheine would be unsuccessful. This was venturing pretty far upon conjecture; but still, I thought, that there was little danger of being mistaken. For I found, that there were three parties in the island, with regard to this war; one extremely violent for it, another perfectly indifferent about the matter; and the third openly declaring themselves friends to Maheine, and his cause. Under these circumstances of disunion distracting their councils, it was not likely that such a plan of military operations would be settled, as could insure even a probability of success. In conveying our sentiments to Towha, on the subject of the late sacrifice, Omai was made use of as our interpreter; and he entered into our arguments with so much spirit, that the chief seemed to be in great wrath; especially when he was told, that if he had put a man to death in England, as he had done here, his rank would not have protected him from being hanged for it. Upon this, he exclaimed, _Maeno! maeno!_ [vile! vile!] and would not hear another word. During this debate, many of the natives were present, chiefly the attendants and servants of Towha himself; and when Omai began to explain the punishment that would be inflicted in England upon the greatest man, if he killed the meanest servant, they seemed to listen with great attention; and were, probably, of a different opinion from that of their master, on this subject.

After leaving Towha, we proceeded to Oparre, where Otoo pressed us to spend the night. We landed in the evening; and, on our road to his house, had an opportunity of observing in what manner these people amuse themselves, in their private _heevas_. About a hundred of them were found sitting in a house; and in the midst of them were two women, with an old man behind each of them, beating very gently upon a drum; and the women, at intervals, singing in a softer manner, than I ever heard at their other diversions. The assembly listened with great attention; and were, seemingly, almost absorbed in the pleasure the music gave them; for few took any notice of us, and the performers never once stopped. It was almost dark before we reached Otoo’s house, where we were entertained with one of their public _heevas_, or plays, in which his three sisters appeared as the principal characters. This was what they call a _heeva raä_, which is of such a nature, that nobody is to enter the house or area, where it is exhibited. When the royal sisters are the performers, this is always the case. Their dress, on this occasion, was truly picturesque and elegant; and they acquitted themselves, in their parts, in a very distinguished manner; though some comic interludes, performed by four men, seemed to yield greater pleasure to the audience, which was numerous. The next morning we proceeded to Matavai, leaving Otoo at Oparre; but his mother, sisters, and several other women, attended me on board, and Otoo himself followed me soon after.

While Otoo and I were absent from the ships, they had been sparingly supplied with fruit, and had few visitors. After our return, we again overflowed with provisions, and with company.

On the 14th, a party of us dined ashore with Omai, who gave excellent fare, consisting of fish, fowls, pork, and puddings. After dinner, I attended Otoo, who had been one of the party, back to his house, where I found all his servants very busy, getting a quantity of provisions ready for me. Amongst other articles, there was a large hog, which they killed in my presence. The entrails were divided into eleven portions, in such a manner that each of them contained a bit of every thing. These portions were distributed to the servants, and some dressed theirs in the same oven with the hog, while others carried off, undressed, what had come to their share. There was also a large pudding, the whole process in making which I saw. It was composed of bread-fruit, ripe plantains, taro, and palm or pandanus nuts, each rasped, scraped, or beat up fine, and baked by itself. A quantity of juice, expressed from cocoa-nut kernels, was put into a large tray, or wooden vessel. The other articles, hot from the oven, were deposited in this vessel; and a few hot stones were also put in, to make the contents simmer. Three or four men made use of sticks to stir the several ingredients, till they were incorporated one with another, and the juice of the cocoa-nut was turned to oil; so that the whole mass, at last, became of the consistency of a hasty-pudding. Some of these puddings are excellent; and few that we make in England equal them. I seldom, or never dined without one, when I could get it; which was not always the case. Otoo’s hog being baked, and the pudding, which I have described, being made, they, together with two living hogs, and a quantity of bread-fruit and cocoa-nuts were put into a canoe, and sent on board my ship, followed by myself, and all the royal family.

The following evening, a young ram of the Cape breed, that had been lambed, and, with great care, brought up on board the ship, was killed by a dog. Incidents are of more or less consequence, as connected with situation. In our present situation, desirous as I was to propagate this useful race amongst these islands, the loss of the ram was a serious misfortune; as it was the only one I had of that breed; and I had only one of the English breed left.

In the evening of the 7th, we played off some fireworks before a great concourse of people. Some were highly entertained with the exhibition; but by far the greater number of spectators were terribly frightened; insomuch that it was with difficulty we could prevail upon them to keep together to see the end of the show. A table-rocket was the last. It flew off the table, and dispersed the whole crowd in a moment; even the most resolute among them fled with precipitation.

The next day a party of us dined with our former ship-mate, Oedidee, on fish and pork. The hog weighed about thirty pounds; and it may be worth mentioning, that it was alive, dressed, and brought upon the table, within the hour. We had but just dined, when Otoo came, and asked me if my belly was full? On my answering in the affirmative, he said, “Then come along with me.” I accordingly went with him to his father’s, where I found some people employed in dressing two girls with a prodigious quantity of fine cloth, after a very singular fashion. The one end of each piece of cloth, of which there was a good many, was held up over the heads of the girls, while the remainder was wrapped round their bodies, under the arm-pits. Then the upper ends were let fall, and hung down in folds to the ground, over the other, so as to bear some resemblance to a circular hoop-petticoat. Afterward, round the outside of all, were wrapped several pieces of differently coloured cloth, which considerably increased the size; so that it was not less than five or six yards in circuit, and the weight of this singular attire was as much as the poor girls could support. To each were hung two _taames_, or breast-plates, by way of enriching the whole, and giving it a picturesque appearance. Thus equipped, they were conducted on board the ship, together with several hogs, and a quantity of fruit, which, with the cloth, was a present to me from Otoo’s father. Persons, of either sex, dressed in this manner, are called _atee_; but, I believe, it is never practised, except when large presents of cloth are to be made. At least, I never saw it practised upon any other occasion; nor, indeed, had I ever such a present before; but both Captain Clerke and I had cloth given to us afterward, thus wrapped round the bearers. The next day, I had a present of five hogs, and some fruit, from Otoo; and one hog, and some fruit, from each of his sisters. Nor were other provisions wanting. For two or three days, great quantities of mackerel had been caught by the natives, within the reef, in seines; some of which they brought to the ships and tents, and sold.

Otoo was not more attentive to supply our wants, by a succession of presents, than he was to contribute to our amusement, by a succession of diversions. A party of us having gone down to Oparre, on the 10th, he treated us with what may be called a play. His three sisters were the actresses; and the dresses they appeared in were new and elegant; that is, more so than we had usually met with at any of these islands. But the principal object I had in view, this day, in going to Oparre, was to take a view of an embalmed corpse, which some of our gentlemen had happened to meet with at that place, near the residence of Otoo. On enquiry, I found it to be the remains of Tee, a chief well known to me, when I was at this island, during my last voyage. It was lying in a _toopapaoo_, more elegantly constructed than their common ones, and in all respects similar to that lately seen by us at Oheitepeha, in which the remains of Waheadooa are deposited, embalmed in the same manner. When we arrived at the place, the body was under cover, and wrapped up in cloth, within the _toopapaoo_; but, at my desire, the man who had the care of it brought it out, and laid it upon a kind of bier, in such a manner, that we had as full a view of it as we could wish; but we were not allowed to go within the pales that inclosed the _toopapaoo_. After he had thus exhibited the corpse, he hung the place with mats and cloth, so disposed as to produce a very pretty effect. We found the body not only entire in every part; but, what surprized us much more, was, that putrefaction seemed scarcely to be begun, as there was not the least disagreeable smell proceeding from it, though the climate is one of the hottest, and Tee had been dead above four months. The only remarkable alteration that had happened, was a shrinking of the muscular parts of the eyes; but the hair and nails were in their original state, and still adhered firmly; and the several joints were quite pliable, or in that kind of relaxed state which happens to persons who faint suddenly. Such were Mr. Anderson’s remarks to me, who also told me, that, on his enquiring into the method of effecting this preservation of their dead bodies, he had been informed that soon after their death, they are disembowelled, by drawing the intestines, and other _viscera_, out at the _anus_; and the whole cavity is then filled or stuffed with cloth, introduced through the same part; that when any moisture appeared on the skin, it was carefully dried up, and the bodies afterward rubbed all over with a large quantity of perfumed cocoa-nut oil; which, being frequently repeated, preserved them a great many months; but that, at last, they gradually moulder away. This was the information Mr. Anderson received; for my own part, I could not learn any more about their mode of operation than what Omai told me, who said, that they made use of the juice of a plant which grows amongst the mountains; of cocoa-nut oil; and of frequent washing with sea-water. I was also told that the bodies of all their great men, who died a natural death, are preserved in this manner; and that they expose them to public view for a considerable time after. At first, they are laid out every day, when it does not rain; afterward, the intervals become greater and greater; and, at last, they are seldom to be seen.

In the evening, we returned from Oparre, where we left Otoo, and all the royal family; and I saw none of them till the 12th, when all but the chief himself paid me a visit. He, as they told me, was gone to Attahooroo, to assist, this day, at another human sacrifice, which the chief of Tiaraboo had sent thither to be offered up at the _morai_. This second instance, within the course of a few days, was too melancholy a proof how numerous the victims of this bloody superstition are amongst this humane people. I would have been present at this sacrifice, too, had I known of it in time; for now it was too late. From the very same cause, I missed being present at a public transaction which had passed at Oparre the preceding day, when Otoo, with all the solemnities observed on such occasions, restored to the friends and followers of the late king Tootaha the lands and possessions which had been withheld from them ever since his death. Probably the new sacrifice was the concluding ceremony of what may be called the reversal of attainder.

The following evening, Otoo returned from exercising this most disagreeable of all his duties as sovereign; and, the next day, being now honoured with his company, Captain Clerke and I, mounted on horseback, took a ride round the plain of Matavai, to the very great surprize of a great train of people who attended on the occasion, gazing upon us with as much astonishment as if we had been centaurs. Omai, indeed, had, once or twice before this, attempted to get on horseback; but he had as often been thrown off, before he could contrive to seat himself; so that this was the first time they had seen any body ride a horse. What Captain Clerke and I began, was, after this, repeated every day, while we staid, by one or another of our people; and yet the curiosity of the natives continued still unabated. They were exceedingly delighted with these animals, after they had seen the use that was made of them; and, as far as I could judge, they conveyed to them a better idea of the greatness of other nations than all the other novelties put together that their European visiters had carried amongst them. Both the horse and mare were in good case, and looked extremely well.

The next day, Etary, or Olla, the god of Bolabola, who had, for several days past, been in the neighbourhood of Matavai, removed to Oparre, attended by several sailing canoes. We were told, that Otoo did not approve of his being so near our station, where his people could more easily invade our property. I must do Otoo the justice to say, that he took every method prudence could suggest to prevent thefts and robberies; and it was more owing to his regulations than to our circumspection that so few were committed. He had taken care to erect a little house or two on the other side of the river, behind our post, and two others close to our tents, on the bank between the river and the sea. In all these places some of his own people constantly kept watch; and his father generally resided on Matavai point; so that we were, in a manner, surrounded by them. Thus stationed, they not only guarded us in the night from thieves, but could observe every thing that passed in the day; and were ready to collect contributions from such girls as had private connections with our people, which was generally done every morning. So that the measures adopted by him to secure our safety, at the same time served the more essential purpose of enlarging his own profits.

Otoo informing me that his presence was necessary at Oparre, where he was to give audience to the great personage from Bolabola; and asking me to accompany him, I readily consented, in hopes of meeting with something worth our notice. Accordingly, I went with him, in the morning of the 16th, attended by Mr. Anderson. Nothing, however, occurred on this occasion, that was either interesting or curious. We saw Etary and his followers present some coarse cloth and hogs to Otoo; and each article was delivered with some ceremony, and a set speech. After this, they, and some other chiefs, held a consultation about the expedition to Eimeo. Etary at first seemed to disapprove of it, but at last his objections were over-ruled. Indeed, it appeared, next day, that it was too late to deliberate about this measure; and that Towha, Potatou, and another chief, had already gone upon the expedition with the fleet of Attahooroo. For a messenger arrived in the evening with intelligence that they had reached Eimeo, and that there had been some skirmishes, without much loss or advantage on either side.

In the morning of the 18th, Mr. Anderson, myself, and Omai, went again with Otoo to Oparre, and took with us the sheep which I intended to leave upon the island, consisting of an English ram and ewe, and three Cape ewes; all which I gave to Otoo. As all the three cows had taken the bull, I thought I might venture to divide them, and carry some to Ulietea. With this view, I had them brought before us, and proposed to Etary, that if he would leave his bull with Otoo, he should have mine, and one of the three cows; adding, that I would carry them for him to Ulietea; for I was afraid to remove the Spanish bull, lest some accident should happen to him, as he was a bulky spirited beast. To this proposal of mine, Etary at first made some objections, but at last agreed to it, partly through the persuasion of Omai. However, just as the cattle were putting into the boat, one of Etary’s followers valiantly opposed any exchange whatever being made. Finding this, and suspecting that Etary had only consented to the proposed arrangement, for the present moment, to please me, and that after I was gone he might take away his bull, and then Otoo would not have one, I thought it best to drop the idea of an exchange, as it could not be made with the mutual consent of both parties, and finally determined to leave them all with Otoo, strictly enjoining him never to suffer them to be removed from Oparre, not even the Spanish bull, nor any of the sheep, till he should get a stock of young ones; which he might then dispose of to his friends, and send to the neighbouring islands.

This being settled, we left Etary and his party to ruminate upon their folly, and attended Otoo to another place hard by, where we found the servants of a chief, whose name I forgot to ask, waiting with a hog, a pig, and a dog, as a present from their master to the sovereign. These were delivered with the usual ceremonies, and with an harangue in form, in which the speaker, in his master’s name, enquired after the health of Otoo, and of all the principal people about him. This compliment was echoed back in the name of Otoo, by one of his ministers; and then the dispute with Eimeo was discussed, with many arguments for and against it. The deputies of his chief were for prosecuting the war with vigour, and advised Otoo to offer a human sacrifice. On the other hand, a chief who was in constant attendance on Otoo’s person opposed it, seemingly, with great strength of argument. This confirmed me in the opinion, that Otoo himself never entered heartily into the spirit of this war. He now received repeated messages from Towha, strongly soliciting him to hasten to his assistance. We were told that his fleet was in a manner surrounded by that of Maheine; but that neither the one nor the other durst hazard an engagement.

After dining with Otoo, we returned to Matavai, leaving him at Oparre. This day, and also the 19th, we were very sparingly supplied with fruit. Otoo hearing of this, he and his brother, who had attached himself to Captain Clerke, came from Oparre between nine and ten o’clock in the evening, with a large supply for both ships. This marked his humane attention more strongly than any thing he had hitherto done for us. The next day, all the royal family came with presents, so that our wants were not only relieved, but we had more provisions than we could consume.

Having got all our water on board, the ships being caulked, the rigging overhauled, and every thing put in order, I began to think of leaving the island, that I might have sufficient time to spare for visiting others in this neighbourhood. With this view, we removed from the shore our observatories and instruments, and bent the sails. Early the next morning, Otoo came on board to acquaint me, that all the war canoes of Matavai, and of the three other districts adjoining, were going to Oparre, to join those belonging to that part of the island; and that there would be a general review there. Soon after, the squadron of Matavai was all in motion; and, after parading a while about the bay, assembled ashore near the middle of it. I now went in my boat to take a view of them.

Of those with stages on which they fight, or what they call their war-canoes, there were about sixty, with near as many more of a smaller size. I was ready to have attended them to Oparre; but, soon after, a resolution was taken by the chiefs, that they should not move till the next day. I looked upon this to be a fortunate delay, as it afforded me a good opportunity to get some insight into their manner of fighting. With this view, I expressed my wish to Otoo that he would order some of them to go through the necessary manœuvres. Two were, accordingly, ordered out into the bay, in one of which Otoo, Mr. King, and myself embarked, and Omai went on board the other. When we had got sufficient sea-room, we faced and advanced upon each other, and retreated by turns, as quick as our rowers could paddle. During this, the warriors on the stages flourished their weapons, and played a hundred antic tricks, which could answer no other end, in my judgment, than to work up their passions, and prepare them for fighting. Otoo stood by the side of our stage, and gave the necessary orders when to advance and when to retreat. In this, great judgment and a quick eye combined together seemed requisite, to seize every advantage that might offer, and to avoid giving any advantage to the adversary. At last, after advancing and retreating from each other at least a dozen times, the two canoes closed head to head, or stage to stage; and, after a short conflict, the troops on our stage were supposed to be all killed, and we were boarded by Omai and his associates. At that very instant, Otoo and all our paddlers leaped overboard, as if reduced to the necessity of endeavouring to save their lives by swimming.

If Omai’s information is to be depended upon, their naval engagements are not always conducted in this manner. He told me, that they sometimes begin with lashing the two vessels together, head to head, and then fight till all the warriors are killed on one side or the other. But this close combat, I apprehend, is never practised but when they are determined to conquer or die. Indeed, one or the other must happen; for all agree that they never give quarter, unless it be to reserve their prisoners for a more cruel death the next day.

The power and strength of these islands lie entirely in their navies. I never heard of a general engagement on land; and all their decisive battles are fought on the water. If the time and place of conflict are fixed upon by both parties, the preceding day and night are spent in diversions and feasting. Toward morning they launch the canoes, put every thing in order, and, with the day, begin the battle, the fate of which generally decides the dispute. The vanquished save themselves by a precipitate flight; and such as reach the shore fly with their friends to the mountains; for the victors, while their fury lasts, spare neither the aged, women, nor children. The next day they assemble at the _morai_, to return thanks to the _Eatooa_ for the victory, and to offer up the slain as sacrifices, and the prisoners also, if they have any. After this, a treaty is set on foot, and the conquerors for the most part obtain their own terms, by which particular districts of land, and sometimes whole islands, change their owners. Omai told us that he was once taken a prisoner by the men of Bolabola, and carried to that island, where he and some others would have been put to death the next day if they had not found means to escape in the night.

As soon as this mock fight was over, Omai put on his suit of armour, mounted a stage in one of the canoes, and was paddled all along the shore of the bay; so that every one had a full view of him. His coat of mail did not draw the attention of his countrymen so much as might have been expected. Some of them, indeed, had seen a part of it before; and there were others, again, who had taken such a dislike to Omai, from his imprudent conduct at this place, that they would hardly look at any thing, however singular, that was exhibited by him.

CHAP. IV.

THE DAY OF SAILING FIXED.—PEACE MADE WITH EIMEO.—DEBATES ABOUT IT, AND OTOO’S CONDUCT BLAMED.—A SOLEMNITY AT THE MORAI ON THE OCCASION, DESCRIBED BY MR. KING.—OBSERVATIONS UPON IT.—INSTANCE OF OTOO’S ART.— OMAI’S WAR-CANOE, AND REMARKS UPON HIS BEHAVIOUR.—OTOO’S PRESENT, AND MESSAGE TO THE KING OF GREAT BRITAIN.—REFLECTIONS ON OUR MANNER OF TRAFFIC, AND ON THE GOOD TREATMENT WE MET WITH AT OTAHEITE.—ACCOUNT OF THE EXPEDITION OF THE SPANIARDS.—THEIR FICTIONS TO DEPRECIATE THE ENGLISH.—WISHES EXPRESSED THAT NO SETTLEMENT MAY BE MADE.—OMAI’S JEALOUSY OF ANOTHER TRAVELLER.

Early in the morning of the 22d, Otoo and his father came on board, to know when I proposed sailing. For, having been informed that there was a good harbour at Eimeo, I had told them that I should visit that island on my way to Huaheine; and they were desirous of taking a passage with me, and of their fleet sailing at the time to reinforce Towha. As I was ready to take my departure, I left it to them to name the day, and the Wednesday following was fixed upon, when I was to take on board Otoo, his father, mother, and, in short, the whole family. These points being settled, I proposed setting out immediately for Oparre, where all the fleet, fitted out, for the expedition, was to assemble this day, and to be reviewed.

I had but just time to get into my boat, when news was brought, that Towha had concluded a treaty with Maheine, and had returned with his fleet to Attahooroo. This unexpected event made all further proceedings in the military way quite unnecessary, and the war-canoes, instead of rendezvousing at Oparre, were ordered home to their respective districts. This alteration, however, did not hinder me from following Otoo to Oparre, accompanied by Mr. King and Omai. Soon after our arrival, and while dinner was preparing, a messenger arrived from Eimeo, and related the conditions of the peace, or rather of the truce, it being only for a limited time. The terms were disadvantageous to Otaheite; and much blame was thrown upon Otoo, whose delay in sending reinforcements had obliged Towha to submit to a disgraceful accommodation. It was even currently reported, that Towha, resenting his not being supported, had declared, that as soon as I could leave the island he would join his forces to those of Tiaraboo, and attack Otoo at Matavai or Oparre. This called upon me to declare, in the most public manner, that I was determined to espouse the interest of my friend against any such combination; and that whoever presumed to attack him, should feel the weight of my heavy displeasure, when I returned again to their island. My declaration probably had the desired effect; and if Towha had any such hostile intention at first, we soon heard no more of the report. Whappai, Otoo’s father, highly disapproved of the peace, and blamed Towha very much for concluding it. This sensible old man wisely judged, that my going down with them to Eimeo must have been of singular service to their cause, though I should take no other part whatever in the quarrel. And it was upon this that he built his arguments, and maintained that Otoo had acted properly by waiting for me, though this had prevented his giving assistance to Towha so soon as he expected.

Our debates at Oparre, on this subject, were hardly ended, before a messenger arrived from Towha, desiring Otoo’s attendance the next day at the _morai_ in Attahooroo, to give thanks to the gods for the peace he had concluded; at least such was Omai’s account to me of the object of this solemnity. I was asked to go; but being much out of order was obliged to decline it. Desirous, however, of knowing what ceremonies might be observed on so memorable an occasion, I sent Mr. King and Omai, and returned on board my ship, attended by Otoo’s mother, his three sisters, and eight more women. At first I thought that this numerous train of females came into my boat with no other view than to get a passage to Matavai. But when we arrived at the ship, they told me, they intended passing the night on board, for the express purpose of undertaking the cure of the disorder I complained of; which was a pain of the rheumatic kind, extending from the hip to the foot. I accepted the friendly offer, had a bed spread for them upon the cabin floor, and submitted myself to their directions. I was desired to lay myself down amongst them. Then, as many of them as could get round me, began to squeeze me with both hands, from head to foot, but more particularly on the parts where the pain was lodged, till they made my bones crack, and my flesh became a perfect mummy. In short, after undergoing this discipline about a quarter of an hour, I was glad to get away from them. However, the operation gave me immediate relief, which encouraged me to submit to another rubbing-down before I went to bed; and it was so effectual, that I found myself pretty easy all the night after. My female physicians repeated their prescription the next morning, before they went ashore, and again, in the evening, when they returned on board; after which, I found the pains entirely removed; and the cure being perfected, they took their leave of me the following morning. This they call _romee_; an operation which, in my opinion, far exceeds the flesh-brush, or any thing of the kind that we make use of externally. It is universally practised amongst these islanders; being sometimes performed by the men, but more generally by the women. If, at any time, one appears languid and tired, and sits down by any one of them, they immediately begin to practise the _romee_ upon his legs; and I have always found it to have an exceeding good effect.[6]

In the morning of the 25th, Otoo, Mr. King, and Omai, returned from Attahooroo; and Mr. King gave me the following account of what he had seen:

“Soon after you left me, a second messenger came from Towha, to Otoo, with a plantain-tree. It was sunset when we embarked in a canoe and left Oparre: about nine o’clock we landed at Tettaha, at that extremity which joins to Attahooroo. Before we landed, the people called to us from the shore, probably to tell us that Towha was there. The meeting of Otoo and this chief I expected would afford some incident worthy of observation. Otoo and his attendants went and seated themselves on the bench, close to the canoe in which Towha was. He was then asleep; but his servants having awaked him, and mentioning Otoo’s name, immediately a plantain-tree and a dog were laid at Otoo’s feet; and many of Towha’s people came and talked with him, as I conceived, about their expedition to Eimeo. After I had, for some time, remained seated close to Otoo, Towha neither stirring from his canoe, nor holding any conversation with us, I went to him. He asked me if _Toote_ was angry with him. I answered, No: that he was his _taio_; and that he had ordered me to go to Attahooroo to tell him so. Omai now had a long conversation with this chief; but I could gather no information of any kind from him. On my returning to Otoo, he seemed desirous that I should go to eat, and then to sleep. Accordingly, Omai and I left him. On questioning Omai, he said, the reason of Towha’s not stirring from his canoe was his being lame; but that, presently, Otoo and he would converse together in private. This seemed true; for, in a little time, those we left with Otoo came to us; and, about ten minutes after, Otoo himself arrived, and we all went to sleep in his canoe.

“The next morning, the _ava_ was in great plenty. One man drank so much that he lost his senses. I should have supposed him to be in a fit, from the convulsions that agitated him. Two men held him, and kept plucking off his hair by the roots. I left this spectacle to see another more affecting. This was the meeting of Towha and his wife, and a young girl, whom I understood to be his daughter. After the ceremony of cutting their heads, and discharging a tolerable quantity of blood and tears, they washed, embraced the chief, and seemed unconcerned. But the young girl’s sufferings were not yet come to an end. Terridiri[7] arrived; and she went, with great composure, to repeat the same ceremonies to him, which he had just performed on meeting her father. Towha had brought a large war-canoe from Eimeo. I enquired if he had killed the people belonging to her; and was told, that there was no man in her when she was captured.

“We left Tettaha, about ten or eleven o’clock, and landed, close to the _morai_ of Attahooroo, a little after noon. There lay three canoes, hauled upon the beach, opposite the _morai_, with three hogs exposed in each: their sheds, or awnings, had something under them which I could not discern. We expected the solemnity to be performed the same afternoon; but as neither Towha nor Potatou had joined us, nothing was done.

“A chief from Eimeo came with a small pig, and a plantain-tree, and placed them at Otoo’s feet. They talked some time together; and the Eimeo chief often repeating the words, _Warry, warry_, “false,” I supposed that Otoo was relating to him what he had heard, and that the other denied it.

“The next day (Wednesday), Towha and Potatou, with about eight large canoes, arrived, and landed near the _morai_. Many plantain-trees were brought, on the part of different chiefs, to Otoo. Towha did not stir from his canoe. The ceremony began by the principal priest bringing out the _maro_, wrapped up, and a bundle shaped like a large sugar-loaf. These were placed at the head of what I understood to be a grave. Then three priests came and sat down opposite, that is, at the other end of the grave; bringing with them a plantain-tree, the branch of some other tree, and the sheath of the flower of the cocoa-nut tree.

“The priests, with these things in their hands, separately repeated sentences; and, at intervals, two, and sometimes all three, sung a melancholy ditty, little attended to by the people. This praying and singing continued for an hour. Then, after a short prayer, the principal priest uncovered the _maro_; and Otoo rose up, and wrapped it about him, holding, at the same time, in his hand, a cap or bonnet, composed of the red feathers of the tail of the tropic bird, mixed with other feathers of a dark colour. He stood in the middle space, facing the three priests, who continued their prayers for about ten minutes; when a man, starting from the crowd, said something which ended with the word _heiva!_ and the crowd echoed back to him, three times, _Earee!_ This, as I had been told before, was the principal part of the solemnity.

“The company now moved to the opposite side of the great pile of stones, where is what they call the king’s _morai_; which is not unlike a large grave. Here the same ceremony was performed over again, and ended in three cheers. The _maro_ was now wrapped up, and encreased in its splendour by the addition of a small piece of red feathers, which one of the priests gave Otoo when he had it on, and which he stuck into it.

“From this place the people went to a large hut, close by the _morai_, where they seated themselves in much greater order than is usual among them. A man of Tiaraboo then made an oration, which lasted about ten minutes. He was followed by an Attahooroo man; afterward Potatou spoke with much greater fluency and grace than any of them; for, in general, they spoke in short, broken sentences, with a motion of the hand that was rather awkward. Tooteo, Otoo’s orator, spoke next, and after him a man from Eimeo. Two or three more speeches were made; but not much attended to. Omai told me, that the speeches declared that they should not fight, but all be friends. As many of the speakers expressed themselves with warmth, possibly there were some recriminations and protestations of their good intentions. In the midst of their speaking, a man of Attahooroo got up, with a sling fastened to his waist, and a large stone placed upon his shoulder. After parading near a quarter of an hour in the open space, repeating something in a singing tone, he threw the stone down. This stone, and a plantain-tree that lay at Otoo’s feet, were, after the speeches ended, carried to the _morai_; and one of the priests, and Otoo with him, said something upon the occasion.

“On our return to Oparre, the sea-breeze having set in, we were obliged to land, and had a pleasant walk through almost the whole extent of Tettaha to Oparre. A tree, with two bundles of dried leaves suspended upon it, marked the boundary of the two districts. The man who had performed the ceremony of the stone and sling came with us. With him Otoo’s father had a long conversation. He seemed very angry. I understood he was enraged at the part Towha had taken in the Eimeo business.”

From what I can judge of this solemnity, as thus described by Mr. King, it had not been wholly a thanksgiving, as Omai told us, but rather a confirmation of the treaty, or perhaps both. The grave, which Mr. King speaks of, seems to be the very spot where the celebration of the rites began, when the human sacrifice, at which I was present, was offered, and before which the victim was laid, after being removed from the sea side. It is at this part of the _morai_, also, that they first invest their kings with the _maro_. Omai, who had been present when Otoo was made king, described to me the whole ceremony, when we were here; and I find it to be almost the same, as this that Mr. King has now described, though we understood it to be upon a very different occasion. The plantain-tree, so often mentioned, is always the first thing introduced, not only in all their religious ceremonies, but in all their debates, whether of a public or private nature. It is also used on other occasions; perhaps many more than we know of. While Towha was at Eimeo, one or more messengers came from him to Otoo every day. The messenger always came with a young plantain-tree in his hand, which he laid down at Otoo’s feet, before he spoke a word; then seated himself before him, and related what he was charged with. I have seen two men in such high dispute that I expected they would proceed to blows; yet, on one laying a plantain-tree before the other, they have both become cool, and carried on the argument without farther animosity. In short, it is, upon all occasions, the olive-branch of these people.

The war with Eimeo, and the solemn rites which were the consequence of it, being thus finally closed, all our friends paid us a visit on the 26th; and, as they knew that we were upon the point of sailing, brought with them more hogs than we could take off their hands. For, having no salt left, to preserve any, we wanted no more than for present use.

The next day, I accompanied Otoo to Oparre; and, before I left it, I looked at the cattle and poultry, which I had consigned to my friend’s care, at that place. Every thing was in a promising way; and properly attended unto. Two of the geese and two of the ducks were sitting; but the pea and turkey hens had not begun to lay. I got from Otoo four goats; two of which I intended to leave at Ulietea, where none had as yet been introduced; and the other two, I proposed to reserve for the use of any other islands I might meet with in my passage to the north.

A circumstance which I shall now mention of Otoo, will shew that these people are capable of much address and art to gain their purposes. Amongst other things which, at different times, I had given to this chief, was a spying-glass. After having it in his possession two or three days, tired of its novelty, and probably finding it of no use to him, he carried it privately to Captain Clerke, and told him, that, as he had been his very good friend, he had got a present for him, which he knew would be agreeable. “But, says Otoo, you must not let _Toote_ know it; because he wants it, and I would not let him have it.” He then put the glass into Captain Clerke’s hands; at the same time, assuring him, that he came honestly by it. Captain Clerke at first declined accepting it; but Otoo insisted upon it, and left it with him. Some days after, he put Captain Clerke in mind of the glass; who, though he did not want it, was yet desirous of obliging Otoo; and thinking, that a few axes would be of more use at this island, produced four to give him in return. Otoo no sooner saw this, than he said, “_Toote_ offered me five for it.” “Well, says Captain Clerke, if that be the case, your friendship for me shall not make you a loser, and you shall have six axes.” These he accepted; but desired again, that I might not be told what he had done.

Our friend Omai got one good thing at this island for the many good things he gave away. This was a very fine double sailing canoe, completely equipped, and fit for the sea. Some time before, I had made up for him, a suit of English colours; but he thought these too valuable to be used at this time; and patched up a parcel of colours, such as flags and pendants, to the number of ten or a dozen, which he spread on different parts of this vessel, all at the same time; and drew together as many people to look at her, as a man-of-war would, dressed, in a European port. These streamers of Omai were a mixture of English, French, Spanish, and Dutch, which were all the European colours that he had seen. When I was last at this island, I gave to Otoo an English jack and pendant, and to Towha a pendant; which I now found they had preserved with the greatest care.

Omai had also provided himself with a good stock of cloth and cocoa-nut oil, which are not only in greater plenty, but much better at Otaheite than at any of the Society islands; insomuch, that they are articles of trade. Omai would not have behaved so inconsistently, and so much unlike himself, as he did, in many instances, but for his sister and brother-in-law, who, together with a few more of their acquaintance, engrossed him entirely to themselves, with no other view than to strip him of every thing he had got. And they would, undoubtedly, have succeeded in their scheme, if I had not put a stop to it in time, by taking the most useful articles of his property into my possession. But even this would not have saved Omai from ruin, if I had suffered these relations of his to have gone with, or to have followed us to, his intended place of settlement, Huaheine. This they had intended; but I disappointed their farther views of plunder, by forbidding them to shew themselves in that island, while I remained in the neighbourhood; and they knew me too well not to comply.

On the 28th, Otoo came on board, and informed me, that he had got a canoe, which he desired I would take with me, and carry home, as a present from him to the _Earee rahie no Pretane_; it being the only thing, he said, that he could send worth his Majesty’s acceptance. I was not a little pleased with Otoo for this mark of his gratitude. It was a thought entirely his own, not one of us having given him the least hint about it; and it shewed that he fully understood to whom he was indebted for the most valuable presents that he had received. At first, I thought that this canoe had been a model of one of their vessels of war; but I soon found that it was a small _ivahah_, about sixteen feet long. It was double, and seemed to have been built for the purpose; and was decorated with all those pieces of carved work, which they usually fix upon their canoes. As it was too large for me to take on board, I could only thank him for his good intentions; but it would have pleased him much better, if his present could have been accepted.

We were detained here some days longer than I expected, by light breezes from the west, and calms by turns; so that we could not get out of the bay. During this time, the ships were crowded with our friends, and surrounded by a multitude of canoes; for not one would leave the place till we were gone. At length, at three o’clock in the afternoon of the 29th, the wind came at east, and we weighed anchor.

As soon as the ships were under sail, at the request of Otoo, and to gratify the curiosity of his people, I fired seven guns, loaded with shot; after which, all our friends, except him, and two or three more, left us with such marks of affection and grief, as sufficiently shewed how much they regretted our departure. Otoo being desirous of seeing the ship sail, I made a stretch out to sea, and then in again; when he also bid us farewell, and went ashore in his canoe.

The frequent visits we have lately paid to this island, seem to have created a full persuasion, that the intercourse will not be discontinued. It was strictly enjoined to me by Otoo, to request, in his name, the _Earee rahie no Pretane_, to send him, by the next ships, red feathers, and the birds that produce them; axes; half a dozen muskets, with powder and shot; and, by no means, to forget horses.

I have occasionally mentioned my receiving considerable presents from Otoo, and the rest of the family, without specifying what returns I made. It is customary for these people, when they make a present, to let us know what they expect in return; and we find it necessary to gratify them; so that what we get by way of present, comes dearer than what we get by barter. But as we were sometimes pressed by occasional scarcity, we could have recourse to our friends for a present, or supply, when we could not get our wants relieved by any other method; and therefore, upon the whole, this way of traffic was full as advantageous to us as to the natives. For the most part, I paid for each separate article as I received it, except in my intercourse with Otoo. His presents generally came so fast upon me, that no account was kept between us. Whatever he asked for, that I could spare, he had whenever he asked for it; and I always found him moderate in his demands.

If I could have prevailed upon Omai to fix himself at Otaheite, I should not have left it so soon as I did; for there was not a probability of our being better or cheaper supplied with refreshments at any other place, than we continued to be here, even at the time of our leaving it. Besides, such a cordial friendship and confidence subsisted between us and the inhabitants, as could hardly be expected any where else; and, it was a little extraordinary, that this friendly intercourse had never once been suspended by any untoward accident; nor had there been a theft committed that deserves to be mentioned. Not that I believe their morals, in this respect, to be much mended; but am rather of opinion, that their regularity of conduct was owing to the fear the chiefs were under of interrupting a traffic which they might consider as the means of securing to themselves a more considerable share of our commodities than could have been got by plunder or pilfering. Indeed, this point I settled at the first interview with their chiefs, after my arrival. For, observing the great plenty that was in the island, and the eagerness of the natives to possess our various articles of trade, I resolved to make the most of these two favourable circumstances, and explained myself, in the most decisive terms, that I would not suffer them to rob us, as they had done upon many former occasions. In this Omai was of great use, as I instructed him to point out to them the good consequences of their honest conduct; and the fatal mischiefs they must expect to suffer by deviating from it.

It is not always in the power of the chiefs to prevent robberies; they are frequently robbed themselves; and complain of it as a great evil. Otoo left the most valuable things he had from me in my possession, till the day before we sailed; and the reason he gave for it was, that they were no where so safe. Since the bringing in of new riches, the inducements to pilfering must have increased. The chiefs, sensible of this, are now extremely desirous of chests. They seemed to set much value upon a few the Spaniards had left amongst them; and they were continually asking us for some. I had one made for Otoo, the dimensions of which, according to his own directions, were eight feet in length, five in breadth, and about three in depth. Locks and bolts were not a sufficient security; but it must be large enough for two people to sleep upon, by way of guarding it in the night.

It will appear a little extraordinary, that we, who had a smattering of their language, and Omai, besides, for an interpreter, could never get any clear account of the time when the Spaniards arrived, how long they stayed, and when they departed. The more we inquired into this matter, the more we were convinced of the inability of most of these people to remember, or note the time, when past events happened; especially if it exceeded ten or twenty months. It, however, appeared, by the date of the inscription upon the cross, and by the information we received from the most intelligent of the natives, that two ships arrived at Oheitepeha in 1774, soon after I left Matavai, which was in May, the same year. They brought with them the house and live-stock before mentioned. Some said, that, after landing these things, and some men, they sailed in quest of me, and returned in about ten days. But I have some doubt of the truth of this, as they were never seen, either at Huaheine, or at Ulietea. The live-stock they left here, consisted of one bull, some goats, hogs, and dogs, and the male of some other animal; which we afterwards found to be a ram, and, at this time, was at Bolabola, whither the bull was also to have been transported.

The hogs are of a large kind; have already greatly improved the breed originally found by us upon the island; and, at the time of our late arrival, were very numerous; Goats are, also, in tolerable plenty; there being hardly a chief of any note that has not got some. As to the dogs that the Spaniards put ashore, which are of two or three sorts, I think they would have done the island a great deal more service, if they had hanged them all, instead of leaving them upon it. It was to one of them that my young ram fell a victim.

When these ships left the islands, four Spaniards remained behind. Two were priests, one a servant, and the fourth made himself very popular among the natives, who distinguish him by the name of Mateema. He seems to have been a person who had studied their language; or, at least, to have spoken it so as to be understood; and to have taken uncommon pains to impress the minds of the islanders with the most exalted ideas of the greatness of the Spanish nation, and to make them think meanly of the English. He even went so far as to assure them, that we no longer existed as an independent nation; that _Pretane_ was only a small island, which they, the Spaniards, had entirely destroyed; and for me, that they had met with me at sea, and, with a few shot, had sent my ship, and every soul in her, to the bottom; so that my visiting Otaheite, at this time, was, of course, very unexpected. All this, and many other improbable falsehoods, did this Spaniard make these people believe. If Spain had no other views in this expedition, but to depreciate the English, they had better have kept their ships at home; for my returning again to Otaheite was considered as a complete confutation of all that Mateema had said.

With what design the priests stayed, we can only guess. If it was to convert the natives to the catholic faith, they have not succeeded in any one instance. But it does not appear that they ever attempted it; for, if the natives are to be believed, they never conversed with them, either on this, or on any other subject. The priests resided constantly in the house at Oheitepeha; but Mateema roved about, visiting most parts of the island. At length, after he and his companions had staid ten months, two ships came to Oheitepeha, took them on board, and sailed again in five days. This hasty departure shews, that, whatever design the Spaniards might have had upon this island, they had now laid it aside. And yet, as I was informed by Otoo, and many others, before they went away, they would have the natives believe that they still meant to return, and to bring with them houses, all kinds of animals, and men and women, who were to settle, live, and die on the island. Otoo, when he told me this, added, that if the Spaniards should return, he would not let them come to Matavai Fort, which, he said, was our’s. It was easy to see that the idea pleased him; little thinking, that the completion of it would at once deprive him of his kingdom, and the people of their liberties. This shews with what facility a settlement might be made at Otaheite; which, grateful as I am for repeated good offices, I hope will never happen. Our occasional visits may, in some respects, have benefited its inhabitants; but a permanent establishment amongst them, conducted as most European establishments amongst Indian nations have unfortunately been, would, I fear, give them just cause to lament, that our ships had ever found them out. Indeed, it is very unlikely, that any measure of this kind should ever be seriously thought of, as it can neither serve the purposes of public ambition, nor of private avarice; and, without such inducements, I may pronounce, that it will never be undertaken.

I have already mentioned the visit that I had from one of the two natives of this island, who had been carried by the Spaniards to Lima. I never saw him afterward; which I rather wondered at, as I had received him with uncommon civility. I believe, however, that Omai had kept him at a distance from me, by some rough usage; jealous that there should be another traveller upon the island who might vie with himself. Our touching at Teneriffe was a fortunate circumstance for Omai; as he prided himself in having visited a place belonging to Spain, as well as this man. I did not meet with the other, who had returned from Lima; but Captain Clerke, who had seen him, spoke of him as a low fellow, and as a little out of his senses. His own countrymen, I found, agreed in the same account of him. In short, these two adventurers seemed to be held in no esteem. They had not, indeed, been so fortunate as to return home with such valuable acquisitions of property as we had bestowed upon Omai; and with the advantages he reaped from his voyage to England, it must be his own fault if he should sink into the same state of insignificance.

CHAP. V.

ARRIVAL AT EIMEO.—TWO HARBOURS THERE, AND AN ACCOUNT OF THEM.—VISIT FROM MAHEINE, CHIEF OF THE ISLAND.—HIS PERSON DESCRIBED.—A GOAT STOLEN, AND SENT BACK WITH THE THIEF.—ANOTHER GOAT STOLEN, AND SECRETED.—MEASURES TAKEN ON THE OCCASION.—EXPEDITION CROSS THE ISLAND.—HOUSES AND CANOES BURNT.—THE GOAT DELIVERED UP, AND PEACE RESTORED.—SOME ACCOUNT OF THE ISLAND, &C.

As I did not give up my design of touching at Eimeo, at day-break, in the morning of the 30th, after leaving Otaheite, I stood for the north end of the island; the harbour, which I wished to examine, being at that part of it. Omai, in his canoe, having arrived there long before us, had taken some necessary measures to show us the place. However, we were not without pilots, having several men of Otaheite on board, and not a few women. Not caring to trust entirely to these guides, I sent two boats to examine the harbour, and, on their making the signal for safe anchorage, we stood in with the ships, and anchored close up to the head of the inlet, in ten fathoms water, over a bottom of soft mud, and moored with a hawser fast to the shore.

This harbour, which is called Taloo, is situated upon the north side of the island, in the district of Oboonohoo, or Poonohoo. It runs in south, or south by east, between the hills, above two miles. For security and goodness of its bottom, it is not inferior to any harbour that I have met with at any of the islands in this ocean; and it has this advantage over most of them, that a ship can sail in and out with the reigning trade-wind; so that the access and recess are equally easy. There are several rivulets that fall into it. The one at the head is so considerable as to admit boats to go a quarter of a mile up, where we found the water perfectly fresh. Its banks are covered with the _pooroo_ tree, as it is called by the natives, which makes good firing, and which they set no value upon; so that wood and water are to be got here with great facility.

On the same side of the island, and about two miles to the eastward, is the harbour of Parowroah, much larger within than that of Taloo; but the entrance, or opening in the reef, (for the whole island is surrounded with a reef of coral rock) is considerably narrower, and lies to leeward of the harbour. These two defects are so striking, that the harbour of Taloo must always have a decided preference. It is a little extraordinary, that I should have been three times at Otaheite before, and have once sent a boat to Eimeo, and yet not know till now that there was a harbour in it; on the contrary, I always understood there was not; whereas, there are not only the two above mentioned, but one or two more on the south side of the island; but these last are not so considerable as the two we have just described, and of which a sketch has been made for the use of those who may follow us in such a voyage.

We had no sooner anchored than the ships were crowded with the inhabitants, whom curiosity alone brought on board; for they had nothing with them for the purposes of barter. But, the next morning, this deficiency was supplied; several canoes then arriving from more distant parts, which brought with them abundance of bread-fruit, cocoa-nuts, and a few hogs. These they exchanged for hatchets, nails, and beads, for red feathers were not so much sought after here as at Otaheite. The ship being a good deal pestered with rats, I hauled her within thirty yards of the shore, as near as the depth of water would allow, and made a path for them to get to the land, by fastening hawsers to the trees. It is said that this experiment has sometimes succeeded; but, I believe, we got clear of very few, if any, of the numerous tribe that haunted us.

In the morning of the 2d, Maheine, the chief of the island, paid me a visit. He approached the ship with great caution, and it required some persuasion to get him on board. Probably, he was under some apprehensions of mischief from us, as friends of the Otaheiteans; these people not being able to comprehend how we can be friends with any one, without adopting, at the same time, his cause against his enemies. Maheine was accompanied by his wife, who, as I was informed, is sister to Oamo of Otaheite, of whose death we had an account while we were at this island. I made presents to both of them, of such things as they seemed to set the highest value upon; and after a stay of about half an hour, they went away. Not long after, they returned with a large hog, which they meant as a return for my present; but I made them another present to the full value of it. After this, they paid a visit to Captain Clerke.

This chief, who, with a few followers, has made himself in a manner independent of Otaheite, is between forty and fifty years old. He is bald-headed, which is rather an uncommon appearance in these islands at that age. He wore a kind of turban, and seemed ashamed to shew his head. But whether they themselves considered this deficiency of hair as a mark of disgrace, or whether they entertained a notion of our considering it as such, I cannot say. We judged that the latter supposition was the truth, from this circumstance, that they had seen us shave the head of one of their people, whom we had caught stealing. They therefore concluded that this was the punishment usually inflicted by us upon all thieves; and one or two of our gentlemen, whose heads were not over-burthened with hair, we could observe, lay under violent suspicions of being _tetos_.

In the evening, Omai and I mounted on horseback, and took a ride along the shore to the eastward. Our train was not very numerous, as Omai had forbid the natives to follow us; and many complied, the fear of giving offence getting the better of their curiosity. Towha had stationed his fleet in this harbour; and though the war lasted but a few days, the marks of its devastation were every where to be seen. The trees were stripped of their fruit; and all the houses in the neighbourhood had been pulled down or burnt.

Having employed two or three days in getting up all our spirit-casks to tar their heads, which we found necessary to save them from the efforts of a small insect to destroy them, we hauled the ship off into the stream on the 6th, in the morning, intending to put to sea the next day; but an accident happened that prevented it, and gave me a good deal of trouble. We had sent our goats ashore in the day time to graze, with two men to look after them; notwithstanding which precaution, the natives had contrived to steal one of them this evening. The loss of this goat would have been of little consequence, if it had not interfered with my views of stocking other islands with these animals; but this being the case, it became necessary to recover it, if possible. The next morning we got intelligence, that it had been carried to Maheine, the chief, who was at this time at Parowroah harbour. Two old men offered to conduct any of my people whom I might think proper to send to him, to bring back the goat. Accordingly, I dispatched them in a boat, charged with a threatening message to Maheine, if the goat was not immediately given up to me, and also the thief.

It was only the day before, that this chief had requested me to give him two goats. But, as I could not spare them, unless at the expence of other islands that might never have another opportunity to get any, and had, besides, heard that there were already two upon this island, I did not gratify him. However, to shew my inclination to assist his views in this respect, I desired Tidooa, an Otaheite chief who was present, to beg Otoo, in my name, to send two of these animals to Maheine; and, by way of insuring a compliance with this request, I sent to Otoo by this chief; a large piece of red feathers, equal to the value of the two goats that I required. I expected that this arrangement would have been satisfactory to Maheine and all the other chiefs of the island; but the event showed that I was mistaken.

Not thinking that any one would dare to steal a second, at the very time I was taking measures to recover the first, the goats were put ashore again this morning; and in the evening a boat was sent to bring them on board. As our people were getting them into the boat, one was carried off undiscovered. It being immediately missed, I made no doubt of recovering it without much trouble, as there had not been time to carry it to any considerable distance. Ten or twelve of the natives set out soon after, different ways, to bring it back or to look for it; for not one of them would own that it was stolen, but all tried to persuade us that it had strayed into the woods; and, indeed, I thought so myself. I was convinced to the contrary, however, when I found that none of those who went in pursuit of it returned; so that their only view was to amuse me, till their prize was beyond my reach; and, night coming on, put a stop to all further search. About this time the boat returned with the other goat, bringing also one of the men who had stolen it; the first instance of the kind that I had met with amongst these islands.

The next morning, I found that most of the inhabitants in the neighbourhood had moved off, carrying with them a corpse which lay on a _toopapaoo_ opposite the ship; and that Maheine himself had retired to the most distant part of the island. It seemed now no longer doubtful, that a plan had been laid to steal what I had refused to give; and that, though they had restored one, they were resolved to keep the other; which was a she-goat and big with kid. I was equally fixed in my resolution that they should not keep it. I therefore applied to the two old men who had been instrumental in getting back the first. They told me, that this had been carried to Watea, a district on the south side of the island, by Hamoa, the chief of that place; but that, if I would send any body for it, it would be delivered up. They offered to conduct some of my people cross the island; but on my learning from them that a boat might go and return the same day, I sent one, with two petty officers, Mr. Roberts and Mr. Shuttleworth; one to remain with the boat, in case she could not get to the place, while the other should go with the guides, and one or two of our people.

Late in the evening the boat returned, and the officers informed me, that after proceeding as far in the boat as rocks and shoals would permit, Mr. Shuttleworth with two marines and one of the guides landed and travelled to Watea, to the house of Hamoa, where the people of the place amused them for some time, by telling them that the goat would soon be brought, and pretended they had sent for it. It, however, never came, and the approach of night obliged Mr. Shuttleworth to return to the boat without it.

I was now very sorry that I had proceeded so far, as I could not retreat with any tolerable credit, and without giving encouragement to the people of the other islands we had yet to visit, to rob us with impunity. I asked Omai and the two old men what methods I should next take; and they, without hesitation, advised me to go with a party of men into the country, and shoot every soul I should meet with. This bloody counsel I could not follow; but I resolved to march a party of men cross the island; and at day-break the next morning, set out with thirty-five of my people, accompanied by one of the old men, by Omai, and three or four of his attendants. At the same time, I ordered Lieutenant Williamson with three armed boats round the western part of the island to meet us.

I had no sooner landed with my party, than the few natives who still remained in the neighbourhood fled before us. The first man that we met with upon our march, ran some risk of his life; for Omai, the moment he saw him, asked me if he should shoot him; so fully was he persuaded that I was going to carry his advice into execution. I immediately ordered both him and our guide to make it known, that I did not intend to hurt, much less to kill, a single native. These glad tidings flew before us like lightning, and stopped the flight of the inhabitants; so that no one quitted his house or employment afterward.

As we began to ascend the ridge of hills over which lay our road, we got intelligence that the goat had been carried that way before us; and, as we understood, could not as yet have passed the hills; so that we marched up in great silence, in hopes of surprizing the party who were bearing off the prize. But when we had got to the uppermost plantation on side of the ridge, the people there told us, that what we were in search of had, indeed, been kept there the first night, but had been carried the next morning to Watea by Hamoa. We then crossed the ridge without making any further enquiry, till we came within sight of Watea, where some people showed us Hamoa’s house, and told us that the goat was there, so that I made no doubt of getting it immediately upon my arrival. But when I reached the house, to my very great surprize, the few people we met with denied that they had ever seen it, or knew any thing about it; even Hamoa himself came and made the same declaration.

On our first coming to the place, I observed several men running to and fro in the woods, with clubs and bundles of darts in their hands; and Omai, who followed them, had some stones thrown at him, so that it seemed as if they had intended to oppose any step I should take by force; but, on seeing my party was too strong, had dropped the design. I was confirmed in this notion, by observing that all their houses were empty. After getting a few of the people of the place together, I desired Omai to expostulate with them on the absurdity of the conduct they were pursuing; and to tell them that, from the testimony of many on whom I could depend, I was well assured, that the goat was in their possession, and, therefore, insisted upon its being delivered up, otherwise I would burn their houses and canoes. But notwithstanding all that I or Omai could say, they continued to deny their having any knowledge of it. The consequence was, that I set fire to six or eight houses, which were presently consumed, with two or three war-canoes that lay contiguous to them. This done, I marched off to join the boats, which were about seven or eight miles from us; and, in our way, we burnt six more war-canoes, without any one attempting to oppose us; on the contrary, many assisted, though probably, more out of fear than good-will. In one place, Omai, who had advanced a little before, came back with information that a great many men were getting together to attack us. We made ready to receive them, but instead of enemies we found petitioners with plantain-trees in their hands, which they laid down at my feet, and begged that I would spare a canoe that lay close by, which I readily complied with.

At length, about four in the afternoon, we got to the boats, that were waiting at Wharrarade, the district belonging to Tiarataboonoue; but this chief, as well as all the principal people of the place, had fled to the hills; though I touched not a single thing that was their property, as they were the friends of Otoo. After resting ourselves here about an hour, we set out for the ships, where we arrived about eight o’clock in the evening. At that time, no account of the goat had been received; so that the operations of this day had not produced the desired effect.

Early next morning, I dispatched one of Omai’s men to Maheine, with this peremptory message, that if he persisted in his refusal, I would not leave him a single canoe upon the island, and that he might expect a continuation of hostilities as long as the stolen animal remained in his possession. And, that the messenger might see that I was in earnest, before he left me I sent the carpenter to break up three or four canoes that lay ashore at the head of the harbour. The plank was carried on board, as materials for building a house for Omai, at the place where he intended to settle. I afterward went, properly accompanied, to the next harbour, where we broke up three or four more canoes, and burnt an equal number; and then returned on board about seven in the evening. On my arrival I found that the goat had been brought back about half an hour before; and, on enquiry, it appeared that it had come from the very place where I had been told the day before, by the inhabitants, that they knew nothing of it. But in consequence of the message I sent to the chief in the morning, it was judged prudent to trifle with me no longer.

Thus ended this troublesome and rather unfortunate business; which could not be more regretted on the part of the natives, than it was on mine. And it grieved me to reflect, that, after refusing the pressing solicitations of my friends at Otaheite, to favour their invasion of this island, I should so soon find myself reduced to the necessity of engaging in hostilities against its inhabitants, which, perhaps, did them more mischief than they had suffered from Towha’s expedition.

The next morning our intercourse with the natives was renewed; and several canoes brought to the ships bread-fruit and cocoa-nuts to barter; from whence it was natural for me to draw this conclusion, that they were conscious it was their own fault, if I had treated them with severity; and that the cause of my displeasure being removed, they had a full confidence that no further mischief would ensue. About nine o’clock we weighed, with a breeze down the harbour; but it proved so faint and variable, that it was noon before we got out to sea, when I steered for Huaheine, attended by Omai in his canoe. He did not depend entirely upon his own judgment, but had got on board a pilot. I observed, that they shaped as direct a course for the island as I could do.

At Eimeo we abundantly supplied the ships with fire-wood. We had not taken in any at Otaheite, where the procuring this article would have been very inconvenient; there not being a tree at Matavai, but what is useful to the inhabitants. We also got here good store of refreshments, both in hogs and vegetables; that is, bread-fruit and cocoa-nuts; little else being in season. I do not know that there is any difference between the produce of this island and of Otaheite; but there is a very striking difference in their women, that I can by no means account for. Those of Eimeo are of low stature, have a dark hue, and, in general, forbidding features. If we met with a fine woman amongst them, we were sure, upon enquiry, to find that she had come from some other island.

The general appearance of Eimeo is very different from that of Otaheite. The latter rising in one steep hilly body, has little low land, except some deep valleys; and the flat border that surrounds the greatest part of it, toward the sea. Eimeo, on the contrary, has hills running in different directions, which are very steep and rugged, leaving, in the interspaces, very large valleys, and gently-rising grounds about their sides. These hills, though of a rocky disposition, are in general covered almost to their tops with trees; but the lower parts, on the sides, frequently only with fern. At the bottom of the harbour where we lay, the ground rises gently to the foot of the hills which run across nearly in the middle of the island; but its flat border, on each side, at a very small distance from the sea, becomes quite steep. This gives it a romantic cast, which renders it a prospect superior to any thing we saw at Otaheite. The soil, about the low grounds, is a yellowish and pretty stiff mould; but, upon the lower hills, it is blacker and more loose; and the stone that composes the hills is, when broken, of a blueish colour, but not very compact texture, with some particles of _glimmer_ interspersed. These particulars seem worthy of observation. Perhaps the reader will think differently of my judgment, when I add, that, near the station of our ships, were two large stones, or rather rocks, concerning which the natives have some superstitious notions. They consider them as _Eatooas_, or divinities; saying that they are brother and sister, and that they came, by some supernatural means, from Ulietea.

CHAP. VI.

ARRIVAL AT HUAHEINE.—COUNCIL OF THE CHIEFS.—OMAI’S OFFERINGS, AND SPEECH TO THE CHIEFS.—HIS ESTABLISHMENT IN THIS ISLAND AGREED TO.—A HOUSE BUILT, AND GARDEN PLANTED FOR HIM.—SINGULARITY OF HIS SITUATION— MEASURES TAKEN TO INSURE HIS SAFETY.—DAMAGE DONE BY COCK-ROACHES, ON BOARD THE SHIPS.—A THIEF DETECTED AND PUNISHED.—FIRE-WORKS EXHIBITED.— ANIMALS LEFT WITH OMAI.—HIS FAMILY.—WEAPONS.—INSCRIPTIONS ON HIS HOUSE.—HIS BEHAVIOUR ON THE SHIP’S LEAVING THE ISLAND.—SUMMARY VIEW OF HIS CONDUCT AND CHARACTER.—ACCOUNT OF THE TWO NEW ZEALAND YOUTHS.

Having left Eimeo, with a gentle breeze and fine weather, at day-break the next morning we saw Huaheine, extending from south-west by west, half west, to west by north. At noon we anchored at the north entrance of Owharre harbour[8], which is on the west side of the island. The whole afternoon was spent in warping the ships into a proper birth, and mooring. Omai entered the harbour just before us, in his canoe, but did not land. Nor did he take much notice of any of his countrymen, though many crowded to see him; but far more of them came off to the ships, insomuch that we could hardly work on account of their numbers. Our passengers presently acquainted them with what we had done at Eimeo, and multiplied the number of houses and canoes that we had destroyed, by ten at least. I was not sorry for this exaggerated account; as I saw that it made a great impression upon all who heard it; so that I had hopes it would induce the inhabitants of this island to behave better to us than they had done during my former visits.

While I was at Otaheite, I had learned that my old friend Oree was no longer the chief of Huaheine; and that, at this time, he resided at Ulietea. Indeed, he never had been more than regent during the minority of Taireetareea, the present _Earee rahie_; but he did not give up the regency till he was forced. His two sons, Opoony and Towha, were the first who paid me a visit, coming on board before the ship was well in the harbour, and bringing a present with them.

Our arrival brought all the principal people of the island to our ships on the next morning, being the 13th. This was just what I wished, as it was high time to think of settling Omai; and the presence of these chiefs, I guessed, would enable me to do it in the most satisfactory manner. He now seemed to have an inclination to establish himself at Ulietea; and if he and I could have agreed about the mode of bringing that plan to bear, I should have had no objection to adopt it. His father had been dispossessed by the men of Bolabola, when they conquered Ulietea, of some land in that island; and I made no doubt of being able to get it restored to the son in an amicable manner. For that purpose it was necessary that he should be upon good terms with those who now were masters of the island; but he was too great a patriot to listen to any such thing; and was vain enough to suppose that I would reinstate him in his forfeited lands by force. This made it impossible to fix him at Ulietea, and pointed out to me Huaheine as the proper place. I therefore resolved to avail myself of the presence of the chief men of the island, and to make this proposal to them.

After the hurry of the morning was over, we got ready to pay a formal visit to Taireetareea, meaning then to introduce his business. Omai dressed himself very properly on the occasion; and prepared a handsome present for the chief himself, and another for his _Eatooa_. Indeed, after he had got clear of the gang that surrounded him at Otaheite, he behaved with such prudence as to gain respect. Our landing drew most of our visitors from the ships; and they, as well as those that were on shore, assembled in a large house. The concourse of people, on this occasion, was very great; and amongst them, there appeared to be a greater proportion of personal men and women than we had ever seen in one assembly at any of these new islands. Not only the bulk of the people seemed in general much stouter and fairer than those of Otaheite, but there was also a much greater number of men who appeared to be of consequence, in proportion to the extent of the island; most of whom had exactly the corpulent appearance of the chiefs of Wateeo. We waited some time for Taireetareea, as I would do nothing till the _Earee rahie_ came; but when he appeared, I found that his presence might have been dispensed with, as he was not above eight or ten years of age. Omai, who stood at a little distance from this circle of great men, began with making his offering to the gods, consisting of red feathers, cloth, &c. Then followed another offering, which was to be given to the gods by the chief; and, after that, several other small pieces and tufts of red feathers were presented. Each article was laid before one of the company, who, I understood, was a priest, and was delivered with a set speech or prayer, spoken by one of Omai’s friends, who sat by him, but mostly dictated by himself. In these prayers, he did not forget his friends in England, nor those who had brought him safe back. The _Earee rahie no Pretane_, Lord Sandwich, _Toote_, _Tatee_[9], were mentioned in every one of them. When Omai’s offerings and prayers were finished, the priest took each article, in the same order in which it had been laid before him, and after repeating a prayer, sent it to the _morai_; which, as Omai told us, was at a great distance, otherwise the offerings would have been made there.

These religious ceremonies having been performed, Omai sat down by me, and we entered upon business, by giving the young chief my present, and receiving his in return; and, all things considered, they were liberal enough on both sides. Some arrangements were next agreed upon, as to the manner of carrying on the intercourse betwixt us; and I pointed out the mischievous consequences that would attend their robbing us, as they had done during my former visits. Omai’s establishment was then proposed to the assembled chiefs.

He acquainted them, “That he had been carried by us into our country, where he was well received by the great king and his _Earees_, and treated with every mark of regard and affection, while he staid amongst us; that he had been brought back again, enriched by our liberality with a variety of articles, which would prove very useful to his countrymen; and that, besides the two horses which were to remain with him, several other new and valuable animals had been left at Otaheite, which would soon multiply, and furnish a sufficient number for the use of all the islands in the neighbourhood. He then signified to them, that it was my earnest request, in return for all my friendly offices, that they would give him a piece of land, to build a house upon, and to raise provisions for himself and servants; adding, that, if this could not be obtained for him at Huaheine, either by gift or by purchase, I was determined to carry him to Ulietea, and fix him there.”

Perhaps I have here made a better speech for my friend, than he actually delivered; but these were the topics I dictated to him. I observed, that what he concluded with, about carrying him to Ulietea, seemed to meet with the approbation of all the chiefs; and I instantly saw the reason. Omai had, as I have already mentioned, vainly flattered himself, that I meant to use force in restoring him to his father’s lands in Ulietea, and he had talked idly, and without any authority from me, on this subject, to some of the present assembly; who dreamed of nothing less than a hostile invasion of Ulietea, and of being assisted by me to drive the Bolabola men out of that island. It was of consequence, therefore, that I should undeceive them; and in order to this, I signified, in the most peremptory manner, that I neither would assist them in such an enterprize, nor suffer it to be put in execution, while I was in their seas; and that, if Omai fixed himself in Ulietea, he must be introduced as a friend, and not forced upon the Bolabola men as their conqueror.

This declaration gave a new turn to the sentiments of the council. One of the chiefs immediately expressed himself to this effect: “That the whole island of Huaheine, and every thing in it, were mine; and that, therefore, I might give what portion of it I pleased to my friend.” Omai, who like the rest of his countrymen, seldom sees things beyond the present moment, was greatly pleased to hear this; thinking, no doubt, that I should be very liberal, and give him enough. But to offer what it would have been improper to accept, I considered as offering nothing at all; and, therefore, I now desired, that they would not only assign the particular spot, but also the exact quantity of land which they would allot for the settlement. Upon this, some chiefs, who had already left the assembly, were sent for; and after a short consultation among themselves, my request was granted by general consent; and the ground immediately pitched upon, adjoining to the house where our meeting was held. The extent, along the shore of the harbour, was about two hundred yards; and its depth, to the foot of the hill, somewhat more; but a proportional part of the hill was included in the grant.

This business being settled to the satisfaction of all parties, I set up a tent ashore, established a post, and erected the observatories. The carpenters of both ships were also set to work, to build a small house for Omai, in which he might secure the European commodities that were his property. At the same time, some hands were employed in making a garden for his use, planting shaddocks, vines, pine-apples, melons, and the seeds of several other vegetable articles; all of which I had the satisfaction of observing to be in a flourishing state before I left the island.

Omai now began seriously to attend to his own affairs, and repented heartily of his ill-judged prodigality while at Otaheite. He found at Huaheine, a brother, a sister, and a brother-in-law; the sister being married. But these did not plunder him, as he had lately been by his other relations. I was sorry, however, to discover, that, though they were too honest to do him any injury, they were of too little consequence in the island to do him any positive good. They had neither authority nor influence to protect his person or his property; and, in that helpless situation, I had reason to apprehend, that he ran great risk of being stripped of every thing he had got from us, as soon as he should cease to have us within his reach, to enforce the good behaviour of his countrymen, by an immediate appeal to our irresistible power.

A man who is richer than his neighbours is sure to be envied by numbers who wish to see him brought down to their own level. But in countries where civilization, law, and religion, impose their restraints, the rich have a reasonable ground of security. And, besides, there being, in all such communities, a diffusion of property, no single individual need fear, that the efforts of all the poorer sort can ever be united to injure him, exclusively of others who are equally the objects of envy. It was very different with Omai. He was to live amongst those who are strangers, in a great measure, to any other principle of action besides the immediate impulse of their natural feelings. But what was his principal danger, he was to be placed in the very singular situation, of being the only rich man in the community to which he was to belong; and having, by a fortunate connection with us, got into his possession an accumulated quantity of a species of treasure which none of his countrymen could create by any art or industry of their own: while all coveted a share of this envied wealth, it was natural to apprehend, that all would be ready to join in attempting to strip its sole proprietor.

To prevent this, if possible, I desired him to make a proper distribution of some of his moveables to two or three of the principal chiefs; who, being thus gratified themselves, might be induced to take him under their patronage, and protect him from the injuries of others. He promised to follow my advice; and I heard, with satisfaction, before I sailed, that this very prudent step had been taken. Not trusting, however, entirely to the operation of gratitude, I had recourse to the more forcible motive of intimidation. With this view, I took every opportunity of notifying to the inhabitants, that it was my intention to return to their island again, after being absent the usual time; and that if I did not find Omai in the same state of security in which I was now to leave him, all those whom I should then discover to have been his enemies, might expect to feel the weight of my resentment. This threatening declaration will probably have no inconsiderable effect; for our successive visits of late years have taught these people to believe, that our ships are to return at certain periods; and while they continue to be impressed with such a notion, which I thought it a fair stratagem to confirm, Omai has some prospect of being permitted to thrive upon his new plantation.

While we lay in this harbour, we carried ashore the bread, remaining in the bread-room, to clear it of vermin. The number of cock-roaches that infested the ship at this time is incredible. The damage they did us was very considerable; and every method devised by us to destroy them proved ineffectual. These animals, which, at first, were a nuisance, like all other insects, had now become a real pest; and so destructive, that few things were free from their ravages. If food of any kind was exposed only for a few minutes, it was covered with them; and they soon pierced it full of holes resembling a honeycomb. They were particularly destructive to birds, which had been stuffed and preserved as curiosities; and, what was worse, were uncommonly fond of ink; so that the writing on the labels, fastened to different articles, was quite eaten out; and the only thing that preserved books from them, was the closeness of the binding, which prevented these devourers getting between the leaves. According to Mr. Anderson’s observations, they were of two sorts, the _blatta orientalis_ and _germanica_. The first of these had been carried home in the ship from her former voyage, where they withstood the severity of the hard winter in 1776, though she was in dock all the time. The others had only made their appearance since our leaving New Zealand; but had increased so fast, that they now not only did all the mischief mentioned above, but had even got amongst the rigging; so that when a sail was loosened, thousands of them fell upon the decks. The _orientales_, though in infinite numbers, scarcely came out but in the night, when they made every thing in the cabins seem as if in motion, from the particular noise in crawling about. And, besides their disagreeable appearance, they did great mischief to our bread, which was so bespattered with their excrement, that it would have been badly relished by delicate feeders.

The intercourse of trade and friendly offices was carried on between us and the natives without being disturbed by any one accident till the evening of the 22d, when a man found means to get into Mr. Bayly’s observatory, and to carry off a sextant unobserved. As soon as I was made acquainted with the theft, I went ashore, and got Omai to apply to the chiefs, to procure restitution. He did so; but they took no steps toward it, being more attentive to a _heeva_ that was then acting, till I ordered the performers of the exhibition to desist. They were now convinced, that I was in earnest, and began to make some enquiry after the thief, who was sitting in the midst of them quite unconcerned, inasmuch that I was in great doubt of his being the guilty person; especially as he denied it. Omai, however, assuring me that he was the man, I sent him on board the ship, and there confined him. This raised a general ferment amongst the assembled natives; and the whole body fled, in spite of all my endeavours to stop them. Having employed Omai to examine the prisoner, with some difficulty he was brought to confess where he had laid the sextant; but, as it was now dark, he could not find it till day-light the next morning, when it was brought back unhurt. After this, the natives recovered from their fright, and began to gather about us as usual. And as to the thief, he appearing to be a hardened scoundrel, I punished him more severely than I had done any culprit before. Besides having his head and beard shaved, I ordered both his ears to be cut off, and then dismissed him.

This, however, did not deter him from giving us farther trouble; for, in the night between the 24th and 25th, a general alarm was spread, occasioned, as was said, by one of our goats being stolen by this very man. On examination, we found that all was safe in that quarter. Probably, the goats were so well guarded, that he could not put his design in execution. But his hostilities had succeeded against another object; and it appeared, that he had destroyed and carried off several vines and cabbage-plants in Omai’s grounds; and he publicly threatened to kill him, and to burn his house, as soon as we should leave the island. To prevent the fellow’s doing me and Omai any more mischief, I had him seized and confined on board the ship, with a view of carrying him off the island; and it seemed to give general satisfaction to the chiefs, that I meant thus to dispose of him. He was from Bolabola; but there were too many of the natives here ready to assist him in any of his designs, whenever he should think of executing them. I had always met with more troublesome people in Huaheine, than in any other of the neighbouring islands; and it was only fear and the want of opportunities that induced them to behave better now. Anarchy seemed to prevail amongst them. Their nominal sovereign, the _Earee rahie_, as I have before observed, was but a child; and I did not find, that there was any one man, or set of men, who managed the government for him; so that, whenever any misunderstanding happened between us, I never knew, with sufficient precision, where to make application, in order to bring about an accommodation, or to procure redress. The young chief’s mother would, indeed, sometimes exert herself; but I did not perceive that she had greater authority than many others.

Omai’s house being nearly finished, many of his moveables were carried ashore on the 26th. Amongst a variety of other useless articles, was a box of toys, which, when exposed to public view, seemed greatly to please the gazing multitude. But as to his pots, kettles, dishes, plates, drinking-mugs, glasses, and the whole train of our domestic accommodations, hardly any one of his countrymen would so much as look at them. Omai himself now began to think that they were of no manner of use to him; that a baked hog was more savoury food than a boiled one; that a plantain-leaf made as good a dish or plate as pewter; and that a cocoa-nut shell was as convenient a goblet as a black-jack. And, therefore, he very wisely disposed of as many of these articles of English furniture for the kitchen and pantry, as he could find purchasers for, amongst the people of the ships; receiving from them, in return, hatchets, and other iron tools, which had a more intrinsic value in this part of the world, and added more to his distinguishing superiority over those with whom he was to pass the remainder of his days.

In the long list of the presents bestowed upon him in England, fire-works had not been forgot. Some of these we exhibited in the evening of the 28th, before a great concourse of people, who beheld them with a mixture of pleasure and fear. What remained, after the evening’s entertainment, were put in order, and left with Omai, agreeably to their original destination. Perhaps we need not lament it as a serious misfortune, that the far greater share of this part of his cargo had been already expended in exhibitions at other islands, or rendered useless by being kept so long.

Between midnight and four in the morning of the 30th, the Bolabola man, whom I had in confinement, found means to make his escape out of the ship. He carried with him the shackle of the bilboo-bolt that was about his leg, which was taken from him, as soon as he got on shore, by one of the chiefs, and given to Omai; who came on board very early in the morning, to acquaint me that his mortal enemy was again let loose upon him. Upon enquiry, it appeared, that not only the sentry, placed over the prisoner, but the whole watch upon the quarter-deck where he was confined, had laid themselves down to sleep. He seized the opportunity to take the key of the irons out of the binnacle-drawer, where he had seen it put, and set himself at liberty. This escape convinced me, that my people had been very remiss in their night-duty; which made it necessary to punish those who were now in fault, and to establish some new regulations to prevent the like negligence for the future. I was not a little pleased to hear afterward, that the fellow who escaped, had transported himself to Ulietea; in this, seconding my views of putting him a second time in irons.

As soon as Omai was settled in his new habitation, I began to think of leaving the island; and got every thing off from the shore this evening, except the horse and mare, and a goat big with kid; which were left in the possession of our friend, with whom we were now finally to part. I also gave him a boar and two sows of the English breed; and he had got a sow or two of his own. The horse covered the mare while we were at Otaheite; so that I consider the introduction of a breed of horses into these islands, as likely to have succeeded by this valuable present.

The history of Omai will, perhaps, interest a very numerous class of readers, more than any other occurrence of a voyage, the objects of which do not, in general, promise much entertainment. Every circumstance, therefore, which may serve to convey a satisfactory account of the exact situation in which he was left will be thought worth preserving; and the following particulars are added, to complete the view of his domestic establishment. He had picked up at Otaheite four or five _Toutous_; the two New Zealand youths remained with him; and his brother, and some others, joined him at Huaheine; so that his family consisted already of eight or ten persons; if that can be called a family, to which not a single female as yet belonged; nor, I doubt, was likely to belong, unless its master became less volatile. At present, Omai did not seem at all disposed to take unto himself a wife.

The house which we erected for him, was twenty-four feet by eighteen; and ten feet high. It was composed of boards, the spoils of our military operations at Eimeo; and, in building it, as few nails as possible, were used, that there might be no inducement, from the love of iron, to pull it down. It was settled, that immediately after our departure, he should begin to build a large house after the fashion of his country; one end of which was to be brought over that which we had erected, so as to enclose it entirely for greater security. In this work, some of the chiefs promised to assist him; and, if the intended building should cover the ground which he marked out, it will be as large as most upon the island.

His European weapons consisted of a musket, bayonet, and cartouch-box; a fowling-piece; two pair of pistols; and two or three swords or cutlasses. The possession of these made him quite happy; which was my only view in giving him such presents. For I was always of opinion, that he would have been happier without fire-arms, and other European weapons, than with them; as such implements of war, in the hands of one, whose prudent use of them I had some grounds for mistrusting, would rather encrease his dangers than establish his superiority. After he had got on shore every thing that belonged to him, and was settled in his house, he had most of the officers of both ships, two or three times, to dinner; and his table was always well supplied with the very best provisions that the island produced.

Before I sailed, I had the following inscription cut upon the outside of his house:

_Georgius Tertius, Rex, 2 Novembris, 1777._ _Naves_ } _Resolution, Jac. Cook, Pr._ } _Discovery, Car. Clerke, Pr._

On the second of November, at four in the afternoon, I took the advantage of a breeze, which then sprung up at east, and sailed out of the harbour. Most of our friends remained on board till the ships were under sail; when, to gratify their curiosity, I ordered five guns to be fired. They then all took their leave, except Omai, who remained till we were at sea. We had come to sail by a hawser fastened to the shore. In casting the ship, it parted, being cut by the rocks, and the outer end was left behind; as those who cast it off, did not perceive that it was broken; so that it became necessary to send a boat to bring it on board. In this boat, Omai went ashore, after taking a very affectionate farewell of all the officers. He sustained himself with a manly resolution, till he came to me. Then his utmost efforts to conceal his tears failed; and Mr. King, who went in the boat, told me, that he wept all the time in going ashore.

It was no small satisfaction to reflect, that we had brought him safe back to the very spot from which he was taken. And yet, such is the strange nature of human affairs, that it is probable we left him in a less desirable situation, than he was in before his connexion with us. I do not by this mean, that, because he has tasted the sweets of civilised life, he must become more miserable from being obliged to abandon all thoughts of continuing them. I confine myself to this single disagreeable circumstance, that the advantages he received from us, have placed him in a more hazardous situation, with respect to his personal safety. Omai, from being much caressed in England, lost sight of his original condition; and never considered in what manner his acquisitions, either of knowledge or of riches, would be estimated by his countrymen at his return; which were the only things he could have to recommend him to them now, more than before, and on which he could build either his future greatness or happiness. He seemed even to have mistaken their genius in this respect; and, in some measure, to have forgotten their customs; otherwise he must have known the extreme difficulty there would be in getting himself admitted as a person of rank, where there is, perhaps, no instance of a man’s being raised from an inferior station by the greatest merit. Rank seems to be the very foundation of all distinction here, and, of its attendant, power; and so pertinaciously, or rather blindly adhered to, that, unless a person has some degree of it, he will certainly be despised and hated, if he assumes the appearance of exercising any authority. This was really the case, in some measure, with Omai; though his countrymen were pretty cautious of expressing their sentiments while we remained among them. Had he made a proper use of the presents he brought with him from England, this, with the knowledge he had acquired by travelling so far, might have enabled him to form the most useful connections; but we have given too many instances, in the course of our narrative, of his childish inattention to this obvious means of advancing his interest. His schemes seemed to be of a higher, though ridiculous nature; indeed, I might say, meaner; for revenge, rather than a desire of becoming great, appeared to actuate him from the beginning. This, however, may be excused, if we consider that it is common to his countrymen. His father was, doubtless, a man of considerable property in Ulietea, when that island was conquered by those of Bolabola, and, with many others, sought refuge in Huaheine, where he died, and left Omai with some other children, who by that means became totally dependent. In this situation he was taken up by Captain Furneaux, and carried to England. Whether he really expected, from his treatment there, that any assistance would be given him against the enemies of his father and his country, or whether he imagined that his own personal courage and superiority of knowledge would be sufficient to dispossess the conquerors of Ulietea, is uncertain; but, from the beginning of the voyage, this was his constant theme. He would not listen to our remonstrances on so wild a determination, but flew into a passion, if more moderate and reasonable counsels were proposed for his advantage. Nay, so infatuated and attached to his favourite scheme was he, that he affected to believe these people would certainly quit the conquered island, as soon as they should hear of his arrival at Otaheite. As we advanced, however, on our voyage, he became more sensible of his error; and, by the time we reached the Friendly Islands, had even such apprehensions of his reception at home, that, as I have mentioned in my journal, he would fain have staid behind at Tongataboo, under Feenou’s protection. At these islands he squandered away much of his European treasure very unnecessarily; and he was equally imprudent, as I also took notice of above, at Tiaraboo, where he could have no view of making friends, as he had not any intention of remaining there. At Matavai, he continued the same inconsiderate behaviour, till I absolutely put a stop to his profusion; and he formed such improper connections there, that Otoo, who was at first much disposed to countenance him, afterward openly expressed his dislike of him, on account of his conduct. It was not, however, too late to recover his favour; and he might have settled to great advantage in Otaheite, as he had formerly lived several years there, and was now a good deal noticed by Towha, whose valuable present of a very large double canoe we have seen above. The objection to admitting him to some rank would have also been much lessened, if he had fixed at Otaheite; as a native will always find it more difficult to accomplish such a change of state amongst his countrymen, than a stranger, who naturally claims respect. But Omai remained undetermined to the last, and would not, I believe, have adopted my plan of settlement in Huaheine, if I had not so explicitly refused to employ force in restoring him to his father’s possessions. Whether the remains of his European wealth, which, after all his improvident waste, was still considerable, will be more prudently administered by him, or whether the steps I took, as already explained, to insure him protection in Huaheine, shall have proved effectual, must be left to the decision of future navigators of this ocean, with whom it cannot but be a principal object of curiosity to trace the future fortunes of our traveller. At present, I can only conjecture, that his greatest danger will arise from the very impolitic declarations of his antipathy to the inhabitants of Bolabola; for these people, from a principle of jealousy, will, no doubt, endeavour to render him obnoxious to those of Huaheine; as they are at peace with that island at present, and may easily effect their designs, many of them living there. This is a circumstance which, of all others, he might the most easily have avoided; for they were not only free from any aversion to him, but the person mentioned before, whom we found at Tiaraboo as an ambassador, priest, or god, absolutely offered to reinstate him in the property that was formerly his father’s. But he refused this peremptorily; and, to the very last, continued determined to take the first opportunity that offered of satisfying his revenge in battle. To this, I guess, he is not a little spurred by the coat of mail he brought from England; clothed in which, and in possession of some fire-arms, he fancies that he shall be invincible.

Whatever faults belonged to Omai’s character, they were more than overbalanced by his great good nature and docile disposition. During the whole time he was with me, I very seldom had reason to be seriously displeased with his general conduct. His grateful heart always retained the highest sense of the favours he had received in England; nor will he ever forget those who honoured him with their protection and friendship, during his stay there. He had a tolerable share of understanding, but wanted application and perseverance to exert it; so that his knowledge of things was very general, and, in many instances, imperfect. He was not a man of much observation. There were many useful arts, as well as elegant amusements, amongst the people of the Friendly Islands, which he might have conveyed to his own, where they probably would have been readily adopted, as being so much in their own way. But I never found that he used the least endeavour to make himself master of any one. This kind of indifference is, indeed, the characteristic foible of his nation. Europeans have visited them, at times, for these ten years past; yet we could not discover the slightest trace of any attempt to profit by this intercourse; nor have they hitherto copied after us in any one thing. We are not, therefore, to expect that Omai will be able to introduce many of our arts and customs among them, or much improve those to which they have been long habituated. I am confident, however, that he will endeavour to bring to perfection the various fruits and vegetables we planted, which will be no small acquisition. But the greatest benefit these islands are likely to receive from Omai’s travels, will be in the animals that have been left upon them, which, probably, they never would have got, had he not come to England. When these multiply, of which I think there is little doubt, Otaheite and the Society Islands will equal, if not exceed, any place in the known world for provisions.

Omai’s return, and the substantial proofs he brought back with him of our liberality, encouraged many to offer themselves as volunteers to attend me to _Pretane_. I took every opportunity of expressing my determination to reject all such applications. But, notwithstanding this, Omai, who was very ambitious of remaining the only great traveller, being afraid lest I might be prevailed upon to put others in a situation of rivalling him, frequently put me in mind, that Lord Sandwich had told him no others of his countrymen were to come to England.

If there had been the most distant probability any ship being again sent to New Zealand, I would have brought the two youths of that country home with me, as both of them were very desirous of continuing with us. Tiarooa, the eldest, was an exceedingly well disposed young man, with strong natural sense, and capable of receiving any instruction. He seemed to be fully sensible of the inferiority of his own country to these islands, and resigned himself, though perhaps with reluctance, to end his days in ease and plenty in Huaheine. But the other was so strongly attached to us, that he was taken out of the ship, and carried ashore by force. He was a witty, smart boy; and on that account much noticed on board.

CHAP. VII.

ARRIVAL AT ULIETEA.—ASTRONOMICAL OBSERVATIONS.—A MARINE DESERTS, AND IS DELIVERED UP.—INTELLIGENCE FROM OMAI.—INSTRUCTIONS TO CAPTAIN CLERKE.— ANOTHER DESERTION OF A MIDSHIPMAN AND A SEAMAN.—THREE OF THE CHIEF PERSONS OF THE ISLAND CONFINED ON THAT ACCOUNT.—A DESIGN TO SEIZE CAPTAINS COOK AND CLERKE DISCOVERED.—THE TWO DESERTERS BROUGHT BACK, AND THE PRISONERS RELEASED.—THE SHIPS SAIL.—REFRESHMENTS RECEIVED AT ULIETEA.—PRESENT AND FORMER STATE OF THAT ISLAND.—ACCOUNT OF ITS DETHRONED KING, AND OF THE LATE REGENT OF HUAHEINE.

The boat which carried Omai ashore never to join us again, having returned to the ship with the remainder of the hawser, we hoisted her in, and immediately stood over for Ulietea, where I intended to touch next. At ten o’clock at night, we brought to till four the next morning, when we made sail round the south end of the island for the harbour of Ohamaneno.[10] We met with calms and light airs of wind from different directions, by turns, so that at noon we were still a league from the entrance of the harbour. While we were thus detained, my old friend Oreo, chief of the island, with his son, and Pootoe, his son-in-law, came off to visit us.

Being resolved to push for the harbour, I ordered all the boats to be hoisted out, and sent them a-head to tow, being assisted by a slight breeze from the southward. This breeze failed too soon, and being succeeded by one from the east, which blew right out of the harbour, we were obliged to come to an anchor, at its entrance, at two o’clock, and to warp in, which employed us till night set in. As soon as we were within the harbour, the ships were surrounded with canoes filled with people, who brought hogs and fruit to barter with us for our commodities; so that, wherever we went, we found plenty.

Next morning, being the 4th, I moored the ship, head and stern, close to the north shore, at the head of the harbour; hauled up the cables on deck; and opened one of the ballast-ports. From this a slight stage was made to the land, being at the distance of about twenty feet, with a view to get clear of some of the rats that continued to infest us. The Discovery moored alongside the south shore for the same purpose. While this work was going forward, I returned Oreo’s visit. The present I made him, on the occasion, consisted of a linen gown, a shirt, a red-feathered cap from Tongataboo, and other things of less value. I then brought him, and some of his friends, on board to dinner.

On the 6th, we set up the observatories, and got the necessary instruments on shore. The two following days, we observed the sun’s azimuths, both on board and ashore, with all the compasses, in order to find the variation; and in the night of the latter, we observed an occultation of ς _Capricorni_, by the moon’s dark limb. Mr. Bayly and I agreed in fixing the time of its happening at six minutes and fifty-four seconds and a half past ten o’clock. Mr. King made it half a second sooner. Mr. Bayly observed with the achromatic telescope belonging to the Board of Longitude; Mr. King, with the reflector belonging to the board; and I made use of my own reflector, of eighteen inches. There was also an immersion of π _Capricorni_ behind the moon’s dark limb, some time before; but it was observed by Mr. Bayly alone. I attempted to trace it, with a small achromatic; but found its magnifying power not sufficient.

Nothing worthy of note happened, till the night between the 12th and 13th, when John Harrison, a marine, who was sentinel at the observatory, deserted; carrying with him his musket and accoutrements. Having in the morning got intelligence which way he had moved off, a party was sent after him; but they returned in the evening, after an ineffectual enquiry and search. The next day, I applied to the chief to interest himself in this matter. He promised to send a party of his men after him, and gave me hopes that he should be brought back the same day. But this did not happen; and I had reason to suspect that no steps had been taken by him. We had, at this time, a great number of the natives about the ships, and some thefts were committed; the consequence of which being dreaded by them, very few visitors came near us the next morning. The chief himself joined in the alarm, and he and his whole family fled. I thought this a good opportunity to oblige them to deliver up the deserter; and having got intelligence that he was at a place called Hamoa, on the other side of the island, I went thither with two armed boats, accompanied by one of the natives; and, in our way, we found the chief, who also embarked with me. I landed about a mile and a half from the place, with a few people, and marched quickly up to it, lest the sight of the boats should give the alarm, and allow the man time to escape to the mountains. But this precaution was unnecessary; for the natives there had got information of my coming, and were prepared to deliver him up.

I found Harrison, with the musket lying before him, sitting down between two women, who, the moment that I entered the house, rose up to plead in his behalf. As it was highly proper to discourage such proceedings, I frowned upon them, and bid them begone. Upon this they burst into tears, and walked off. Paha, the chief of the district, now came with a plantain tree, and a sucking pig, which he would have presented to me, as a peace-offering. I rejected it, and ordered him out of my sight; and having embarked with the deserter on board the first boat that arrived, returned to the ships. After this, harmony was again restored. The fellow had nothing to say in his defence, but that the natives had enticed him away; and this might in part be true, as it was certain that Paha, and also the two women above mentioned, had been at the ship the day before he deserted. As it appeared that he had remained upon his post till within a few minutes of the time when he was to have been relieved, the punishment that I inflicted upon him was not very severe.

Though we had separated from Omai, we were still near enough to have intelligence of his proceeding; and I had desired to hear from him. Accordingly, about a fortnight after our arrival at Ulietea, he sent two of his people in a canoe; who brought me the satisfactory intelligence, that he remained undisturbed by the people of the island, and that every thing went well with him, except that his goat had died in kidding. He accompanied this intelligence with a request, that I would send him another goat, and two axes. Being happy to have this additional opportunity of serving him, the messengers were sent back to Huaheine, on the 18th, with the axes, and two kids, male and female, which were spared for him out of the Discovery.

The next day, I delivered to captain Clerke instructions how to proceed, in case of being separated from me, after leaving these islands; and it may not be improper to give them a place here.

_By Captain James Cook, Commander of his Majesty’s Sloop the Resolution._

“Whereas the passage from the Society Islands to the northern coast of America, is of considerable length, both in distance and in time, and as a part of it must be performed in the very depth of winter, when gales of wind and bad weather must be expected, and may, possibly, occasion a separation, you are to take all imaginable care to prevent this. But if, notwithstanding all our endeavours to keep company, you should be separated from me, you are first to look for me where you last saw me. Not seeing me in five days, you are to proceed (as directed by the instructions of their lordships, a copy of which you have already received) for the coast of New Albion; endeavouring to fall in with it in the latitude of 45°.

“In that latitude, and at a convenient distance from the land, you are to cruize for me ten days. Not seeing me in that time, you are to put into the first convenient port, in or to the north of that latitude, to recruit your wood and water, and to procure refreshments.

“During your stay in port, you are constantly to keep a good look-out for me. It will be necessary, therefore, to make choice of a station, situated as near the sea-coast as is possible, the better to enable you to see me, when I shall appear in the offing.

“If I do not join you before the 1st of next April, you are to put to sea, and proceed northward to the latitude 56°; in which latitude, and at a convenient distance from the coast, never exceeding fifteen leagues, you are to cruize for me till the 10th of May.

“Not seeing me in that time, you are to proceed northward, and endeavour to find a passage into the Atlantic Ocean, through Hudson’s or Baffin’s Bays, as directed by the above mentioned instructions.

“But if you should fail in finding a passage through either of the said bays, or by any other way, as the season of the year may render it unsafe for you to remain in high latitudes, you are to repair to the harbour of St. Peter and St. Paul, in Kamtschatka, in order to refresh your people, and to pass the winter.

“But, nevertheless, if you find that you cannot procure the necessary refreshments at the said port, you are at liberty to go where you shall judge most proper; taking care, before you depart, to leave with the governor an account of your intended destination, to be delivered to me upon my arrival: And in the spring of the ensuing year, 1779, you are to repair back to the above mentioned port, endeavouring to be there by the 10th of May, or sooner.

“If, on your arrival, you receive no orders from, or account of me, so as to justify your pursuing any other measures than what are pointed out in the before-mentioned instructions, your future proceedings are to be governed by them.

“You are also to comply with such parts of said instructions, as have not been executed, and are not contrary to these orders. And in case of your inability, by sickness or otherwise, to carry these, and the instructions of their lordships, into execution, you are to be careful to leave them with the next officer in command, who is hereby required to execute them in the best manner he can.

“Given under my hand, on board the Resolution, at Ulietea, the 18th day of November, 1777.

J. COOK.”

“_To Captain Charles Clerke, Commander of his Majesty’s Sloop the Discovery._”

While we lay moored to the shore, we heeled, and scrubbed both sides of the bottoms of the ships. At the same time, we fixed some tin-plates under the binds; first taking off the old sheathing, and putting in a piece unfilled, over which the plates were nailed. These plates I had from the ingenious Mr. Pelham, secretary to the commissioners for victualling his Majesty’s navy; with a view of trying whether tin would answer the same end as copper, on the bottoms of ships.

On the 24th, in the morning, I was informed that a midshipman and a seaman, both belonging to the Discovery, were missing. Soon after, we learnt from the natives, that they went away in a canoe the preceding evening, and were, at this time, at the other end of the island. As the midshipman was known to have expressed a desire to remain at these islands, it seemed pretty certain, that he and his companion had gone off with this intention; and captain Clerke set out in quest of them with two armed boats, and a party of marines. His expedition proved fruitless; for he returned in the evening, without having got any certain intelligence where they were. From the conduct of the natives, captain Clerke seemed to think, that they intended to conceal the deserters; and, with that view, had amused him with false information the whole day, and directed him to search for them in places where they were not to be found. The captain judged right; for the next morning we were told, that our runaways were at Otaha. As these two were not the only persons in the ships who wished to end their days at these favourite islands, in order to put a stop to any further desertion, it was necessary to get them back at all events; and that the natives might be convinced that I was in earnest, I resolved to go after them myself; having observed, from repeated instances, that they seldom offered to deceive me with false information.

Accordingly, I set out, the next morning, with two armed boats; being accompanied by the chief himself. I proceeded, as he directed, without stopping any where, till we came to the middle of the east side of Otaha. There we put ashore; and Oreo dispatched a man before us, with orders to seize the deserters, and keep them till we should arrive with the boats. But when we got to the place where we expected to find them, we were told, that they had quitted this island, and gone over to Bolabola the day before. I did not think proper to follow them thither, but returned to the ships; fully determined, however, to have recourse to a measure, which, I guessed, would oblige the natives to bring them back.

In the night, Mr. Bayly, Mr. King, and myself observed an immersion of Jupiter’s third satellite. It happened by the observation of

Mr. Bayly, at 2^h 37^m 54^s } Mr. King, at 2 37 24 } in the morning. Myself, at 2 37 44 }

Mr. Bayly and Mr. King observed, with Dollond’s three and a half feet achromatic telescope, and with the greatest magnifying power. I observed, with a two-feet Gregorian reflector, made by Bird.

Soon after day-break, the chief, his son, daughter, and son-in-law, came on board the Resolution. The three last I resolved to detain, till the two deserters should be brought back. With this view, captain Clerke invited them to go on board his ship; and as soon as they arrived there, confined them in his cabin. The chief was with me when the news reached him. He immediately acquainted me with it, supposing that this step had been taken without my knowledge, and consequently without my approbation. I instantly undeceived him; and then he began to have apprehensions as to his own situation, and his looks expressed the utmost perturbation of mind. But I soon made him easy as to this, by telling him, that he was at liberty to leave the ship whenever he pleased, and to take such measures as he should judge best calculated to get our two men back; that, if he succeeded, his friends on board the Discovery should be delivered up; if not, that I was determined to carry them away with me. I added, that his own conduct, as well as that of many of his people, in not only assisting these two men to escape, but in being, even at this very time, assiduous in enticing others to follow them, would justify any step I could take to put a stop to such proceedings.

This explanation of the motives upon which I acted, and which we found means to make Oreo and his people, who were present, fully comprehend, seemed to recover them, in a great measure, from that general consternation into which they were at first thrown. But, if relieved from apprehensions about their own safety, they continued under the deepest concern for those who were prisoners. Many of them went under the Discovery’s stern in canoes, to bewail their captivity, which they did with long and loud exclamations. _Poedooa!_ for so the chief’s daughter was called, resounded from every quarter; and the women seemed to vie with each other in mourning her fate, with more significant expressions of their grief than tears and cries; for there were many bloody heads upon the occasion.

Oreo himself did not give way to unavailing lamentations, but instantly began his exertions to recover our deserters, by dispatching a canoe to Bolabola, with a message to Opoony, the sovereign of that island, acquainting him with what had happened, and requesting him to seize the two fugitives, and send them back. The messenger, who was no less a man than the father of Pootoe, Oreo’s son-in-law, before he set out, came to receive my commands. I strictly enjoined him not to return without the deserters; and to tell Opoony from me, that if they had left Bolabola, he must send canoes to bring them back; for I suspected that they would not long remain in one place.

The consequence, however, of the prisoners was so great, that the natives did not think proper to trust to the return of our people for their release; or, at least, their impatience was so great, that it hurried them to make an attempt which might have involved them in still greater distress, had it not been fortunately prevented. Between five and six o’clock in the evening, I observed that all their canoes in and about the harbour began to move off; as if some sudden panic had seized them. I was ashore, abreast of the ship at the time, and enquired in vain to find out the cause; till our people called to us from the Discovery, and told us that a party of the natives had seized Captain Clerke and Mr. Gore, who had walked out a little way from the ships. Struck with the boldness of this plan of retaliation, which seemed to counteract me so effectually in my own way, there was no time to deliberate. I instantly ordered the people to arm; and, in less than five minutes, a strong party, under the command of Mr. King, was sent to rescue our two gentlemen. At the same time, two armed boats and a party under Mr. Williamson went after the flying canoes, to cut off their retreat to the shore. These several detachments were hardly out of sight, before an account arrived, that we had been misinformed; upon which I sent and called them all in.

It was evident, however, from several corroborating circumstances, that the design of seizing Captain Clerke had really been in agitation amongst the natives. Nay, they made no secret in speaking of it the next day. But their first and great plan of operations was to have laid hold of me. It was my custom every evening to bathe in the fresh water. Very often I went alone, and always without arms. Expecting me to go as usual this evening, they had determined to seize me, and Captain Clerke too, if he had accompanied me. But I had, after confining Oreo’s family, thought it prudent to avoid putting myself in their power; and had cautioned Captain Clerke and the officers not to go far from the ships. In the course of the afternoon, the chief asked me, three several times, if I would not go to the bathing-place; and when he found, at last, that I could not be prevailed upon, he went off with the rest of his people, in spite of all I could do or say to stop him. But as I had no suspicion at this time of their design, I imagined that some sudden fright had seized them, which would, as usual, soon be over. Finding themselves disappointed as to me, they fixed on those who were more in their power. It was fortunate for all parties, that they did not succeed; and not less fortunate that no mischief was done on the occasion; for not a musket was fired, except two or three to stop the canoes. To that firing, perhaps, Messrs. Clerke and Gore owed their safety[11]; for at that very instant, a party of the natives armed with clubs were advancing toward them; and on hearing the report of the muskets, they dispersed.

This conspiracy, as it may be called, was first discovered by a girl, whom one of the officers had brought from Huaheine. She, overhearing some of the Ulieteans say, that they would seize Captain Clerke and Mr. Gore, ran to acquaint the first of our people that she met with. Those who were charged with the execution of the design threatened to kill her, as soon as we should leave the island, for disappointing them. Being aware of this, we contrived that her friends should come some days after and take her out of the ship, to convey her to a place of safety, where she might lie concealed, till they should have an opportunity of sending her back to Huaheine.

On the 27th, our observatories were taken down, and every thing we had ashore carried on board; the moorings of the ships were cast off, and we transported them a little way down the harbour, where they came to an anchor again. Toward the afternoon, the natives began to shake off their fears, gathering round and on board the ships as usual; and the awkward transaction of the day before seemed to be forgotten on both sides.

The following night, the wind blew in hard squalls from south to east, attended with heavy showers of rain. In one of the squalls, the cable, by which the Resolution was riding, parted just without the hawse. We had another anchor ready to let go, so that the ship was presently brought up again. In the afternoon, the wind became moderate; and we hooked the end of the best small bower cable, and got it again into the hawse.

Oreo, the chief, being uneasy as well as myself, that no account had been received from Bolabola, set out this evening for that island, and desired me to follow down the next day with the ships. This was my intention; but the wind which kept us in the harbour, brought Oreo back from Bolabola with the two deserters. They had reached Otaha the same night they deserted; but finding it impossible to get to any of the islands to the eastward (which was their intention), for want of wind, they had proceeded to Bolabola, and from thence to the small island Toobaee, where they were taken by the father of Pootoe, in consequence of the first message sent to Opoony. As soon as they were on board, the three prisoners were released. Thus ended an affair which had given me much trouble and vexation. Nor would I have exerted myself so resolutely on the occasion, but for the reason before-mentioned, and to save the son of a brother officer from being lost to his country.

The wind continued constantly between the north and west, and confined us in the harbour till eight o’clock in the morning of the 7th of December; when we took the advantage of a light breeze which then sprung up at north-east, and with the assistance of all the boats got out to sea, with the Discovery in company.

During the last week, we had been visited by people from all parts of the island, who furnished us with a large stock of hogs and green plantains. So that the time we lay wind-bound in the harbour was not entirely lost; green plantains being an excellent substitute for bread, as they will keep good a fortnight or three weeks. Besides this supply of provisions, we also completed our wood and water.

The inhabitants of Ulietea seemed, in general, smaller and blacker than those of the other neighbouring islands, and appeared also less orderly, which, perhaps, may be considered as the consequence of their having become subject to the natives of Bolabola. Oreo, their chief; is only a sort of deputy of the sovereign of that island; and the conquest seems to have lessened the number of subordinate chiefs resident among them; so that they are less immediately under the inspection of those whose interest it is to enforce due obedience to authority. Ulietea, though now reduced to this humiliating state, was formerly, as we were told, the most eminent of this cluster of islands; and, probably, the first seat of government; for they say, that the present royal family of Otaheite is descended from that which reigned here before the late revolution. Ooroo, the dethroned monarch of Ulietea, was still alive, when we were at Huaheine, where he resides a royal wanderer, furnishing, in his person, an instance of the instability of power; but what is more remarkable, of the respect paid by these people to particular families, and to the customs which have once conferred sovereignty; for they suffer Ooroo to preserve all the ensigns which they appropriate to majesty, though he has lost his dominions.

We saw a similar instance of this while we were at Ulietea. One of the occasional visitors I now had, was my old friend Oree, the late chief of Huaheine. He still preserved his consequence; came always at the head of a numerous body of attendants; and was always provided with such presents as were very acceptable. This chief looked much better now than I had ever seen him during either of my former voyages.[12] I could account for his improving in health as he grew older, only from his drinking less copiously of the _ava_ in his present station as a private gentleman, than he had been accustomed to do when he was regent.

CHAP. VIII.

ARRIVAL AT BOLABOLA.—INTERVIEW WITH OPOONY.—REASONS FOR PURCHASING MONSIEUR BOUGAINVILLE’S ANCHOR.—DEPARTURE FROM THE SOCIETY ISLANDS.— PARTICULARS ABOUT BOLABOLA.—HISTORY OF THE CONQUEST OF OTAHA AND ULIETEA.—HIGH REPUTATION OF THE BOLABOLA MEN.—ANIMALS LEFT THERE AND AT ULIETEA.—PLENTIFUL SUPPLY OF PROVISIONS, AND MANNER OF SALTING PORK ON BOARD.—VARIOUS REFLECTIONS RELATIVE TO OTAHEITE AND THE SOCIETY ISLANDS.—ASTRONOMICAL AND NAUTICAL OBSERVATIONS MADE THERE.

As soon as we had got clear of the harbour, we took leave of Ulietea, and steered for Bolabola. The chief if not sole object I had in view by visiting that island, was to procure from its monarch, Opoony, one of the anchors which Monsieur de Bougainville had lost at Otaheite. This having afterward been taken up by the natives there, had, as they informed me, been sent by them as a present to that chief. My desire to get possession of it did not arise from our being in want of anchors; but having expended all the hatchets and other iron tools which we had brought from England, in purchasing refreshments, we were now reduced to the necessity of creating a fresh assortment of trading articles, by fabricating them out of the spare iron we had on board; and, in such conversions, and in the occasional uses of the ships, great part of that had been already expended. I thought that M. de Bougainville’s anchor would supply our want of this useful material; and I made no doubt that I should be able to tempt Opoony to part with it.

Oreo, and six or eight men more from Ulietea, took a passage with us to Bolabola. Indeed, most of the natives in general, except the chief himself, would have gladly taken a passage with us to England. At sunset, being the length of the south point of Bolabola, we shortened sail, and spent the night making short boards. At day-break, on the 8th, we made sail for the harbour, which is on the west side of the island. The wind was scant, so that we had to ply up, and it was nine o’clock before we got near enough to send away a boat to sound the entrance; for I had thoughts of running the ships in, and anchoring for a day or two.

When the boat returned, the master who was in her reported, that though, at the entrance of the harbour the bottom was rocky, there was good ground within, and the depth of water twenty-seven and twenty-five fathoms; and that there was room to turn the ships in, the channel being one-third of a mile broad. In consequence of this report, we attempted to work the ships in; but the tide, as well as the wind, being against us, after making two or three trips, I found that it could not be done, till the tide should turn in our favour. Upon this, I gave up the design of carrying the ships into the harbour; and having ordered the boats to be got ready, I embarked in one of them, accompanied by Oreo and his companions; and was rowed in for the island.

We landed where the natives directed us; and soon after I was introduced to Opoony, in the midst of a great concourse of people. Having no time to lose, as soon as the necessary formality of compliments was over, I asked the chief to give me the anchor, and produced the present I had prepared for him, consisting of a linen night-gown, a shirt, some gauze handkerchiefs, a looking-glass, some beads, and other toys, and six axes. At the sight of these last, there was a general outcry. I could only guess the cause, by Opoony’s absolutely refusing to receive my present, till I should get the anchor. He ordered three men to go and deliver it to me; and, as I understood, I was to send, by them, what I thought proper in return. With these messengers, we set out in our boats for an island, lying at the north side of the entrance into the harbour, where the anchor had been deposited. I found it to be neither so large, nor so perfect, as I expected. It had originally weighed seven hundred pounds, according to the mark that was upon it; but the ring, with part of the shank, and the two points, were now wanting. I was no longer at a loss to guess the reason of Opoony’s refusing my present. He doubtless thought that it so much exceeded the value of the anchor in its present state, that I should be displeased when I saw it. Be this as it may, I took the anchor as I found it, and sent him every article of the present that I at first intended. Having thus completed my negociation, I returned on board; and having hoisted in the boats, made sail from the island to the north.

While the boats were hoisting in, some of the natives came off, in three or four canoes, to see the ships, as they said. They brought with them a few cocoa-nuts, and one pig, which was the only one we got at the island. I make no doubt, however, that, if we had stayed till the next day, we should have been plentifully supplied with provisions; and, I think, the natives would feel themselves disappointed, when they found that we were gone. But as we had already a very good stock both of hogs and of fruit on board, and very little of any thing left to purchase more, I could have no inducement to defer any longer the prosecution of our voyage.

The harbour of Bolabola, called Oteavanooa, situated on the west side of the island, is one of the most capacious that I ever met with; and though we did not enter it, it was a satisfaction to me, that I had an opportunity of employing my people to ascertain its being a proper place for the reception of ships.[13]

The high double-peaked mountain, which is in the middle of the island, appeared to be barren on the east side; but on the west side, has trees or bushes on its most craggy parts. The lower grounds, all round, towards the sea, are covered with cocoa-palms and bread fruit trees, like the other islands of this ocean; and the many little islets that surround it on the inside of the reef, add both to the amount of its vegetable productions, and to the number of its inhabitants.

But still, when we consider its very small extent, being not more than eight leagues in compass, it is rather remarkable, that its people should have attempted, or have been able to achieve the conquest of Ulietea and Otaha, the former of which islands is, of itself, at least double its size. In each of my three voyages, we had heard much of the war that produced this great revolution. The result of our inquiries, as to the circumstances attending it, may amuse the reader; and I give it as a specimen of the history of our friends in this part of the world, as related to us[14] by themselves.

Ulietea and Otaha, which adjoins it, lived long in friendship, or, as the natives express it, were considered as two brothers, inseparable by any interested views. They also admitted the island of Huaheine as their friend, though not so intimate. Otaha, however, like a traitor, leagued with Bolabola, and they resolved jointly to attack Ulietea; whose people called in their friends of Huaheine, to assist them against these two powers. The men of Bolabola were encouraged by a priestess, or rather prophetess, who foretold, that they should be successful; and as a proof of the certainty of her prediction, she desired, that a man might be sent to the sea, at a particular place, where, from a great depth, a stone would ascend. He went, accordingly, in a canoe to the place mentioned; and was going to dive to see where this stone lay, when, behold, it started up to the surface spontaneously into his hand! The people were astonished at the sight; the stone was deposited as sacred in the house of the _Eatooa_; and is still preserved at Bolabola, as a proof of this woman’s influence with the divinity. Their spirits being thus elevated with the hopes of victory, the canoes of Bolabola set out to engage those of Ulietea and Huaheine, which being strongly fastened together with ropes, the encounter lasted long, and would probably, notwithstanding the prediction and the miracle, have ended in the overthrow of the Bolabola fleet, if that of Otaha had not, in the critical moment, arrived. This turned the fortune of the day, and their enemies were defeated with great slaughter. The men of Bolabola, prosecuting their victory, invaded Huaheine two days after, which they knew must be weakly defended, as most of its warriors were absent. Accordingly, they made themselves masters of that island. But many of its fugitives having got to Otaheite, there told their lamentable story; which so grieved those of their countrymen, and of Ulietea, whom they met with in that island, that they obtained some assistance from them. They were equipped with only ten fighting canoes; but, though their force was so inconsiderable, they conducted the expedition with so much prudence, that they landed at Huaheine at night, when dark, and falling upon the Bolabola men by surprise killed many of them, forcing the rest to fly. So that, by this means, they got possession of their island again, which now remains independent, under the government of its own chiefs. Immediately after the defeat of the united fleets of Ulietea and Huaheine, a proposal was made to the Bolabola men by their allies of Otaha, to be admitted to an equal share of the conquests. The refusal of this broke the alliance; and in the course of the war, Otaha itself, as well as Ulietea, was conquered; and both now remain subject to Bolabola; the chiefs who govern them being only deputies of Opoony, the sovereign of that island. In the reduction of the two islands, five battles were fought, at different places, in which great numbers were slain on both sides.

Such was the account we received. I have more than once remarked, how very imperfectly these people recollect the exact dates of past events. And with regard to this war, though it happened not many years ago, we could only guess at the time of its commencement and its conclusion, from collateral circumstances, furnished by our own observation, as the natives could not satisfy our inquiries with any precision. The final conquest of Ulietea, which closed the war, we know, had been made before I was there in the Endeavour, in 1769; but we may infer, that peace had not been very long restored, as we could see marks of recent hostilities[15] having been committed upon that island. Some additional light may be thrown upon this inquiry, by attending to the age of Teereetareea, the present chief of Huaheine. His looks showed, that he was not above ten or twelve years old; and we were informed, that his father had been killed at one of the battles. As to the time when the war began, we had no better rule for judging, than this, that the young people of about twenty years of age, of whom we made inquiries, could scarcely remember the first battles; and I have already mentioned, that Omai’s countrymen, whom we found at Wateeoo, knew nothing of this war; so that its commencement was subsequent to their voyage.

Ever since the conquest of Ulietea and Otaha, the Bolabola men have been considered by their neighbours as invincible; and such is the extent of their fame, that even at Otaheite, which is almost out of their reach, if they are not dreaded, they are at least respected for their valour. It is said, that they never fly in battle, and that they always beat an equal number of the other islanders. But, besides these advantages, their neighbours seem to ascribe a great deal to the superiority of their god, who, they believed, detained us at Ulietea by contrary winds, as being unwilling that we should visit an island under his special protection.

How high the Bolabola men are now in estimation at Otaheite, may be inferred from Monsieur de Bougainville’s anchor having been conveyed to them. To the same cause we must ascribe the intention of transporting to their island the Spanish bull. And they had already got possession of a third European curiosity, the male of another animal, brought to Otaheite by the Spaniards. We had been much puzzled, by the imperfect description of the natives, to guess what this could be. But Captain Clerke’s deserters, when brought back from Bolabola, told me, that the animal had been there shown to them, and that it was a ram. It seldom happens but that some good arises out of evil; and if our two men had not deserted, I should not have known this. In consequence of their information, at the same time that I landed to meet Opoony, I carried ashore a ewe, which we had brought from the Cape of Good Hope; and I hope that, by this present, I have laid the foundation for a breed of sheep at Bolabola. I also left at Ulietea, under the care of Oreo, an English boar and sow, and two goats. So that, not only Otaheite, but all the neighbouring islands will, in a few years, have their race of hogs considerably improved; and, probably, be stocked with all the valuable animals which have been transported hither by their European visitors.

When once this comes to pass, no part of the world will equal these islands in variety and abundance of refreshments for navigators. Indeed, even in their present state, I know no place that excels them. After repeated trials, in the course of several voyages, we find, when they are not disturbed by intestine broils, but live in amity with one another, which has been the case for some years past, that their productions are in the greatest plenty; and, particularly, the most valuable of all the articles, their hogs.

If we had had a larger assortment of goods, and a sufficient quantity of salt on board, I make no doubt that we might have salted as much pork as would have served both ships near twelve months. But our visiting the Friendly Islands, and our long stay at Otaheite and the neighbourhood, quite exhausted our trading commodities; particularly our axes, with which alone hogs, in general, were to be purchased. And we had hardly salt enough to cure fifteen puncheons of meat. Of these, five were added to our stock of provisions at the Friendly Islands, and the other ten at Otaheite. Captain Clerke also salted a proportionable quantity for his ship.

The process was the same that had been adopted by me in my last voyage; and it may be worth while to describe it again. The hogs were killed in the evening; as soon as they were cleaned, they were cut up, the bones taken out, and the meat salted when it was hot. It was then laid in such a position as to permit the juices to drain from it, till the next morning, when it was again salted, packed into a cask, and covered with pickle. Here it remained for four or five days, or a week; after which it was taken out and examined, piece by piece, and if there was any found to be in the least tainted, as sometimes happened, it was separated from the rest, which was repacked into another cask, headed up, and filled with good pickle. In about eight or ten days’ time, it underwent a second examination; but this seemed unnecessary, as the whole was generally found to be perfectly cured. A mixture of bay and of white salt, answers the best; but either of them will do alone. Great care should be taken, that none of the large blood vessels remain in the meat; nor must too great a quantity be packed together at the first salting, lest the pieces in the middle should heat, and by that means prevent the salt from penetrating them. This once happened to us, when we killed a larger quantity than usual. Rainy, sultry weather, is unfavourable for salting meat in tropical climates.

Perhaps, the frequent visits Europeans have lately made to these islanders, may be one great inducement to their keeping a large stock of hogs, as they have had experience enough to know, that, whenever we come, they may be sure of getting from us what they esteem a valuable consideration for them. At Otaheite, they expect the return of the Spaniards every day; and they will look for the English, two or three years hence, not only there, but at the other islands. It is to no purpose to tell them, that you will not return. They think you must; though not of them knows, or will give himself the trouble to inquire the reason of your coming.

I own, I cannot avoid expressing it as my real opinion, that it would have been far better for these poor people, never to have known our superiority in the accommodations and arts that make life comfortable, than, after once knowing it, to be again left and abandoned to their original incapacity of improvement. Indeed, they cannot be restored to that happy mediocrity in which they lived before we discovered them, if the intercourse between us should be discontinued. It seems to me, that it has become, in a manner, incumbent on the Europeans to visit them once in three or four years, in order to supply them with those conveniencies which we have introduced among them, and have given them a predilection for. The want of such occasional supplies will, probably, be very heavily felt by them, when it may be too late to go back to their old less perfect contrivances, which they now despise, and have discontinued, since the introduction of ours. For, by the time that the iron tools, of which they are now possessed, are worn out, they will have almost lost the knowledge of their own. A stone hatchet is, at present, as rare a thing amongst them, as an iron one was eight years ago; and a chissel of bone, or stone, is not to be seen. Spike-nails have supplied the place of the last; and they are weak enough to fancy, that they have got an inexhaustible store of them; for these were not now at all sought after. Sometimes, however, nails, much smaller than a spike, would still be taken in exchange for fruit. Knives happened, at present, to be in great esteem at Ulietea; and axes and hatchets remained unrivalled by any other of our commodities at all the islands. With respect to articles of mere ornament, these people are as changeable as any of the polished nations of Europe; so that what pleases their fancy, while a fashion is in vogue, may be rejected, when another whim has supplanted it. But our iron tools are so strikingly useful, that they will, we may confidently pronounce, continue to prize them highly; and be completely miserable, if, neither possessing the materials, nor trained up to the art of fabricating them, they should cease to receive supplies of what may now be considered as having become necessary to their comfortable existence.

Otaheite, though not comprehended in the number of what we have called the Society Islands, being inhabited by the same race of men, agreeing in the same leading features of character and manners, it was fortunate that we happened to discover this principal island before the others, as the friendly and hospitable reception we there met with, of course, led us to make it the principal place of resort, in our successive visits to this part of the Pacific Ocean. By the frequency of this intercourse, we have had better opportunities of knowing something about it and its inhabitants, than about the other similar, but less considerable islands in its vicinity. Of these, however, we have seen enough to satisfy us, that all that we observed and have related of Otaheite, may, with trifling variations, be applied to them.

Too much seems to have been already known, and published in our former relations, about some of the modes of life that made Otaheite so agreeable an abode to many on board our ships; and if I could add any finishing strokes to a picture, the outlines of which have been already drawn with sufficient accuracy, I should still have hesitated to make this journal the place for exhibiting a view of licentious manners, which could only serve to disgust those for whose information I write. There are, however, many parts of the domestic, political, and religious institutions of these people, which, after all our visits to them, are but imperfectly understood. The foregoing narrative of the incidents that happened during our stay, will probably be thought to throw some additional light; and, for farther satisfaction, I refer to Mr. Anderson’s remarks.

Amidst our various subordinate employments, while at these islands, the great objects of our duty were always attended to. No opportunity was lost of making astronomical and nautical observations; from which the following table was drawn up:

Place. Latitude. Longitude. Variation of Dip of the South. East. the Compass. Needle.

Matavai Point, 17° 29-1/4ʹ 210° 22ʹ 28ʺ 5° 34ʹ East 29° 12ʹ Otaheite

Owharree Harbour, 16 42-3/4 208 52 24 5 13-1/2 28 28 Huaheine East

Ohamaneno Harbour, 16 45-1/2 208 25 22 6 19 East 29 5 Ulietea

The longitude of the three several places is deduced from the mean of 145 sets of observations made on shore; some at one place, and some at another; and carried on to each of the stations by the time-keeper. As the situation of these places was very accurately settled during my former voyages, the above observations were now made chiefly with a view of determining how far a number of lunar observations might be depended upon, and how near they would agree with those made upon the same spot in 1769, which fixed Matavai Point to be 201° 27ʹ 30ʺ. The difference, it appears, is only of 5ʹ 2ʺ; and, perhaps, no other method could have produced a more perfect agreement. Without pretending to say which of the two computations is the nearest the truth, the longitude of 210° 22ʹ 28ʺ, or, which is the same thing, 208° 25ʹ 22ʺ, will be the longitude we shall reckon from with the time-keeper, allowing it to be losing, on mean time, 1.ʺ69 each day, as found by the mean of all the observations made at these islands for that purpose.

On our arrival at Otaheite, the error of the time-keeper in longitude was,

by { Greenwich rate, 1° 18ʹ 58ʺ { Tongataboo rate, 0° 16ʹ 40ʺ

Some observations were also made on the tide; particularly at Otaheite and Ulietea; with a view of ascertaining its greatest rise at the first place. When we were there, in my second voyage, Mr. Wales thought he had discovered that it rose higher than I had observed it to do, when I first visited Otaheite in 1769. But the observations we now made, proved that it did not; that is, that it never rose higher than twelve or fourteen inches at most. And it was observed to be high-water nearly at noon, as well at the quadratures, as at the full and change of the moon.

To verify this, the following observations were made at Ulietea:

Day of Mean time Perpendicular the Water at stand, of rise. Month. from to High Water. Inches.

No. 6. 11^h 15^m 12^h 20^m 11^h 48^m 5, 5 7. 11 40 1 00 12 20 5, 2 8. 11 35 12 50 12 12 5, 0 9. 11 40 1 16 12 28 5, 5 10. 11 25 1 10 12 18 6, 5 11. 12 00 1 40 12 20 5, 0 12. 11 00 1 05 12 02 5, 7 13. 9 30 11 40 10 35 8, 0 14. 11 10 12 50 12 00 8, 0 15. 9 20 11 30 10 25 9, 2 16. 10 00 12 00 11 00 9, 0 17. 10 45 12 15 10 30 8, 5 18. 10 25 12 10 11 18 9, 0 19. 11 00 1 00 12 00 8, 0 20. 11 30 2 00 12 45 7, 0 21. 11 00 1 00 12 00 8, 0 22. 11 30 1 07 12 18 8, 0 23. 12 00 1 30 12 45 6, 5 24. 11 30 1 40 12 35 5, 5 25. 11 40 1 50 12 45 4, 7 26. 11 00 1 30 12 15 5, 2

Having now finished all that occurs to me, with regard to these islands, which make so conspicuous a figure in the list of our discoveries, the reader will permit me to suspend the prosecution of my Journal, while he pursues the following chapter, for which I am indebted to Mr. Anderson.

CHAP. IX.

ACCOUNTS OF OTAHEITE STILL IMPERFECT.—THE PREVAILING WINDS.—BEAUTY OF THE COUNTRY.—CULTIVATION.—NATURAL CURIOSITIES.—THE PERSONS OF THE NATIVES.—DISEASES.—GENERAL CHARACTER.—LOVE OF PLEASURE.—LANGUAGE.— SURGERY AND PHYSIC.—ARTICLES OF FOOD.—EFFECTS OF DRINKING AVA.—TIMES AND MANNER OF EATING.—CONNECTIONS WITH THE FEMALES.—CIRCUMCISION.— SYSTEM OF RELIGION.—NOTIONS ABOUT THE SOUL AND A FUTURE LIFE.—VARIOUS SUPERSTITIONS.—TRADITIONS ABOUT THE CREATION.—AN HISTORICAL LEGEND.— HONOURS PAID TO THE KING.—DISTINCTION OF RANKS.—PUNISHMENT OF CRIMES.— PECULIARITIES OF THE NEIGHBOURING ISLANDS.—NAMES OF THEIR GODS.—NAMES OF ISLANDS THEY VISIT.—EXTENT OF THEIR NAVIGATION.

To what has been said of Otaheite, in the accounts of the successive voyages of Captain Wallis, Monsieur de Bougainville, and Captain Cook, it would at first sight, seem superfluous to add any thing; as it might be supposed, that little could be now produced, but a repetition of what has been told before. I am, however, far from being of that opinion; and will venture to affirm, though a very accurate description of the country, and of the most obvious customs of its inhabitants, has been already given, especially by Captain Cook, that much still remains untouched; that, in some instances, mistakes have been made, which later and repeated observation has been able to rectify; and that, even now, we are strangers to many of the most important institutions that prevail amongst these people. The truth is, our visits, though frequent, have been but transient; many of us had no inclination to make inquiries; more of us were unable to direct our inquiries properly; and we all laboured, though not to the same degree, under the disadvantages attending an imperfect knowledge of the language of those from whom alone we could receive any information. The Spaniards had it more in their power to surmount this bar to instruction; some of them having resided at Otaheite much longer than any other European visitors. As, with their superior advantages, they could not but have had an opportunity of obtaining the fullest information on most subjects relating to this island, their account of it would, probably, convey more authentic and accurate intelligence than, with our best endeavours, any of us could possibly obtain. But as I look upon it to be very uncertain, if not very unlikely, that we shall ever have any communication from that quarter, I have here put together what additional intelligence about Otaheite and its neighbouring islands I was able to procure, either from Omai while on board the ship, or by conversing with the other natives while we remained amongst them.

The wind, for the greatest part of the year, blows from between east south-east, and east north-east. This is the true trade wind, or what the natives call _Maaraee_; and it sometimes blows with considerable force. When this is the case, the weather is often cloudy, with showers of rain; but when the wind is more moderate, it is clear, settled, and serene. If the wind should veer farther to the southward, and become south-east, or south south-east, it then blows more gently, with a smooth sea, and is called _Maoai_. In those months, when the sun is nearly vertical, that is, in December and January, the winds and weather are both very variable; but it frequently blows from west north-west, or north-west. This wind is what they call _Toerou_; and is generally attended by dark, cloudy weather, and frequently by rain. It sometimes blows strong, though generally moderate; but seldom lasts longer than five or six days without interruption; and is the only wind in which the people of the islands to leeward come to this, in their canoes. If it happens to be still more northerly, it blows with less strength, and has the different appellation of _Erapotaia_; which they feign to be the wife of the _Toerou_; who, according to their mythology, is a male.

The wind from south-west, and west south-west, is still more frequent than the former; and though it is, in general, gentle, and interrupted by calms, or breezes from the eastward, yet it sometimes blows in brisk squalls. The weather attending it is commonly dark, cloudy, and rainy, with a close, hot air; and often accompanied by a great deal of lightning and thunder. It is called _Etoa_, and often succeeds the _Toerou_; as does also the _Farooa_, which is still more southerly, and, from its violence, blows down houses and trees, especially the cocoa-palms, from their loftiness; but it is only of short duration.

The natives seem not to have a very accurate knowledge of these changes, and yet pretend to have drawn some general conclusions from their effects; for they say when the sea has a hollow sound, and dashes slowly on the shore, or rather on the reef without, that it portends good weather; but, if it has a sharp sound, and the waves succeed each other fast, that the reverse will happen.

Perhaps there is scarcely a spot in the universe that affords a more luxuriant prospect than the south-east part of Otaheite. The hills are high and steep; and, in many places, craggy. But they are covered to the very summits with trees and shrubs, in such a manner, that the spectator can scarcely help thinking that the very rocks possess the property of producing and supporting their verdant clothing. The flat land which bounds those hills toward the sea, and the interjacent valleys, also teem with various productions that grow with the most exuberant vigour; and at once fill the mind of the beholder with the idea that no place upon earth can outdo this in the strength and beauty of vegetation. Nature has been no less liberal in distributing rivulets, which are found in every valley; and as they approach the sea, often divide into two or three branches, fertilizing the flat lands through which they run. The habitations of the natives are scattered, without order, upon the flats; and many of them appearing toward the shore, presented a delightful scene, viewed from our ships; especially as the sea, within the reef, which bounds the coast, is perfectly still, and affords a safe navigation at all times for the inhabitants, who are often seen paddling in their canoes indolently along, in passing from place to place, or in going to fish. On viewing these charming scenes, I have often regretted my inability to transmit to those who have had no opportunity of seeing them, such a description as might, in some measure, convey an impression similar to what must be felt by every one who has been fortunate enough to be upon the spot.

It is, doubtless, the natural fertility of the country, combined with the mildness and serenity of the climate, that renders the natives so careless in their cultivation, that, in many places, though overflowing with the richest productions, the smallest traces of it cannot be observed. The cloth plant, which is raised by seeds brought from the mountains, and the _ava_, or intoxicating pepper, which they defend from the sun when very young, by covering them with leaves of the bread-fruit-tree, are almost the only things to which they seem to pay any attention; and these they keep very clean.

I have inquired very carefully into their manner of cultivating the bread-fruit-tree; but was always answered, that they never planted it. This, indeed, must be evident to every one who will examine the places where the young trees come up. It will be always observed, that they spring from the roots of the old ones, which run along near the surface of the ground. So that the bread-fruit-trees may be reckoned those that would naturally cover the plains, even supposing that the island was not inhabited; in the same manner that the white-barked trees, found at Van Diemen’s Land, constitute the forests there. And from this we may observe, that the inhabitant of Otaheite, instead of being obliged to plant his bread, will rather be under a necessity of preventing its progress; which I suppose is sometimes done, to give room for trees of another sort, to afford him some variety in his food.

The chief of these are the cocoa-nut and plantain; the first of which can give no trouble, after it has raised itself a foot or two above the ground; but the plantain requires a little more care. For, after it is planted, it shoots up, and, in about three months, begins to bear fruit; during which time it gives young shoots, which supply a succession of fruit. For the old stocks are cut down, as the fruit is taken off.

The products of the island, however, are not so remarkable for their variety, as great abundance; and curiosities of any kind are not numerous. Amongst these we may reckon a pond or lake of fresh water, at the top of one of the highest mountains, to go to and to return from which takes three or four days. It is remarkable for its depth, and has eels of an enormous size in it; which are sometimes caught by the natives, who go upon this water in little floats of two or three wild plantain-trees fastened together. This is esteemed one of the greatest natural curiosities of the country; insomuch, that travellers, who come from the other islands, are commonly asked, amongst the first things, by their friends, at their return, if they have seen it. There is also a sort of water, of which there is only one small pond upon the island, as far distant as the lake, and to appearance very good, with a yellow sediment at the bottom; but it has a bad taste, and proves fatal to those who drink any quantity; or makes them break out in blotches, if they bathe in it.

Nothing could make a stronger impression at first sight on our arrival here, than the remarkable contrast between the robust make and dark colour of the people of Tongataboo, and a sort of delicacy and whiteness which distinguish the inhabitants of Otaheite. It was even some time before that difference could preponderate in favour of the Otaheitans; and then only, perhaps, because we became accustomed to them, the marks which had recommended the others began to be forgotten. Their women, however, struck us as superior in every respect; and as possessing all those delicate characteristics which distinguish them from the other sex in many countries. The beard, which the men here wear long, and the hair, which is not cut so short as in the fashion at Tongataboo, made also a great difference; and we could not help thinking, that, on every occasion, they shewed a greater degree of timidity and fickleness. The muscular appearance, so common amongst the Friendly Islanders, and which seems a consequence of their being accustomed to much action, is lost here, where the superior fertility of their country enables the inhabitants to lead a more indolent life; and its place is supplied by a plumpness and smoothness of the skin; which, though perhaps more consonant with our ideas of beauty, is no real advantage; as it seems attended with a kind of languor in all their motions, not observable in the others. This observation is fully verified in their boxing and wrestling, which may be called little better than the feeble efforts of children, if compared to the vigour with which these exercises are performed at the Friendly Islands.

Personal endowments being in great esteem amongst them, they have recourse to several methods of improving them, according to their notions of beauty. In particular, it is a practice, especially amongst the _Erreoes_, or unmarried men of some consequence, to undergo a kind of physical operation to render them fair. This is done by remaining a month or two in the house; during which time they wear a great quantity of clothes, eat nothing but bread-fruit, to which they ascribe a remarkable property in whitening them. They also speak as if their corpulence and colour, at other times, depended upon their food; as they are obliged, from the change of seasons, to use different sorts at different times.

Their common diet is made up of at least nine-tenths of vegetable food; and, I believe, more particularly, the _mahee_, or fermented bread-fruit, which enters almost every meal, has a remarkable effect upon them, preventing a costive habit, and producing a very sensible coolness about them, which could not be perceived in us who fed on animal food. And it is, perhaps, owing to this temperate course of life that they have so few diseases among them.

They only reckon five or six, which might be called chronic, or national disorders; amongst which are the dropsy, and the _fefai_, or indolent swellings before mentioned, as frequent at Tongataboo. But this was before the arrival of the Europeans; for we have added to this short catalogue a disease which abundantly supplies the place of all others; and is now almost universal. For this they seem to have no effectual remedy. The priests, indeed, sometimes give them a medley of simples; but they own that it never cures them. And yet they allow that, in a few cases, nature, without the assistance of a physician, exterminates the poison of this fatal disease, and a perfect recovery is produced. They say, that if a man is infected with it, he will often communicate it to others in the same house, by feeding out of the same utensils, or handling them; and that in this case, they frequently die, while he recovers; though we see no reason why this should happen.

Their behaviour, on all occasions, seems to indicate a great openness and generosity of disposition. Omai, indeed, who, as their countryman, should be supposed rather willing to conceal any of their defects, has often said, that they are sometimes cruel in punishing their enemies. According to his representation, they torment them very deliberately; at one time tearing out small pieces of flesh from different parts; at another, taking out the eyes; then cutting off the nose; and, lastly, killing them by opening the belly. But this only happens on particular occasions. If cheerfulness argues a conscious innocence, one would suppose that their life is seldom sullied by crimes. This, however, I rather impute to their feelings, which, though lively, seem in no case permanent; for I never saw them, in any misfortune, labour under the appearance of anxiety after the critical moment was past. Neither does care ever seem to wrinkle their brow. On the contrary, even the approach of death does not appear to alter their usual vivacity. I have seen them, when brought to the brink of the grave by disease, and when preparing to go to battle; but, in neither case, ever observed their countenances overclouded with melancholy or serious reflection.

Such a disposition leads them to direct all their aims only to what can give them pleasure and ease. Their amusements all tend to excite and continue their amorous passions; and their songs, of which they are immoderately fond, answer the same purpose. But as a constant succession of sensual enjoyments must cloy, we found that they frequently varied them to more refined subjects, and had much pleasure in chanting their triumphs in war, and their occupations in peace; their travels to other islands, and adventures there; and the peculiar beauties, and superior advantages of their own island over the rest, or of different parts of it over other less favourable districts. This marks that they receive great delight from music; and though they rather expressed a dislike to our complicated compositions, yet were they always delighted with the more melodious sounds produced singly on our instruments, as approaching nearer to the simplicity of their own.

Neither are they strangers to the soothing effects produced by particular sorts of motion; which, in some cases, seem to allay any perturbation of mind with as much success as music. Of this, I met with a remarkable instance. For on walking one day about Matavai Point, where our tents were erected, I saw a man paddling in a small canoe, so quickly, and looking about him with such eagerness on each side, as to command all my attention. At first I imagined he had stolen something from one of the ships, and was pursued; but, on waiting patiently, saw him repeat his amusement. He went out from the shore, till he was near the place where the swell begins to take its rise; and, watching its first motion very attentively, paddled before it with great quickness, till he found that it overlooked him, and had acquired sufficient force to carry his canoe before it, without passing underneath. He then sat motionless, and was carried along, at the same swift rate as the wave, till it landed him upon the beach. Then he started out, emptied his canoe, and went in search of another swell. I could not help concluding that this man felt the most supreme pleasure, while he was driven on so fast and so smoothly by the sea; especially as, though the tents and ships were so near, he did not seem in the least to envy, or even to take any notice of, the crowds of his countrymen collected to view them as objects which were rare and curious. During my stay, two or three of the natives came up, who seemed to share his felicity, and always called out when there was an appearance of a favourable swell, as he sometimes missed it, by his back being turned, and looking about for it. By them I understood that this exercise, which is called _choroee_, was frequent amongst them; and they have probably more amusements of this sort, which afford them at least as much pleasure as skaiting, which is the only one of ours, with whose effects I could compare it.

The language of Otaheite, though doubtless radically the same with that of New Zealand and the Friendly Islands, is destitute of that guttural pronunciation, and of some consonants, with which those latter dialects abound. The specimens we have already given, are sufficient to mark wherein the variation chiefly consists, and to show that, like the manners of the inhabitants, it has become soft and soothing. During the former voyage, I had collected a copious vocabulary, which enabled me the better to compare this dialect with that of the other islands; and, during this voyage, I took every opportunity of improving my acquaintance with it, by conversing with Omai before we arrived, and by my daily intercourse with the natives while we now remained there.[16] It abounds with beautiful and figurative expressions, which, were it perfectly known, would, I have no doubt, put it upon a level with many of the languages that are most in esteem for their warmth and bold images. For instance, the Otaheitans express their notions of death very emphatically, by saying, “That the soul goes into darkness; or rather into night.” And, if you seem to entertain any doubt, in asking the question, “if such a person is their mother,” they immediately reply with surprize, “Yes; the mother that bore me.” They have one expression that corresponds exactly with the phraseology of the scriptures, where we read of the “yearning of the bowels.” They use it on all occasions, when the passions give them uneasiness; as they constantly refer pain from grief, anxious desire, and other affections, to the bowels, as its seat; where they likewise suppose all operations of the mind are performed. Their language admits of that inverted arrangement of words which so much distinguishes the Latin and Greek from most of our modern European tongues, whose imperfections require a more orderly construction, to prevent ambiguities. It is so copious, that for the bread-fruit alone, in its different states, they have above twenty names; as many for the _taro_ root; and about ten for the cocoa-nut. Add to this, that, besides the common dialect, they often expostulate, in a kind of stanza or recitative, which is answered in the same manner.

Their arts are few and simple; yet, if we may credit them, they perform cures in surgery which our extensive knowledge in that branch has not, as yet, enabled us to imitate. In simple fractures, they bind them up with splints; but if part of the substance of the bone be lost, they insert a piece of wood between the fractured ends, made hollow like the deficient part. In five or six days, the _rapaoo_, or surgeon, inspects the wound, and finds the wood partly covered with the growing flesh. In as many more days, it is generally entirely covered; after which, when the patient has acquired some strength, he bathes in the water, and recovers. We know that wounds will heal over leaden bullets; and sometimes, though rarely, over other extraneous bodies. But what makes me entertain some doubt of the truth of so extraordinary skill, as in the above instance, is, that in other cases which fell under my own observation, they are far from being so dexterous. I have seen the stump of an arm, which was taken off after being shattered by a fall from a tree, that bore no marks of skilful operation, though some allowance be made for their defective instruments. And I met with a man going about with a dislocated shoulder, some months after the accident, from their being ignorant of a method to reduce it; though this be considered as one of the simplest operations of our surgery. They know that fractures or luxations of the spine are mortal, but not fractures of the skull; and they likewise know, from experience, in what parts of the body wounds prove fatal. They have sometimes pointed out those inflicted by spears, which, if made in the direction they mentioned, would certainly have been pronounced deadly by us; and yet these people have recovered.

Their physical knowledge seems more confined; and that, probably, because their diseases are fewer than their accidents. The priests, however, administer the juices of herbs in some cases; and women who are troubled with after-pains, or other disorders after child-bearing, use a remedy which one would think needless in a hot country. They first heat stones, as when they bake their food; then they lay a thick cloth over them, upon which is put a quantity of a small plant of the mustard kind; and these are covered with another cloth. Upon this they seat themselves, and sweat plentifully, to obtain a cure. The men have practised the same method for the venereal _lues_, but find it ineffectual. They have no emetic medicines.

Notwithstanding the extreme fertility of the island, a famine frequently happens, in which, it is said, many perish. Whether this be owing to the failure of some seasons, to over population, which must sometimes almost necessarily happen, or to wars, I have not been able to determine; though the truth of the fact may be fairly inferred, from the great economy that they observe with respect to their food, even when there is plenty. In times of scarcity, after their bread-fruit and yams are consumed, they have recourse to various roots which grow without cultivation upon the mountains. The _patarra_, which is found in vast quantities, is what they use first. It is not unlike a very large potatoe or yam, and good when in its growing state; but, when old, is full of hard stringy fibres. They then eat two other roots; one not unlike _taro_; and lastly, the _ehoee_. This is of two sorts; one of them possessing deleterious qualities, which obliges them to slice and macerate it in water a night before they bake and eat it. In this respect, it resembles the _cassava_ root of the West Indies; but it forms a very insipid, moist paste, in the manner they dress it. However, I have seen them eat it at times, when no such scarcity reigned. Both this and the _patarra_ are creeping plants; the last, with ternate leaves.

Of animal food, a very small portion falls, at any time, to the share of the lower class of people; and then it is either fish, sea eggs, or other marine productions; for they seldom or ever eat pork. The _Eree de hoi_[17] alone is able to furnish pork every day; and inferior chiefs, according to their riches, once a week, fortnight, or month. Sometimes they are not even allowed that; for, when the island is impoverished by war, or other causes, the chief prohibits his subjects to kill any hogs; and this prohibition, we were told, is in force sometimes for several months, or even for a year or two. During that restraint, the hogs multiply so fast, that there are instances of their changing their domestic state, and turning wild. When it is thought proper to take off the prohibition, all the chiefs assemble at the king’s place of abode; and each brings with him a present of hogs. The king then orders some of them to be killed, on which they feast; and, after that, every one returns home with liberty to kill what he pleases for his own use. Such a prohibition was actually in force, on our arrival here; at least, in all those districts of the island that are immediately under the direction of Otoo. And, lest it should have prevented our going to Matavai after leaving Oheitepeha, he sent a message to assure us, that it should be taken off as soon as the ships arrived there. With respect to us, we found it so; but we made such a consumption of them, that, I have no doubt, it would be laid on again as soon as we sailed. A similar prohibition is also, sometimes extended to fowls.

It is also amongst the better sort that the _ava_ is chiefly used. But this beverage is prepared somewhat differently from that which we saw so much of at the Friendly Islands. For they pour a very small quantity of water upon the root here; and sometimes roast or bake, and bruise the stalks, without chewing it previously to its infusion. They also use the leaves of the plant here, which are bruised, and water poured upon them, as upon the root. Large companies do not assemble to drink it, in that sociable way which is practised at Tongataboo. But its pernicious effects are more obvious here; perhaps owing to the manner of preparing it; as we often saw instances of its intoxicating, or rather stupifying powers. Some of us, who had been at these islands before, were surprised to find many people, who, when we saw them last, were remarkable for their size and corpulency, now almost reduced to skeletons; and, upon inquiring into the cause of this alteration, it was universally allowed to be the use of the _ava_. The skins of these people were rough, dry, and covered with scales; which, they say, every now and then fall off, and their skin is, as it were, renewed. As an excuse for a practice so destructive, they allege that it is adopted to prevent their growing too fat; but it evidently enervates them; and in all probability shortens their days. As its effects had not been so visible during our former visits, it is not unlikely that this article of luxury had never been so much abused as at this time. If it continues to be so fashionable, it bids fair to destroy great numbers.

The times of eating, at Otaheite, are very frequent. Their first meal, or (as it may rather be called) their last, as they go to sleep after it, is about two o’clock in the morning; and the next is at eight. At eleven, they dine, and again, as Omai expressed it, at two, and at five; and sup at eight. In this article of domestic life, they have adopted some customs which are exceedingly whimsical. The women, for instance, have not only the mortification of being obliged to eat by themselves, and in a different part of the house from the men; but, by a strange kind of policy, are excluded from a share of most of the better sorts of food. They dare not taste turtle, nor fish of the tunny kind, which is much esteemed; nor some particular sorts of the best plantains; and it is very seldom that even those of the first rank are suffered to eat pork. The children of each sex also eat apart; and the women, generally, serve up their own victuals; for they would certainly starve, before any grown man would do them such an office. In this, as well as in some other customs relative to their eating, there is a mysterious conduct which we could never thoroughly comprehend. When we enquired into the reasons of it, we could get no other answer, but that it is right and necessary it should be so.

In other customs respecting the females, there seems to be no such obscurity; especially as to their connections with the men. If a young man and woman, from mutual choice, cohabit, the man gives the father of the girl such things as are necessary in common life; as hogs, cloth, or canoes, in proportion to the time they are together; and if he thinks that he has not been sufficiently paid for his daughter, he makes no scruple of forcing her to leave her friend, and to cohabit with another person, who may be more liberal. The man, on his part, is always at liberty to make a new choice; but, should his consort become pregnant, he may kill the child; and, after that, either continue his connection with the mother, or leave her. But if he should adopt the child, and suffer it to live, the parties are then considered as in the married state, and they commonly live together ever after. However, it is thought no crime in the man to join a more youthful partner to his first wife, and to live with both. The custom of changing their connections is, however, much more general than this last; and it is a thing so common, that they speak of it with great indifference. The _Erreoes_ are only those of the better sort, who, from their fickleness, and their possessing the means of purchasing a succession of fresh connections, are constantly roaming about; and, from having no particular attachment, seldom adopt the more settled method mentioned above. And so agreeable is this licentious plan of life to their disposition, that the most beautiful of both sexes thus commonly spend their youthful days, habituated to the practice of enormities which would disgrace the most savage tribes; but are peculiarly shocking amongst a people whose general character, in other respects, has evident traces of the prevalence of humane and tender feelings.[18] When an _Erreoe_ woman is delivered of a child, a piece of cloth, dipped in water, is applied to the mouth and nose, which suffocates it.

As in such a life, their women must contribute a very large share of its happiness, it is rather surprising, besides the humiliating restraints they are laid under with regard to food, to find them often treated with a degree of harshness, or rather brutality, which one would scarcely suppose a man would bestow on an object for whom he had the least affection. Nothing, however, is more common, than to see the men beat them without mercy; and, unless this treatment is the effect of jealousy, which both sexes at least pretend to be sometimes infected with, it will be difficult to admit this as the motive, as I have seen several instances where the women have preferred personal beauty to interest; though I must own, that, even in these cases, they seem scarcely susceptible of those delicate sentiments that are the result of mutual affection; and, I believe, that there is less Platonic love in Otaheite than in any other country.

Cutting or inciding the fore-skin should be mentioned here as a practice adopted amongst them, from a notion of cleanliness; and they have a reproachful epithet in their language for those who do not observe that custom. When there are five or six lads, pretty well grown up in a neighbourhood, the father of one of them goes to a _Tahoua_, or man of knowledge, and lets him know. He goes with the lads to the top of the hills, attended by a servant; and seating one of them properly, introduces a piece of wood underneath the foreskin, and desires him to look aside at something he pretends is coming. Having thus engaged the young man’s attention to another object, he cuts through the skin upon the wood with a shark’s tooth, generally at one stroke. He then separates, or rather turns back the divided parts; and, having put on a bandage, proceeds to perform the same operation on the other lads. At the end of five days they bathe, and the bandages being taken off, the matter is cleaned away. At the end of five days more, they bathe again, and are well; but a thickness of the prepuce where it was cut, remaining, they go again to the mountains with the _Tahoua_ and servant; and a fire being prepared, and some stones heated, the _Tahoua_ puts the prepuce between two of them, and squeezes it gently, which removes the thickness. They return home, having their heads and other parts of their bodies adorned with odoriferous flowers; and the _Tahoua_ is rewarded for his services by their fathers, in proportion to their several abilities, with presents of hogs and cloth; and if they be poor, their relations are liberal on the occasion.

Their religious system is extensive, and, in many instances, singular; but few of the common people have a perfect knowledge of it; that being confined chiefly to their priests, who are pretty numerous. They do not seem to pay any respect to one God, as possessing pre-eminence, but believe in a plurality of divinities, who are all very powerful; and in this case, as different parts of the island, and the other islands in the neighbourhood, have different ones, the inhabitants of each, no doubt, think that they have chosen the most eminent, or, at least, one who is invested with power sufficient to protect them, and to supply all their wants. If he should not answer their expectations, they think it no impiety to change; as has very lately happened in Tiaraboo, where, in the room of the two divinities formerly honoured there, Oraa[19], god of Bolabola, has been adopted, I should suppose, because he is the protector of a people who have been victorious in war; and as, since they have made this change, they have been very successful themselves against the inhabitants of _Otaheite-nooe_, they impute it entirely to _Oraa_, who, as they literally say, fights their battles.

Their assiduity in serving their gods is remarkably conspicuous. Not only the _whattas_, or offering places of the _morais_, are commonly loaded with fruit and animals, but there are few houses where you do not meet with a small place of the same sort near them. Many of them are so rigidly scrupulous, that they will not begin a meal without first laying aside a morsel for the _Eatooa_; and we had an opportunity, during this voyage, of seeing their superstitious zeal carried to a most pernicious height in the instance of human sacrifices; the occasions of offering which, I doubt, are too frequent. Perhaps they have recourse to them when misfortunes occur; for they asked, if one of our men, who happened to be confined when we were detained by a contrary wind, was _taboo_? Their prayers are also very frequent, which they chant, much after the manner of the songs in their festive entertainments. And the women, as in other cases, are also obliged to show their inferiority in religious observances; for it is required of them, that they should partly uncover themselves, as they pass the _morais_; or take a considerable circuit to avoid them. Though they have no notion, that their god must always be conferring benefits without sometimes forgetting them, or suffering evil to befall them, they seem to regard this less than the attempts of some more inauspicious being to hurt them. They tell us, that _Etee_ is an evil spirit, who sometimes does them mischief; and to whom, as well as to their god, they make offerings. But the mischiefs they apprehend from any superior invincible beings, are confined to things merely temporal.

They believe the soul to be both immaterial and immortal. They say that it keeps fluttering about the lips during the pangs of death; and that then it ascends, and mixes with, or, as they express it, is eaten by the deity. In this state it remains for some time; after which, it departs to a certain place destined for the reception of the souls of men, where it exists in eternal night; or, as they sometimes say, in twilight, or dawn. They have no idea of any permanent punishment after death for crimes that they have committed on earth; for the souls of good and bad men are eat indiscriminately by God. But they certainly consider this coalition with the deity as a kind of purification necessary to be undergone, before they enter a state of bliss. For, according to their doctrine, if a man refrain from all connection with women some months before death, he passes immediately into his eternal mansion without such a previous union; as if already, by this abstinence, he were pure enough to be exempted from the general lot.

They are, however, far from entertaining those sublime conceptions of happiness which our religion, and, indeed, reason, gives us room to expect hereafter. The only great privilege they seem to think they shall acquire by death, is immortality; for they speak of spirits being, in some measure, not totally divested of those passions which actuated them when combined with material vehicles. Thus, if souls who were formerly enemies, should meet, they have many conflicts; though, it should seem, to no purpose, as they are accounted invulnerable in this invisible state. There is a similar reasoning with regard to the meeting of man and wife. If the husband dies first, the soul of his wife is known to him on its arrival in the land of spirits. They resume their former acquaintance in a spacious house, called _Tourooa_, where the souls of the deceased assemble to recreate themselves with the gods. She then retires with him to his separate habitation, where they remain for ever, and have an offspring; which, however, is entirely spiritual; as they are neither married, nor are their embraces supposed to be the same as with corporeal beings.

Some of their notions about the deity are extravagantly absurd. They believe, that he is subject to the power of those very spirits to whom he has given existence; and that, in their turn, they frequently eat or devour him, though he possess the power of recreating himself. They doubtless use this mode of expression, as they seem incapable of conversing about immaterial things without constantly referring to material objects to convey their meaning. And in this manner they continue the account, by saying, that, in the _Tourooa_, the deity inquires, if they intend, or not, to destroy him? And that he is not able to alter their determination. This is known to the inhabitants on earth, as well as to the spirits; for when the moon is in its wane, it is said, that they are then devouring their _Eatooa_; and that, as it increases, he is renewing himself. And to this accident, not only the inferior, but the most eminent gods are liable. They also believe, that there are other places for the reception of souls at death. Thus, those who are drowned in the sea, remain there; where they think that there is a fine country, houses, and every thing that can make them happy. But what is more singular, they maintain, that not only all other animals, but trees, fruit, and even stones, have souls, which at death, or upon being consumed or broken, ascend to the divinity, with whom they first mix, and afterward pass into the mansion allotted to each.

They imagine that their punctual performance of religious offices procures for them every temporal blessing. And as they believe, that the animating and powerful influence of the divine spirit is every where diffused, it is no wonder that they join to this many superstitious opinions about its operations. Accordingly, they believe that sudden deaths, and all other accidents, are effected by the immediate action of some divinity. If a man only stumble against a stone, and hurt his toe, they impute it to an _Eatooa_; so that they may be literally said, agreeable to their system, to tread enchanted ground. They are startled, in the night, on approaching a _toopapaoo_, where the dead are exposed, in the same manner that many of our ignorant and superstitious people are with the apprehensions of ghosts, and at the sight of a church-yard; and they have an equal confidence in dreams, which they suppose to be communications either from their god, or from the spirits of their departed friends, enabling those favoured with them to foretel future events; but this kind of knowledge is confined to particular people. Omai pretended to have this gift. He told us, that the soul of his father had intimated to him in a dream, on the 26th of July, 1776, that he should go on shore, at some place, within three days; but he was unfortunate in this first attempt to persuade us that he was a prophet; for it was the 1st of August before we got into Teneriffe. Amongst them, however, the dreamers possess a reputation little inferior to that of their inspired priests and priestesses, whose predictions they implicitly believe, and are determined by them in all undertakings of consequence. The priestess who persuaded Opoony to invade Ulietea, is much respected by him; and he never goes to war without consulting her. They also, in some degree, maintain our old doctrine of planetary influence; at least, they are sometimes regulated, in their public counsels, by certain appearances of the moon; particularly when lying horizontally, or much inclined on the convex part, on its first appearance after the change, they are encouraged to engage in war, with confidence of success.

They have traditions concerning the creation, which, as might be expected, are complex, and clouded with obscurity. They say, that a goddess, having a lump or mass of earth suspended in a cord, gave it a swing, and scattered about pieces of land, thus constituting Otaheite, and the neighbouring islands, which were all peopled by a man and a woman originally fixed at Otaheite. This, however, only respects their own immediate creation; for they have notions of an universal one before this; and of lands, of which they have now no other knowledge than what is mentioned in the tradition. Their most remote account reaches to Tatooma and Tapuppa, male and female stones or rocks, who support the congeries of land and water, or our globe underneath. These produced Totorro, who was killed, and divided into land; and, after him, Otaia and Oroo were begotten, who were afterward married, and produced, first land, and then a race of gods. Otai is killed, and Oroo marries a god, her son, called Teorraha, whom she orders to create more land, the animals, and all sorts of food upon the earth; as also the sky, which is supported by men called Teeferei. The spots observed in the moon, are supposed to be groves of a sort of trees which once grew in Otaheite, and being destroyed by some accident, their seeds were carried up thither by doves, where they now flourish.

They have also many legends, both religious and historical; one of which latter, relative to the practice of eating human flesh, I shall give the substance of, as a specimen of their method. A long time since, there lived in Otaheite two men called _Taheeai_; the only name they yet have for cannibals. None knew from whence they came, or in what manner they arrived at the island. Their habitation was in the mountains, from whence they used to issue, and kill many of the natives, whom they afterwards devoured, and by that means prevented the progress of population. Two brothers, determined to rid their country of such a formidable enemy, used a stratagem for their destruction with success. These still lived farther upward than the _Taheeai_, and in such a situation, that they could speak with them without greatly hazarding their own safety. They invited them to accept of an entertainment that should be provided for them, to which these readily consented. The brothers then taking some stones, heated them in a fire, and thrusting them into pieces of _mahee_, desired one of the _Taheeai_ to open his mouth. On which, one of these pieces was dropped in, and some water poured down, which made a boiling or hissing noise in quenching the stone, and killed him. They intreated the other to do the same; but he declined it, representing the consequences of his companion’s eating. However, they assured him that the food was excellent, and its effects only temporary; for that the other would soon recover. His credulity was such, that he swallowed the bait, and shared the fate of the first. The natives then cut them in pieces, which they buried; and conferred the government of the island on the brothers, as a reward for delivering them from such monsters. Their residence was in the district called Whapaeenoo; and, to this day, there remains a bread-fruit tree, once the property of the _Taheeais_. They had also a woman, who lived with them, and had two teeth of a prodigious size. After they were killed, she lived at the island Otaha, and, when dead, was ranked amongst their deities. She did not eat human flesh, as the men; but, from the size of her teeth, the natives still call any animal that has a fierce appearance, or is represented with large tusks, _Taheeai_.

Every one must allow, that this story is just as natural as that of Hercules destroying the Hydra, or the more modern one of Jack the giant-killer. But I do not find, that there is any moral couched under it, any more than under most old fables of the same kind, which have been received as truths only during the prevalence of the same ignorance that marked the character of the ages in which they were invented. It, however, has not been improperly introduced, as serving to express the horror and detestation entertained here against those who feed upon human flesh. And yet, from some circumstances, I have been led to think, that the natives of these isles were formerly cannibals. Upon asking Omai, he denied it stoutly; yet mentioned a fact, within his own knowledge, which almost confirms such an opinion. When the people of Bolabola, one time, defeated those of Huaheine, a great number of his kinsmen were slain. But one of his relations had, afterward, an opportunity of revenging himself, when the Bolabola men were worsted in their turn, and cutting a piece out of the thigh of one of his enemies, he broiled and eat it. I have also frequently considered the offering of the person’s eye who is sacrificed, to the chief, as a vestige of a custom which once really existed to a greater extent, and is still commemorated by this emblematical ceremony.

The being invested with the _maro_, and the presiding at human sacrifices, seem to be the peculiar characteristics of the sovereign. To these, perhaps, may be added, the blowing a conch-shell, which produces a very loud sound. On hearing it, all his subjects are obliged to bring food of every sort to his royal residence in proportion to their abilities. On some other occasions, they carry their veneration for his very name to an extravagant and very destructive pitch. For if, on his accession to the _maro_, any words in their language be found to have a resemblance to it in sound, they are changed for others; and if any man be bold enough not to comply, and continue to use those words, not only he, but all his relations, are immediately put to death. The same severity is exercised toward those who shall presume to apply this sacred name to any animal. And, agreeably to this custom of his countrymen, Omai used to express his indignation, that the English should give the names of prince or princess to their favourite horses or dogs. But while death is the punishment for making free with the name of their sovereign, if abuse be only levelled at his government, the offender escapes with the forfeiture of land and houses.

The king never enters the house of any of his subjects; but has, in every district, where he visits, houses belonging to himself. And if, at any time, he should be obliged by accident to deviate from this rule, the house thus honoured with his presence, and every part of its furniture, is burnt. His subjects not only uncover to him, when present, down to the waist; but if he be at any particular place, a pole, having a piece of cloth tied to it, is set up somewhere near, to which they pay the same honours. His brothers are also intitled to the first part of the ceremony; but the women only uncover to the females of the royal family. In short, they seem even superstitious in their respect to him, and esteem his person little less than sacred. And it is, perhaps, to these circumstances, that he owes the quiet possession of his dominions. For even the people of Tiaraboo allow him the same honours as his right; though, at the time, they look upon their own chief as more powerful; and say, that he would succeed to the government of the whole island, should the present reigning family become extinct. This is the more likely, as Waheiadooa not only possesses Tiaraboo, but many districts of Opooreanoo. His territories, therefore, are almost equal in extent to those of Otoo; and he has besides the advantage of a more populous and fertile part of the island. His subjects, also, have given proofs of their superiority, by frequent victories over those of Otaheite-nooe, whom they affect to speak of as contemptible warriors, easily to be worsted, if, at any time, their chief should wish to put it to the test.

The ranks of people, besides the _Eree de hoi_, and his family, are the _Erees_, or powerful chiefs; the _Manahoone_, or vassals; and the _Teou_, or _Toutou_, servants, or rather slaves. The men of each of these, according to the regular institution, form their connections with women of their respective ranks; but if with any inferior one, which frequently happens, and a child be born, it is preserved, and has the rank of the father, unless he happens to be an _Eree_, in which case it is killed. If a woman of condition should choose an inferior person to officiate as a husband, the children he has by her are killed. And if a _Teou_ be caught in an intrigue with a woman of the blood royal, he is put to death. The son of the _Eree de hoi_ succeeds his father in title and honours as soon as he is born; but if he should have no children, the brother assumes the government at his death. In other families, possessions always descend to the eldest son; but he is obliged to maintain his brothers and sisters, who are allowed houses on his estates.

The boundaries of the several districts into which Otaheite is divided, are, generally, either rivulets, or low hills, which, in many places, jut out into the sea. But the subdivisions into particular property are marked by large stones, which have remained from one generation to another. The removal of any of these gives rise to quarrels, which are decided by arms; each party bringing his friends into the field. But if any one complain to the _Eree de hoi_, he terminates the difference amicably. This is an offence, however, not common; and long custom seems to secure property here as effectually as the most severe laws do in other countries. In conformity also to ancient practice established amongst them, crimes of a less general nature are left to be punished by the sufferer, without referring them to a superior. In this case, they seem to think that the injured person will judge as equitably as those who are totally unconcerned; and as long custom has allotted certain punishments for crimes of different sorts, he is allowed to inflict them, without being amenable to any other person. Thus, if any one be caught stealing, which is commonly done in the night, the proprietor of the goods may put the thief instantly to death; and if any one should enquire of him after the deceased, it is sufficient to acquit him, if he only inform them of the provocation he had to kill him. But so severe a punishment is seldom inflicted, unless the articles that are stolen be reckoned very valuable; such as breast-plates and plaited hair. If only cloth, or even hogs be stolen, and the thief escape, upon his being afterward discovered, if he promise to return the same number of pieces of cloth, or of hogs, no farther punishment is inflicted. Sometimes, after keeping out of the way for a few days, he is forgiven, or, at most, gets a slight beating. If a person kill another in a quarrel, the friends of the deceased assemble, and engage the survivor and his adherents. If they conquer, they take possession of the house, lands, and goods of the other party; but if conquered, the reverse takes place. If a _Manahoone_ kill the _Toutou_, or slave of a chief, the latter sends people to take possession of the lands and house of the former, who flies either to some other part of the island, or to some of the neighbouring islands. After some months he returns, and finding his stock of hogs much increased, he offers a large present of those, with some red feathers, and other valuable articles, to the _Toutou_’s master, who generally accepts the compensation, and permits him to repossess his house and lands. This practice is the height of venality and injustice; and the slayer of the slave seems to be under no farther necessity of absconding, than to impose upon the lower class of people who are the sufferers. For it does not appear, that the chief has the least power to punish this _Manahoone_; but the whole management marks a collusion between him and his superior, to gratify the revenge of the former, and the avarice of the latter. Indeed, we need not wonder that the killing of a man should be considered as so venial an offence, amongst a people who do not consider it as any crime at all, to murder their own children. When talking to them about such instances of unnatural cruelty, and asking, whether the chiefs, or principal people were not angry, and did not punish them? I was told, that the chief neither could nor would interfere in such cases; and that every one had a right to do with his own child what he pleased.

Though the productions, the people, and the customs and manners of all the islands in the neighbourhood, may, in general, be reckoned the same as at Otaheite, there are a few differences which should be mentioned, as this may lead to an enquiry about more material ones hereafter, if such there be, of which we are now ignorant.

With regard to the little island Mataia, or Osnaburgh Island, which lies twenty leagues east of Otaheite, and belongs to a chief of that place, who gets from thence a kind of tribute, a different dialect from that of Otaheite is there spoken. The men of Mataia also wear their hair very long, and when they fight, cover their arms with a substance which is beset with sharks’ teeth, and their bodies with a sort of shagreen, being skin of fishes. At the same time, they are ornamented with polished pearl shells, which make a prodigious glittering in the sun; and they have a very large one that covers them before like a shield or breast-plate.

The language of Otaheite has many words, and even phrases, quite unlike those of the islands to the westward of it, which all agree; and it is remarkable for producing great quantities of that delicious fruit we called apples, which are found in none of the others, except Eimeo. It has also the advantage of producing an odoriferous wood, called _eahoi_, which is highly valued at the other isles where there is none; nor even in the south-east peninsula, or Tiarraboo, though joining it. And at Mourooa there is a particular bird found upon the hills, much esteemed for its white feathers; at which place there is also said to be some of the apples, though it be the most remote of the Society Islands from Otaheite and Eimeo, where they are produced.

Though the religion of all the islands be the same, each of them has its particular or tutelar God; whose names, according to the best information I could receive, are set down in the following list:

_Gods of the Isles._

Huaheine, _Tanne._ Ulietea, _Oroo._ Otaha, _Tanne._ Bolabola, _Oraa._ Mourooa, _Otoo, ee weiahoo._ Toobaee, _Tamouee_. Tabooymanoo, or } Saunders’s Island, } _Taroa_. which is subject } to Huaheine, } Eimeo, _Oroo hadoo_. {Otaheite } _Ooroo_. { nooe, } Otaheite, { { whom they have {Tiaraboo { _Opoonoa_, and { lately changed { _Whatooteeree_ { for Oraa, god { of Bolabola.

Mataia, or Osnaburgh } _Tooboo, toobooai, Ry maraiva_. Island, } The low isles, Eastward, } _Tammaree_.

Besides the cluster of high islands from Mataia to Mourooa inclusive, the people of Otaheite are acquainted with a low uninhabited island, which they name Mopeeha, and seems to be Howe’s Island, laid down to the westward of Mourooa in our late charts of this ocean. To this the inhabitants of the most leeward islands sometimes go. There are also several low islands, to the north-eastward of Otaheite, which they have sometimes visited, but not constantly; and are said to be only at the distance two days’ sail with a fair wind. They were thus named to me:

Mataeeva, Oanaa, called Oanna in Dalrymple’s Letter to Hawkesworth. Taboohoe, Awehee, Kaoora, Orootooa, Otavaoo, where are large pearls.

The inhabitants of these isles come more frequently to Otaheite, and the other neighbouring high islands, from whose natives they differ in being of a darker colour, with a fiercer aspect, and differently punctured. I was informed, that at Mataeeva and others of them, it is a custom for the men to give their daughters to strangers who arrive amongst them; but the pairs must be five nights lying near each other, without presuming to proceed farther. On the sixth evening, the father of the young woman treats his guest with food, and informs his daughter that she must that night receive him as her husband. The stranger, however, must not offer to express the least dislike, though the bed-fellow allotted to him should be ever so disagreeable; for this is considered as an unpardonable affront, and is punished with death. Forty men of Bolabola, who, incited by curiosity, had roamed as far as Mataeeva in a canoe, were treated in this manner; one of them having incautiously mentioned his dislike of the woman who fell to his lot, in the hearing of a boy who informed her father. In consequence of this, the Mataeevans fell upon them; but these warlike people killed three times their own number; though with the loss of all their party except five. These hid themselves in the woods, and took an opportunity, when the others were burying their dead, to enter some houses, where, having provided themselves with victuals and water, they carried them on board a canoe, in which they made their escape; and after passing Mataia, at which they would not touch, at last arrived safe at Eimeo. The Bolabolans, however, were sensible enough that their travellers had been to blame; for a canoe from Mataeeva, arriving some time after at Bolabola, so far were they from retaliating upon them for the death of their countrymen, that they acknowledged they had deserved their fate, and treated their visitors kindly.

These low isles are, doubtless, the farthest navigation, which those of Otaheite and the Society Islands perform at present. It seems to be a groundless supposition, made by Mons. de Bougainville, that they made voyages of the prodigious extent[20] he mentions; for I found, that it is reckoned a sort of prodigy, that a canoe once driven by a storm from Otaheite, should have fallen in with Mopeeha, or Howe’s Island, though so near, and directly to leeward. The knowledge they have of other distant islands is no doubt traditional, and has been communicated to them by the natives of those islands, driven accidentally upon their coasts, who besides giving them the names, could easily inform them of the direction in which the places lie from whence they came, and of the number of days they had been upon the sea. In this manner, it may be supposed, that the natives of Wateeoo have increased their catalogue by the addition of Otaheite and its neighbouring isles, from the people we met with there, and also of the other islands these had heard of. We may thus account for that extensive knowledge attributed by the gentlemen of the Endeavour[21] to Tupia in such matters. And with all due deference to his veracity, I presume that it was by the same means of information, that he was able to direct the ship to Oheteroa, without having ever been there himself, as he pretended; which, on many accounts, is very improbable.

CHAP. X.

PROGRESS OF THE VOYAGE, AFTER LEAVING THE SOCIETY ISLANDS.—CHRISTMAS ISLAND DISCOVERED, AND STATION OF THE SHIPS THERE.—BOATS SENT ASHORE.— GREAT SUCCESS IN CATCHING TURTLE.—AN ECLIPSE OF THE SUN OBSERVED.— DISTRESS OF TWO SEAMEN, WHO HAD LOST THEIR WAY.—INSCRIPTION LEFT IN A BOTTLE.—ACCOUNT OF THE ISLAND.—ITS SOIL.—TREES AND PLANTS.—BIRDS.—ITS SIZE.--FORM.--SITUATION.--ANCHORING-GROUND.

After leaving Bolabola, I steered to the northward, close hawled, with the wind between N. E. and E., hardly ever having it to the southward of E., till after we had crossed the line, and had got into north latitudes. So that our course, made good, was always to the W. of N., and sometimes no better than N. W.

Though seventeen months had now elapsed since our departure from England, during which we had not, upon the whole, been unprofitably employed, I was sensible that, with regard to the principal object of my instructions, our voyage was at this time only beginning; and, therefore, my attention to every circumstance that might contribute toward our safety and our ultimate success, was now to be called forth anew. With this view I had examined into the state of our provisions at the last islands; and as soon as I had left them and got beyond the extent of my former discoveries, I ordered a survey to be taken of all the boatswain’s and carpenter’s stores that were in the ships, that I might be fully informed of the quantity, state, and condition of every article; and, by that means, know how to use them to the greatest advantage.

Before I sailed from the Society Islands, I lost no opportunity of inquiring of the inhabitants, if there were any islands in a N. or a N. W. direction from them; but I did not find that they knew of any. Nor did we meet with any thing that indicated the vicinity of land, till we came to about the latitude of 8° S., where we began to see birds, such as boobies, tropic, and men-of-war birds, tern, and some other sorts. At this time, our longitude was 205° E. Mendana, in his first voyage in 1568[22], discovered an island which he named Isla de Jesus, in latitude 6° 45ʹ S., and 1450 leagues from Callao, which is 200° E. longitude from Greenwich. We crossed this latitude nearly a hundred leagues to the eastward of this longitude, and saw there many of the above-mentioned birds; which are seldom known to go very far from land.

In the night, between the 22d and 23d, we crossed the line in the longitude of 203° 15ʹ E. Here the variation of the compass was 6° 30ʹ E. nearly.

On the 24th, about half an hour after day-break, land was discovered bearing N. E. by E. 1/2 E. Upon a nearer approach, it was found to be one of those low islands so common in this ocean; that is, a narrow bank of land inclosing the sea within. A few cocoa-nut trees were seen in two or three places; but in general the land had a very barren appearance. At noon, it extended from N. E. by E. to S. by E. 1/2 E., about four miles distant. The wind was at E. S. E.; so that we were under a necessity of making a few boards to get up to the lee or west side, where we found from forty to twenty and fourteen fathoms water, over a bottom of fine sand; the least depth about half a mile from the breakers, and the greatest about one mile. The meeting with soundings determined me to anchor, with a view to try to get some turtle; for the island seemed to be a likely place to meet with them, and to be without inhabitants. Accordingly, we dropped anchor in thirty fathoms; and then a boat was dispatched to examine whether it was practicable to land, of which I had some doubt, as the sea broke in a dreadful surf all along the shore. When the boat returned, the officer whom I had intrusted with this examination, reported to me that he could see no place where a boat could land; but that there was great abundance of fish in the shoal water, without the breakers.

At day-break the next morning I sent two boats, one from each ship, to search more accurately for a landing-place; and, at the same time, two others to fish at a grappling near the shore. These last returned about eight o’clock with upward of two hundred weight of fish. Encouraged by this success, they were dispatched again after breakfast, and I then went in another boat, to take a view of the coast and attempt landing; but this I found to be wholly impracticable. Toward noon, the two boats sent on the same search returned. The master, who was in that belonging to the Resolution, reported to me, that about a league and a half to the north, was a break in the land, and a channel into the _lagoon_, consequently, that there was a fit place for landing; and that he had found the same soundings off this entrance as we had where we now lay. In consequence of this report the ships weighed anchor, and after two or three trips came to again in twenty fathoms water, over a bottom of fine dark sand, before a small island that lies at the entrance of the _lagoon_; and on each side of which there is a channel leading into it; but only fit for boats. The water in the _lagoon_ itself is all very shallow.

On the 26th, in the morning, I ordered Captain Clerke to send a boat with an officer to the S. E. part of the _lagoon_, to look for turtle; and Mr. King and I went each in a boat to the N. E. part. I intended to have gone to the most easterly extremity; but the wind blew too fresh to allow it, and obliged us to land more to leeward, on a sandy flat, where we caught one turtle, the only one that we saw in the _lagoon_. We walked, or rather waded, through the water, to an island; where finding nothing but a few birds, I left it, and proceeded to the land that bounds the sea to the N. W., leaving Mr. King to observe the sun’s meridian altitude. I found this land to be even more barren than the island I had been upon; but walking over to the sea-coast, I saw five turtles close to the shore. One of these we caught, and the rest made their escape. Not seeing any more, I returned on board, as did Mr. King soon after, without having seen one turtle. We, however, did not despair of getting a supply, for some of Captain Clerke’s officers who had been ashore on the land to the southward of the channel leading into the _lagoon_, had been more fortunate, and caught several there.

In the morning of the 27th, the pinnace and cutter under the command of Mr. King, were sent to the S. E. part of the island, within the _lagoon_, and the small cutter to the northward where I had been the day before; both parties being ordered upon the same service, to catch turtle. Captain Clerke having had some of his people on shore all night, they had been so fortunate as to turn between forty and fifty on the sand, which were brought on board with all expedition this day. And in the afternoon, the party I had sent northward returned with six. They were sent back again and remained there till we left the island, having in general pretty good success.

On the 28th, I landed in company with Mr. Bayly, on the island which lies between the two channels into the _lagoon_, to prepare the telescopes for observing the approaching eclipse of the sun; which was one great inducement to my anchoring here. About noon, Mr. King returned with one boat and eight turtles, leaving seven behind to be brought by the other boat, whose people were employed in catching more; and, in the evening, the same boat was sent with water and provisions for them. Mr. Williamson now went to superintend this duty in the room of Mr. King, who remained on board, to attend the observation of the eclipse.

The next day, Mr. Williamson dispatched the two boats back to the ship, laden with turtle. At the same time, he sent me a message, desiring that the boats might be ordered round by sea, as he had found a landing-place on the S. E. side of the island, where most of the turtle were caught; so that, by sending the boats thither, the trouble would be saved of carrying them over the land to the inside of the _lagoon_, as had been hitherto done. The boats were accordingly dispatched to the place which he pointed out.

On the morning of the 30th, the day when the eclipse was to happen, Mr. King, Mr. Bayly, and myself went ashore on the small island above-mentioned, to attend the observation. The sky was over-cast till past nine o’clock, when the clouds about the sun dispersed long enough to take its altitude, to rectify the time by the watch we made use of. After this it was again obscured, till about thirty minutes past nine, and then we found that the eclipse was begun. We now fixed the micrometers to the telescopes, and observed or measured the uneclipsed part of the sun’s disk. At these observations, I continued about three quarters of an hour before the end, when I left off, being, in fact, unable to continue them longer, on account of the great heat of the sun, increased by the reflection from the sand.

The sun was clouded at times, but was clear when the eclipse ended, the time of which was observed as follows:

H. M. S. { Mr. Bayly} { 0 26 3 } Apparent Time By { Mr. King } at { 0 26 1 } P. M. { Myself } { 0 25 37 }

Mr. Bayly and I observed with the large achromatic telescopes, and Mr. King with a reflector. As Mr. Bayly’s telescope and mine were of the same magnifying power, I ought not to have differed so much from him as I did. Perhaps it was in part, if not wholly, owing to a protuberance in the moon which escaped my notice, but was seen by both the other gentlemen.

In the afternoon the boats and turtling party at the south-east part of the island, all returned on board except a seaman belonging to the Discovery, who had been missing two days. There were two of them at first, who had lost their way; but disagreeing about the most probable track to bring them back to their companions, they had separated; and one of them joined the party, after having been absent twenty-four hours, and been in great distress. Not a drop of fresh water could be had, for there is none upon the whole island; nor was there a single cocoa-nut tree on that part of it. In order to allay his thirst, he had recourse to the singular expedient of killing turtle, and drinking their blood. His mode of refreshing himself when weary, of which he said he felt the good effects, was equally whimsical. He undressed himself and lay down for some time in the shallow water upon the beach.

It was a matter of surprise to every one, how these two men could contrive to lose themselves. The land over which they had to travel, from the sea-coast to the _lagoon_, where the boats lay, was not more than three miles across; nor was there any thing to obstruct their view; for the country was a flat, with a few shrubs scattered upon it; and from many parts of it, the masts of the ships could easily be seen. But this was a rule of direction they never once thought of; nor did they recollect in what quarter of the island the ships had anchored; and they were as much at a loss how to get back to them, or to the party they had straggled from, as if they had just dropped from the clouds. Considering how strange a set of beings the generality of seamen are, when on shore, instead of being surprised that these two men should thus lose their way, it is rather to be wondered at, that no more of the party were missing. Indeed, one of those who landed with me, was in a similar situation; but he had sagacity enough to know that the ships were to leeward, and got on board almost as soon as it was discovered that he had been left behind.

As soon as Captain Clerke knew that one of the stragglers was still in this awkward situation, he sent a party in search of him; but neither the man nor the party having come back, the next morning I ordered two boats into the _lagoon_, to go different ways in prosecution of the search. Not long after, Captain Clerke’s party returned with their lost companion; and my boats having now no object left, I called them back by signal. This poor fellow must have suffered far greater distress than the other straggler; not only as having been lost a longer time, but as we found that he was too squeamish to drink turtle’s blood.

Having some cocoa-nuts and yams on board, in a state of vegetation, I ordered them to be planted on the little island where we had observed the eclipse; and some melon seeds were sown in another place. I also left, on the little island, a bottle containing this inscription:

_Georgius Tertius, Rex, 31 Decembris, 1777._ _Naves_ { _Resolution, Jac. Cook, Pr._ { _Discovery, Car. Clerke, Pr._

On the 1st of January, 1778, I sent boats to bring on board all our parties from the land, and the turtle they had caught. Before this was completed, it was late in the afternoon; so that I did not think proper to sail till next morning. We got at this island, to both ships, about three hundred turtle, weighing, one with another, about ninety or a hundred pounds. They were all of the green kind; and perhaps as good as any in the world. We also caught, with hook and line, as much fish as we could consume, during our stay. They consisted principally of cavallies, of different sizes; large and small snappers; and a few of two sorts of rock-fish; one with numerous spots of blue, and the other with whitish streaks scattered about.

The soil of this island, in some places, is light and black, evidently composed of decayed vegetables, the dung of birds, and sand. There are other places again, where nothing but marine productions, such as broken coral stones, and shells, are to be seen. These are deposited in long narrow ridges, lying in a parallel direction with the sea-coast, not unlike a ploughed field; and must have been thrown up by the waves, though, at this time, they do not reach within a mile of some of these places. This seems to furnish an incontestable proof, that the island has been produced by accessions from the sea, and is in a state of increase; for not only the broken pieces of coral, but many of the shells, are too heavy and too large to have been brought by any birds, from the beach, to the places where they now lie. Not a drop of fresh water was any where to be found, though frequently dug for. We met with several ponds of salt water, which had no visible communication with the sea, and must, therefore, in all probability, be filled by the water filtrating through the sand, in high tides. One of the lost men found some salt on the south east part of the island. But, though this was an article of which we were in want, a man who could lose himself as he did, and not know whether he was travelling east, west, north or south, was not to be depended upon as a fit guide to conduct us to the place.

There were not the smallest traces of any human being having ever been here before us; and, indeed, should any one be so unfortunate as to be accidentally driven upon the island, or left there, it is hard to say, that he could be able to prolong existence. There is, indeed, abundance of birds and fish; but no visible means of allaying thirst, nor any vegetable that could supply the place of bread, or correct the bad effects of an animal diet; which in all probability would soon prove fatal alone. On the few cocoa-trees upon the island, the number of which did not exceed thirty, very little fruit was found; and, in general, what was found, was either not fully grown, or had the juice salt, or blackish. So that a ship touching here, must expect nothing but fish and turtle; and of these an abundant supply may be depended upon.

On some parts of the land were a few low trees. Mr. Anderson gave me an account, also, of two small shrubs, and of two or three small plants; all which we had seen on Palmerston’s Island, and Otakootaia. There was also a species of _sida_ or Indian mallow; a sort of purslain; and another small plant that seemed from its leaves a _mesembryanthemum_; with two species of grass. But each of these vegetable productions was in so small a quantity, and grew with so much languor, that one is almost surprised that the species do not become extinct.

Under the low trees above-mentioned, sat infinite numbers of tern, or egg-bird. These are black above, and white below, with a white arch on the forehead; and are rather larger than the common noddy. Most of them had lately hatched their young; which lay under the old ones, upon the bare ground. The rest had eggs; of which they only lay one, larger than that of a pigeon, bluish and speckled with black. There were also a good many common boobies; a sort that are almost like a gannet; and a sooty, or chocolate-coloured one, with a white belly. To this list we must add men-of-war-birds; tropic birds; curlews; sand-pipers; a small land-bird like a hedge-sparrow; land-crabs; small lizards; and rats.

As we kept our Christmas here, I called this discovery Christmas Island. I judge it to be about fifteen or twenty leagues in circumference. It seemed to be of a semicircular form; or like the moon in the last quarter, the two horns being the north and south points; which bear from each other nearly north by east, and south by west, four or five leagues distant. This west side, or the little isle at the entrance into the _lagoon_, upon which we observed the eclipse, lies in the latitude of 1° 59ʹ north, and in the longitude of 202° 30ʹ east, determined by a considerable number of lunar observations, which differed only 7ʹ from the time-keeper; it being so much less. The variation of the compass was 6° 22-1/2ʹ E.; and the dip of the north end of the needle 11° 54ʹ.

Christmas Island, like most others in this ocean, is bounded by a reef of coral rocks, which extends but a little way from the shore. Farther out than this reef, on the west side, is a bank of sand, extending a mile into the sea. On this bank is good anchorage, in any depth between eighteen and thirty fathoms. In less than the first mentioned depth, the reef would be too near; and in more than the last, the edge of the bank would not be at a sufficient distance. During the time we lay here, the wind blew constantly a fresh gale at east, or east by south, except one or two days. We had, always, a great swell from the northward, which broke upon the reef, in a prodigious surf. We had found this swell before we came to the island; and it continued for some days after we left it.

CHAP. XI.

SOME ISLANDS DISCOVERED.—ACCOUNT OF THE NATIVES OF ATOOI, WHO COME OFF TO THE SHIPS, AND THEIR BEHAVIOUR ON GOING ON BOARD.—ONE OF THEM KILLED.—PRECAUTIONS USED TO PREVENT INTERCOURSE WITH THE FEMALES.—A WATERING-PLACE FOUND.—RECEPTION UPON LANDING.—EXCURSION INTO THE COUNTRY.—A MORAI VISITED AND DESCRIBED.—GRAVES OF THE CHIEFS, AND OF THE HUMAN SACRIFICES THERE BURIED.—ANOTHER ISLAND, CALLED ONEEHOW, VISITED.—CEREMONIES PERFORMED BY THE NATIVES, WHO GO OFF TO THE SHIPS.—REASONS FOR BELIEVING THAT THEY ARE CANNIBALS.—A PARTY SENT ASHORE, WHO REMAIN TWO NIGHTS.—ACCOUNT OF WHAT PASSED ON LANDING.—THE SHIPS LEAVE THE ISLANDS, AND PROCEED TO THE NORTH.

On the 2d of January, at day-break, we weighed anchor, and resumed our course to the north; having fine weather, and a gentle breeze at east, and east-south-east, till we got into the latitude of 7° 45ʹ N. and the longitude of 205° E., where we had one calm day. This was succeeded by a north-east by east, and east-north-east wind. At first it blew faint, but freshened as we advanced to the north. We continued to see birds every day, of the sorts last mentioned; sometimes in greater numbers than others; and between the latitude of 10° and 11°, we saw several turtle. All these are looked upon as signs of the vicinity of land. However, we discovered none till day-break, in the morning of the 18th, when an island made its appearance, bearing north-east by east; and, soon after, we saw more land bearing north, and entirely detached from the former. Both had the appearance of being high land. At noon, the first bore north-east by east, half east, by estimation about eight or nine leagues distant; and an elevated hill, near the east end of the other, bore north, half west. Our latitude, at this time, was 21° 12ʹ N.; and longitude 200° 41ʹ E. We had now light airs and calms, by turns; so that at sunset, we were not less than nine or ten leagues from the nearest land.

On the 19th, at sunrise, the island first seen, bore east several leagues distant. This being directly to windward, which prevented our getting near it, I stood for the other, which we could reach; and not long after discovered a third island in the direction of west north-west, as far distant as land could be seen. We had now a fine breeze at east by north; and I steered for the east end of the second island; which at noon extended from north, half east, to west north-west, a quarter west, the nearest part being about two leagues distant. At this time, we were in some doubt whether or no the land before us was inhabited; but this doubt was soon cleared up, by seeing some canoes coming off from the shore, toward the ships. I immediately brought-to, to give them time to join us. They had from three to six men each; and, on their approach, we were agreeably surprised to find, that they spoke the language of Otaheite, and of the other islands we had lately visited. It required but very little address, to get them to come alongside; but no intreaties could prevail upon any of them to come on board. I tied some brass medals to a rope, and gave them to those in one of the canoes, who, in return, tied some small mackerel to the rope as an equivalent. This was repeated; and some small nails, or bits of iron, which they valued more than any other article, were given them. For these they exchanged more fish, and a sweet potatoe; a sure sign that they had some notion of bartering; or, at least, of returning one present for another. They had nothing else in their canoes, except some large gourd shells, and a kind of fishing-net; but one of them offered for sale the piece of stuff that he wore round his waist, after the manner of the other islands. These people were of a brown colour; and, though of the common size, were stoutly made. There was little difference in the cast of their colour, but a considerable variation in their features; some of their visages not being very unlike those of Europeans. The hair of most of them was cropt pretty short; others had it flowing loose; and, with a few, it was tied in a bunch on the crown of the head. In all, it seemed to be naturally black; but most of them had stained it, as is the practice of the Friendly Islanders, with some stuff which gave it a brown or burnt colour. In general they wore their beards. They had no ornaments about their persons, nor did we observe that their ears were perforated; but some were punctured on the hands, or near the groin, though in a small degree; and the bits of cloth which they wore, were curiously stained with red, black, and white colours. They seemed very mild; and had no arms of any kind, if we except some small stones, which they had evidently brought for their own defence; and these they threw overboard, when they found that they were not wanted.

Seeing no signs of an anchoring place at this eastern extreme of the island, I bore away to leeward, and ranged along the south-east side, at the distance of half a league from the shore. As soon as we made sail, the canoes left us; but others came off, as we proceeded along the coast, bringing with them roasting pigs, and some very fine potatoes, which they exchanged, as the others had done, for whatever was offered to them. Several small pigs were purchased for a sixpenny nail; so that we again found ourselves in a land of plenty; and just at the time when the turtle, which we had so fortunately procured at Christmas Island, were nearly expended. We passed several villages; some seated near the sea, and others farther up the country. The inhabitants of all of them crowded to the shore, and collected themselves on the elevated places to view the ships. The land upon this side of the island rises in a gentle slope, from the sea to the foot of the mountains, which occupy the centre of the country, except at one place near the east end, where they rise directly from the sea, and seemed to be formed of nothing but stone, or rocks lying in horizontal _strata_. We saw no wood, but what was up in the interior part of the island, except a few trees about the villages; near which, also, we could observe several plantations of plantains and sugar-canes, and spots that seemed cultivated for roots.

We continued to sound, without striking ground with a line of fifty fathoms, till we came abreast of a low point, which is about the middle of this side of the island, or rather nearer the north-west end. Here we met with twelve and fourteen fathoms, over a rocky bottom. Being past this point, from which the coast trended more northerly, we had twenty, then sixteen, twelve, and, at last, five fathoms over a sandy bottom. The last soundings were about a mile from the shore. Night now put a stop to any farther researches; and we spent it standing off and on. The next morning we stood in for the land, and were met with several canoes filled with people; some of whom took courage, and ventured on board.

In the course of my several voyages, I never before met with the natives of any place so much astonished, as these people were, upon entering a ship. Their eyes were continually flying from object to object; the wildness of their looks and gestures fully expressing their entire ignorance about every thing they saw, and strongly marking to us, that, till now, they had never been visited by Europeans, nor been acquainted with any of our commodities except iron; which, however, it was plain, they had only heard of, or had known it in some small quantity brought to them at some distant period. They seemed only to understand, that it was a substance much better adapted to the purposes of cutting, or of boring of holes, than any thing their own country produced. They asked for it by the name of _hamaite_, probably referring to some instrument, in the making of which iron could be usefully employed; for they applied that name to the blade of a knife, though we could be certain that they had no idea of that particular instrument; nor could they at all handle it properly. For the same reason, they frequently called iron by the name of _toe_, which in their language signifies a hatchet, or rather a kind of adze. On asking them what iron was, they immediately answered, “We do not know; you know what it is, and we only understand it as _toe_, or _hamaite_.” When we shewed them some beads, they asked first, “What they were; and then, whether they should eat them?” But on their being told, that they were to be hung in their ears, they returned them as useless. They were equally indifferent as to a looking-glass, which was offered them, and returned it, for the same reason; but sufficiently expressed their desire for _hamaite_ and _toe_, which they wished might be very large. Plates of earthen-ware, china cups, and other such things, were so new to them, that they asked if they were made of wood; but wished to have some, that they might carry them to be looked at on shore. They were in some respects naturally well bred; or, at least, fearful of giving offence, asking, where they should sit down, whether they might spit upon the deck, and the like. Some of them repeated a long prayer before they came on board; and others, afterward, sung and made motions with their hands, such as we had been accustomed to see in the dances of the islands we had lately visited. There was another circumstance in which they also perfectly resembled those other islanders. At first, on their entering the ship, they endeavoured to steal every thing they came near; or rather to take it openly, as what we either should not resent, or not hinder. We soon convinced them of their mistake; and if they, after some time, became less active in appropriating to themselves whatever they took a fancy to, it was because they found that we kept a watchful eye over them.

At nine o’clock, being pretty near the shore, I sent three armed boats, under the command of Lieutenant Williamson, to look for a landing-place, and for fresh water. I ordered him, that if he should find it necessary to land in search of the latter, not to suffer more than one man to go with him out of the boats. Just as they were putting off from the ship, one of the natives having stolen the butcher’s cleaver, leaped overboard, got into his canoe, and hastened to the shore, the boats pursuing him in vain.

The order not to permit the crews of the boats to go on shore was issued, that I might do every thing in my power to prevent the importation of a fatal disease into this island, which I knew some of our men laboured under, and which, unfortunately, had been already communicated by us to other islands in these seas. With the same view, I ordered all female visitors to be excluded from the ships. Many of them had come off in the canoes. Their size, colour, and features did not differ much from those of the men; and though their countenances were remarkably open and agreeable, there were few traces of delicacy to be seen, either in their faces, or other proportions. The only difference in their dress, was their having a piece of cloth about the body, reaching from near the middle to half-way down the thighs, instead of the _maro_ worn by the other sex. They would as readily have favoured us with their company on board as the men; but I wished to prevent all connection, which might, too probably, convey an irreparable injury to themselves, and through their means, to the whole nation. Another necessary precaution was taken, by strictly enjoining, that no person, known to be capable of propagating the infection, should be sent upon duty out of the ships.

Whether these regulations, dictated by humanity, had the desired effect, or no, time only can discover. I had been equally attentive to the same object, when I first visited the Friendly Islands; yet I afterward found, with real concern, that I had not succeeded. And I am much afraid, that this will always be the case, in such voyages as ours, whenever it is necessary to have a number of people on shore. The opportunities and inducements to an intercourse between the sexes are then too numerous to be guarded against; and however confident we may be of the health of our men, we are often undeceived too late. It is even a matter of doubt with me, if it be always in the power of the most skilful of the faculty to pronounce, with any certainty, whether a person who has been under their care, in certain stages of this malady, is so effectually cured, as to leave no possibility of his being still capable of communicating the taint. I think I could mention some instances which justify my presuming to hazard this opinion. It is likewise well known, that, amongst a number of men, there are generally to be found some so bashful as to endeavour to conceal their labouring under any symptoms of this disorder. And there are others, again, so profligate, as not to care to whom they communicate it. Of this last, we had an instance at Tongataboo, in the gunner of the Discovery, who had been stationed on shore to manage the trade for that ship. After he knew that he had contracted this disease, he continued to have connections with different women, who were supposed not to have already contracted it. His companions expostulated with him without effect, till Captain Clerke, hearing of this dangerous irregularity of conduct, ordered him on board.

While the boats were occupied in examining the coast, we stood on and off with the ships, waiting for their return. About noon, Mr. Williamson came back, and reported that he had seen a large pond behind a beach near one of the villages, which the natives told him contained fresh water; and that there was anchoring-ground before it. He also reported, that he had attempted to land in another place, but was prevented by the natives, who, coming down to the boats in great numbers, attempted to take away the oars, muskets, and, in short, every thing that they could lay hold of; and pressed so thick upon him, that he was obliged to fire, by which one man was killed. But this unhappy circumstance I did not know till after we had left the island; so that all my measures were directed as if nothing of the kind had happened. Mr. Williamson told me, that, after the man fell, his countrymen took him up, carried him off, and then retired from the boat; but still they made signals for our people to land, which he declined. It did not appear to Mr. Williamson, that the natives had any design to kill, or even to hurt, any of his party; but they seemed excited by mere curiosity, to get from them what they had, being at the same time ready to give in return any thing of their own.

After the boats were on board, I dispatched one of them to lie in the best anchoring-ground; and as soon as she had got to this station, I bore down with the ships, and anchored in twenty-five fathoms water; the bottom a fine grey sand. The east point of the road, which was the low point before mentioned, bore S. 51° E.; the west point, N. 65° W.; and the village, behind which the water was said to be, N. E. by E., distant one mile. But, little more than a quarter of a mile from us, there were breakers, which I did not see till after the Resolution was placed. The Discovery anchored to the eastward of us, and farther from the land. The ships being thus stationed, between three and four o’clock I went ashore with three armed boats, and twelve marines, to examine the water, and to try the disposition of the inhabitants, several hundred of whom were assembled on a sandy beach before the village; behind it was a narrow valley, the bottom of which was occupied by the piece of water.

The very instant I leaped on shore, the collected body of the natives all fell flat upon their faces, and remained in that very humble posture, till, by expressive signs, I prevailed upon them to rise. They then brought a great many small pigs, which they presented to me, with plantain-trees, using much the same ceremonies that we had seen practised, on such occasions, at the Society and other islands; and a long prayer being spoken by a single person, in which others of the assembly sometimes joined, I expressed my acceptance of their proffered friendship, by giving them, in return, such presents as I had brought with me from the ship for that purpose. When this introductory business was finished, I stationed a guard upon the beach, and got some of the natives to conduct me to the water, which proved to be very good, and in a proper situation for our purpose. It was so considerable, that it may be called a lake; and it extended farther up the country than we could see. Having satisfied myself about this very essential point, and about the peaceable disposition of the natives, I returned on board; and then gave orders that every thing should be in readiness for landing and filling our water-casks in the morning, when I went ashore with the people employed in that service, having a party of marines with us for a guard, who were stationed on the beach.

As soon as we landed, a trade was set on foot for hogs and potatoes, which the people of the island gave us in exchange for nails and pieces of iron, formed into something like chisels. We met with no obstruction in watering; on the contrary, the natives assisted our men in rolling the casks to and from the pool; and readily performed whatever we required. Every thing thus going on to my satisfaction, and considering my presence on the spot as unnecessary, I left the command to Mr. Williamson, who had landed with me, and made an excursion into the country, up the valley, accompanied by Mr. Anderson and Mr. Webber; the former of whom was as well qualified to describe with the pen, as the latter was to represent with his pencil, every thing we might meet with worthy of observation. A numerous train of natives followed us; and one of them, whom I had distinguished for his activity in keeping the rest in order, I made choice of as our guide. This man, from time to time, proclaimed our approach; and every one whom we met fell prostrate upon the ground, and remained in that position till we had passed. This, as I afterward understood, is the mode of paying their respect to their own great chiefs. As we ranged down the coast from the east, in the ships, we had observed at every village one or more elevated white objects, like pyramids or rather obelisks; and one of these, which I guessed to be at least fifty feet high, was very conspicuous from the ship’s anchoring station, and seemed to be at no great distance up this valley. To have a nearer inspection of it, was the principal object of my walk. Our guide perfectly understood that we wished to be conducted to it. But it happened to be so placed that we could not get at it, being separated from us by the pool of water. However, there being another of the same kind within our reach, about half a mile off, upon our side of the valley, we set out to visit that. The moment we got to it, we saw that it stood in a burying-ground, or _morai_; the resemblance of which, in many respects, to those we were so well acquainted with at other islands in this ocean, and particularly Otaheite, could not but strike us; and we also soon found that the several parts that compose it, were called by the same names. It was an oblong space, of considerable extent, surrounded by a wall of stone, about four feet high. The space inclosed was loosely paved with smaller stones; and at one end of it stood what I call the pyramid, but, in the language of the island, is named _henananoo_; which appeared evidently to be an exact model of the larger one, observed by us from the ships. It was about four feet square at the base, and about twenty feet high. The four sides were composed of small poles interwoven with twigs and branches, thus forming an indifferent wicker-work, hollow or open within, from bottom to top. It seemed to be rather in a ruinous state; but there were sufficient remaining marks to show that it had originally been covered with a thin, light, grey cloth; which these people, it should seem, consecrate to religious purposes; as we could see a good deal of it hanging in different parts of the _morai_; and some of it had been forced upon me when I first landed. On each side of the pyramid were long pieces of wicker-work, called _hereanee_, in the same ruinous condition; with two slender poles, inclining to each other, at one corner, where some plantains were laid upon a board, fixed at the height of five or six feet. This they called _herairemy_; and informed us that the fruit was an offering to their god, which makes it agree exactly with the _whatta_ of Otaheite. Before the _henananoo_ were a few pieces of wood, carved into something like human figures, which, with a stone near two feet high, covered with pieces of cloth called _hoho_, and consecrated to _Tongarooa_, who is the god of these people, still more and more reminded us of what we used to meet with in the _morais_ of the islands we had lately left.[23] Adjoining to these, on the outside of the _morai_, was a small shed, no bigger than a dog-kennel, which they called _hareepahoo_; and before it was a grave, where, as we were told, the remains of a woman lay.

On the farther side of the area of the _morai_, stood a house or shed about forty feet long, ten broad in the middle, each end being narrower, and about ten feet high. This, which though much longer, was lower than their common dwelling-places, we were informed, was called _hemanaa_. The entrance into it was at the middle of the side, which was in the _morai_. On the farther side of this house, opposite the entrance, stood two wooden images cut out of one piece, with pedestals, in all about three feet high; neither very indifferently designed nor executed. These were said to be _Eatooa no Veheina_, or representations of goddesses. On the head of one of them was a carved helmet, not unlike those worn by the ancient warriors; and on that of the other, a cylindrical cap, resembling the head-dress at Otaheite, called _tomou_; and both of them had pieces of cloth tied about the loins, and hanging a considerable way down. At the side of each was also a piece of carved wood with bits of the cloth hung on them in the same manner; and between or before the pedestals lay a quantity of fern in a heap. It was obvious that this had been deposited there piece by piece, and at different times; for there was of it, in all states, from what was quite decayed to what was still fresh and green.

In the middle of the house, and before the two images, was an oblong space, inclosed by a low edging of stone, and covered with shreds of the cloth so often mentioned. This, on enquiry, we found was the grave of seven chiefs, whose names were enumerated, and the place was called _Heneene_. We had met already with so many striking instances of resemblance between the burying-place we were now visiting and those of islands we had lately come from in the South Pacific, that we had little doubt in our minds that the resemblance existed also in the ceremonies practised here, and particularly in the horrid one of offering human sacrifices. Our suspicions were too soon confirmed, by direct evidence. For, on coming out of the house, just on one side of the entrance, we saw a small square place, and another still less near it; and on asking what these were? our guide immediately informed us, that in the one was buried a man who had been sacrificed; a _Taata_ (_Tanata_ or _Tangata_, in this country) _taboo_ (_tafoo_, as here pronounced); and in the other a hog, which had also been made an offering to the divinity. At a little distance from these, near the middle of the _morai_, were three more of these square inclosed places, with two pieces of carved wood at each, and upon them a heap of fern. These, we were told, were the graves of three chiefs; and before them was an oblong inclosed space, to which our conductor also gave the name of _Tangata-taboo_; telling us, so explicitly, that we could not mistake his meaning, that three human sacrifices had been buried there; that is, one at the funeral of each chief. It was with most sincere concern, that I could trace on such undoubted evidence, the prevalence of these bloody rites throughout this immense ocean, amongst people disjoined by such a distance, and even ignorant of each other’s existence, though so strongly marked as originally of the same nation. It was no small addition to this concern to reflect that every appearance led us to believe that the barbarous practice was very general here. The island seemed to abound with such places of sacrifice as this which we were now visiting, and which appeared to be one of the most inconsiderable of them; being far less conspicuous than several others which we had seen as we sailed along the coast, and particularly than that on the opposite side of the water in this valley; the white _henananoo_, or pyramid, of which we were now almost sure, derived its colour only from pieces of the consecrated cloth laid over it. In several parts within the inclosure of this burying-ground, were planted trees of the _cordia sebestina_, some of the _morinda citrifolia_, and several plants of the _etee_, or _jejee_ of Tongataboo, with the leaves of which the _hemanaa_ was thatched; and as I observed that this plant was not made use of in thatching their dwelling-houses, probably it is reserved entirely for religious purposes.

Our road to and from the _morai_, which I have described, lay through the plantations. The greatest part of the ground was quite flat, with ditches full of water intersecting different parts, and roads that seemed artificially raised to some height. The interspaces were, in general, planted with _taro_, which grows here with great strength, as the fields are sunk below the common level, so as to contain the water necessary to nourish the roots. This water probably comes from the same source, which supplies the large pool from which we filled our casks. On the drier spaces were several spots where the cloth-mulberry was planted in regular rows; also growing vigorously, and kept very clean. The cocoa-trees were not in so thriving a state, and were all low; but the plantain-trees made a better appearance, though they were not large. In general the trees round this village, and which were seen at many of those which we passed before we anchored, are the _cordia sebestina_; but of a more diminutive size than the product of the southern isles. The greatest part of the village stands near the beach, and consists of above sixty houses there; but, perhaps, about forty more stand scattered about, farther up the country, toward the burying-place.

After we had examined very carefully every thing that was to be seen about the _morai_, and Mr. Webber had taken drawings of it, and of the adjoining country, we returned by a different route. I found a great crowd assembled at the beach; and a brisk trade for pigs, fowls, and roots going on there, with the greatest good order; though I did not observe any particular person who took the lead amongst the rest of his countrymen. At noon, I went on board to dinner, and then sent Mr. King to command the party on shore. He was to have gone upon that service in the morning, but was then detained in the ship to make lunar observations. In the afternoon I landed again, accompanied by Captain Clerke, with a view to make another excursion up the country. But before this could be put in execution, the day was too far spent, so that I laid aside my intention for the present, and it so happened that I had not another opportunity. At sun-set, I brought every body on board, having procured in the course of the day, nine tons of water; and, by exchanges, chiefly for nails and pieces of iron, about seventy or eighty pigs, a few fowls, a quantity of potatoes, and a few plantains and _taro_ roots. These people merited our best commendations in this commercial intercourse, never once attempting to cheat us, either ashore or alongside the ships. Some of them, indeed, as already mentioned, at first betrayed a thievish disposition, or rather, they thought that they had a right to every thing they could lay their hands upon; but they soon laid aside a conduct which, we convinced them, they could not persevere in with impunity.

Amongst the articles which they brought to barter this day, we could not help taking notice of a particular sort of cloak and cap, which, even in countries where dress is more particularly attended to, might be reckoned elegant. The first are nearly of the size and shape of the short cloaks worn by the women of England, and by the men in Spain, reaching to the middle of the back, and tied loosely before. The ground of them is a net-work upon which the most beautiful red and yellow feathers are so closely fixed that the surface might be compared to the thickest and richest velvet, which they resemble, both as to the feel and the glossy appearance. The manner of varying the mixture is very different; some having triangular spaces of red and yellow, alternately; others, a kind of crescent; and some that were entirely red, had a broad yellow border, which made them appear, at some distance, exactly like a scarlet cloak edged with gold lace. The brilliant colours of the feathers, in those that happened to be new, added not a little to their fine appearance; and we found that they were in high estimation with their owners; for they would not at first part with one of them for any thing that we offered, asking no less a price than a musket. However, some were afterward purchased for very large nails. Such of them as were of the best sort were scarce; and it should seem that they are only used on the occasion of some particular ceremony or diversion; for the people who had them always made some gesticulations which we had seen used before by those who sung.

The cap is made almost exactly like a helmet, with the middle part, or crest, sometimes of a hand’s breadth; and it sits very close upon the head, having notches to admit the ears. It is a frame of twigs and osiers, covered with a net-work, into which are wrought feathers, in the same manner as upon the cloaks, though rather closer and less diversified, the greater part being red, with some black, yellow, or green stripes on the sides, following the curve direction of the crest. These, probably, complete the dress, with the cloaks, for the natives sometimes appeared in both together.

We were at a loss to guess from whence they could get such a quantity of these beautiful feathers; but were soon informed as to one sort; for they afterward brought great numbers of skins of small red birds for sale, which were often tied up in bunches of twenty or more, or had a small wooden skewer run through their nostrils. At the first, those that were bought consisted only of the skin from behind the wings forward; but we afterward got many with the hind part, including the tail and feet. The first, however, struck us at once with the origin of the fable formerly adopted, of the birds of paradise wanting legs, and sufficiently explained that circumstance. Probably the people of the islands east of the Moluccas, from whence the skins of the birds of paradise are brought, cut off their feet for the very reason assigned by the people of Atooi for the like practice, which was, that they hereby can preserve them with greater ease, without losing any part which they reckon valuable. The red-bird of our island was judged by Mr. Anderson to be a species of _merops_, about the size of a sparrow, of a beautiful scarlet colour, with a black tail and wings, and an arched bill twice the length of the head, which, with the feet, was also of a reddish colour. The contents of the heads were taken out, as in the birds of paradise; but it did not appear that they used any other method to preserve them than by simple drying, for the skins, though moist, had neither a taste nor smell that could give room to suspect the use of anti-putrescent substances.[24]

In the night and all the morning of the 22d, it rained almost continually. The wind was at S. E., S. S. E., and S., which brought in a short chopping sea; and as there were breakers little more than two cables’ length from the stern of our ship, her situation was none of the safest. The surf broke so high against the shore that we could not land in our boats; but the day was not wholly lost; for the natives ventured in their canoes to bring off to the ships hogs and roots, which they bartered as before. One of our visitors on this occasion, who offered some fish-hooks to sale, was observed to have a very small parcel to the string of one of them, which he separated with great care, and reserved for himself, when he parted with the hook. Being asked what it was? He pointed to his belly and spoke something of its being dead, at the same time saying it was bad, as if he did not wish to answer any more questions about it. On seeing him so anxious to conceal the contents of this parcel, he was requested to open it, which he did with great reluctance, and some difficulty, as it was wrapped up in many folds of cloth. We found that it contained a thin bit of flesh about two inches long, which, to appearance, had been dried, but was now wet with salt water. It struck us that it might be human flesh, and that these people might, perhaps, eat their enemies, as we knew that this was the practice of some of the natives of the South Sea islands. The question being put to the person who produced it, he answered, that the flesh was part of a man. Another of his countrymen, who stood by him, was then asked whether it was their custom to eat those killed in battle? and he immediately answered in the affirmative.

There were some intervals of fair weather in the afternoon; and the wind then inclined to the east and north-east; but, in the evening, it veered back again to the south south-east, and the rain also returned, and continued all night. Very luckily, it was not attended with much wind. We had, however, prepared for the worst, by dropping the small bower anchor; and striking our top-gallant-yards.

At seven o’clock the next morning, a breeze of wind springing up at north-east, I took up the anchors with a view of removing the ship farther out. The moment that the last anchor was up, the wind veered to the east, which made it necessary to set all the sail we could, in order to clear the shore: so that, before we had tolerable sea-room, we were driven some distance to leeward. We made a stretch off, with a view to regain the road; but having very little wind, and a strong current against us, I found that this was not to be effected, I therefore dispatched Messrs. King and Williamson ashore, with three boats, for water, and to trade for refreshments. At the same time I sent an order to Captain Clerke to put to sea after me, if he should see that I could not recover the road. Being in hopes of finding one, or perhaps a harbour, at the west end of the island, I was the less anxious about getting back to my former station. But as I had sent the boats thither, we kept to windward as much as possible; notwithstanding which, at noon, we were three leagues to leeward. As we drew near the west end of the island, we found the coast to round gradually to the north-east, without forming a creek, or cove, to shelter a vessel from the force of the swell, which rolled in from the north, and broke upon the shore in a prodigious surf; so that all hopes of finding a harbour here vanished.

Several canoes came off in the morning, and followed us as we stood out to sea, bartering their roots and other articles. Being very averse to believe these people to be cannibals, notwithstanding the suspicious circumstance which had happened the day before, we took occasion now to make some more inquiries about this. A small wooden instrument, beset with shark’s teeth, had been purchased; and from its resemblance to the saw or knife used by the New Zealanders, to dissect the bodies of their enemies, it was suspected to have the same use here. One of the natives being asked about this, immediately gave the name of the instrument, and told us that it was used to cut out the fleshy part of the belly, when any person was killed. This explained and confirmed the circumstance above-mentioned, of the person pointing to his belly. The man, however, from whom we had this information, being asked, if his countrymen eat the part thus cut out? denied it strongly; but, upon the question being repeated, shewed some degree of fear, and swam to his canoe. Just before he reached it, he made signs, as he had done before, expressive of the use of the instrument. And an old man, who sat foremost in the canoe, being then asked, whether they eat the flesh? answered in the affirmative, and laughed, seemingly at the simplicity of such a question. He affirmed the fact, on being asked again; and also said it was excellent food, or, as he expressed it, “savoury eating.”

At seven o’clock in the evening, the boats returned with the two tons of water, a few hogs, a quantity of plantains, and some roots. Mr. King informed me, that a great number of the inhabitants were at the watering or landing-place. He supposed that they had come from all parts of the island. They had brought with them a great many fine fat hogs to barter; but my people had not commodities with them equal to the purchase. This, however, was no great loss; for we had already got as many on board as we could well manage for immediate use; and, wanting the materials, we could not have salted them. Mr. King also told me, that a great deal of rain had fallen ashore, whereas, out at sea, we had only a few showers; and that the surf had run so high, that it was with great difficulty our men landed, and got back into the boats.

We had light airs and calms, by turns, with showers of rain, all night; and at day-break, in the morning of the 24th, we found, that the currents had carried the ship to the north-west and north; so that the west end of the island, upon which we had been, called Atooi by the natives, bore east, one league distant; another island, called Oreehoua, west by south; and the high land of a third island, called Oneeheow, from south-west by west, to west south-west. Soon after, a breeze sprung up at north; and, as I expected that this would bring the Discovery to sea, I steered for Oneeheow, in order to take a nearer view of it, and to anchor there, if I should find a convenient place. I continued to steer for it, till past eleven o’clock, at which time we were about two leagues from it. But not seeing the Discovery, and being doubtful whether they could see us, I was fearful lest some ill consequence might attend our separating so far, I therefore gave up the design of visiting Oneeheow for the present, and stood back to Atooi, with an intent to anchor again in the road, to complete our water. At two o’clock in the afternoon, the northerly wind died away, and was succeeded by variable light airs and calms, that continued till eleven at night, with which we stretched to the south-east, till day-break in the morning of the 25th, when we tacked and stood in for Atooi road, which bore about north from us; and, soon after, we were joined by the Discovery.

We fetched in with the land about two leagues to leeward of the road, which, though so near, we never could recover; for what we gained at one time, we lost at another; so that, by the morning of the 29th, the currents had carried us westward, within three leagues of Oneeheow. Being tired with plying so unsuccessfully, I gave up all thoughts of getting back to Atooi, and came to the resolution of trying, whether we could not procure what we wanted at the other island, which was within our reach. With this view, I sent the Master in a boat to sound the coast; to look out for a landing-place; and, if he should find one, to examine if fresh water could be conveniently got in its neighbourhood. To give him time to execute his commission, we followed, under an easy sail, with the ships. As soon as we were abreast, or to the westward of the south point of Oneeheow, we found thirty, twenty-five, and twenty fathoms water, over a bottom of coral sand, a mile from the shore.

At ten o’clock the Master returned, and reported that he had landed in one place, but could find no fresh water; and that there was anchorage all along the coast. Seeing a village a little farther to leeward; and some of the islanders, who had come off to the ships, informing us, that fresh water might be got there, I ran down, and came to an anchor before it, in twenty-six fathoms water, about three quarters of a mile from the shore. The south-east point of the island bore S., 65° E., three miles distant; the other extreme of the island bore north by east, about two or three miles distant; a peaked hill, inland, N. E., a quarter E.; and another island, called Tahoora, which was discovered the preceding evening, bore S., 61° W., distant seven leagues.

Six or seven canoes had come off to us, before we anchored, bringing some small pigs and potatoes, and a good many yams and mats. The people in them resembled those of Atooi; and seemed to be equally well acquainted with the use of iron, which they asked for also by the names of _hamaite_ and _toe_; parting readily with all their commodities for pieces of this precious metal. Several more canoes soon reached the ships, after they had anchored; but the natives in these seemed to have no other object, than to pay us a formal visit. Many of them came readily on board, crouching down upon the deck, and not quitting that humble posture till they were desired to get up. They had brought several females with them, who remained alongside in the canoes, behaving with far less modesty than their countrywomen of Atooi; and, at times, all joining in a song, not remarkable for its melody, though performed in very exact concert, by beating time upon their breasts with their hands. The men who had come on board did not stay long; and before they departed, some of them requested our permission to lay down, on the deck, locks of their hair.

These visitors furnished us with an opportunity of agitating again, this day, the curious inquiry whether they were cannibals; and the subject did not take its rise from any question of ours, but from a circumstance that seemed to remove all ambiguity. One of the islanders, who wanted to get in at the gun-room port, was refused; and, at the same time, asked, whether, if he should come in, we would kill and eat him? accompanying this question with signs so expressive that there could be no doubt about his meaning. This gave a proper opening to retort the question as to this practice; and a person behind the other, in the canoe, who paid great attention to what was passing, immediately answered, that if we were killed on shore, they would certainly eat us. He spoke with so little emotion, that it appeared plainly to be his meaning, that they would not destroy us for that purpose; but that their eating us would be the consequence of our being at enmity with them. I have availed myself of Mr. Anderson’s collections for the decision of this matter; and am sorry to say, that I cannot see the least reason to hesitate in pronouncing it to be certain, that the horrid banquet of human flesh is as much relished here, amidst plenty, as it is in New Zealand.

In the afternoon I sent lieutenant Gore, with three armed boats, to look for the most convenient landing-place; and, when on shore, to search for fresh water. In the evening he returned, having landed at the village above mentioned, and acquainted me, that he had been conducted to a well half a mile up the country; but, by his account, the quantity of water it contained was too inconsiderable for our purpose, and the road leading to it exceedingly bad.

On the 30th I sent Mr. Gore ashore again, with a guard of marines, and a party to trade with the natives for refreshments. I intended to have followed soon after, and went from the ship with that design. But the surf had increased so much, by this time, that I was fearful, if I got ashore, I should not be able to get off again. This really happened to our people who had landed with Mr. Gore, the communication between them and the ships, by our own boats, being soon stopped. In the evening they made a signal for the boats, which were sent accordingly; and, not long after, they returned with a few yams and some salt. A tolerable quantity of both had been procured in the course of the day; but the surf was so great, that the greatest part of both these articles had been lost in conveying them to the boats. The officer and twenty men, deterred by the danger of coming off, were left ashore all night; and by this unfortunate circumstance, the very thing happened, which, as I have already mentioned, I wished so heartily to prevent, and vainly imagined I had effectually guarded against. The violence of the surf, which our own boats could not act against, did not hinder the natives from coming off to the ships in their canoes. They brought refreshments with them, which were purchased in exchange for nails, and pieces of iron hoops; and I distributed a good many pieces of ribbon, and some buttons, as bracelets, amongst the women in the canoes. One of the men had the figure of a lizard punctured upon his breast, and upon those of others were the figures of men badly imitated. These visitors informed us, that there was no chief, or _Hairee_, of this island; but that it was subject to Teneooneoo, a chief of Atooi; which island, they said, was not governed by a single chief, but that there were many to whom they paid the honour of _moe_, or prostration; and among others, they named Otaeaio and Terarotoa. Amongst other things which these people now brought off; was a small drum, almost like those of Otaheite.

About ten or eleven o’clock at night, the wind veered to the south, and the sky seemed to forbode a storm. With such appearances, thinking that we were rather too near the shore, I ordered the anchors to be taken up, and having carried the ships into forty-two fathoms, came to again in that safer station. The precaution, however, proved to be unnecessary; for the wind, soon after, veered to N. N. E., from which quarter it blew a fresh gale, with squalls, attended with very heavy showers of rain.

This weather continued all the next day; and the sea ran so high that we had no manner of communication with our party on shore; and even the natives themselves durst not venture out to the ships in their canoes. In the evening I sent the master in a boat up to the south-east head, or point of the island, to try if he could land under it. He returned with a favourable report; but it was too late, now, to send for our party till the next morning; and thus they had another night to improve their intercourse with the natives.

Encouraged by the master’s report, I sent a boat to the south-east point, as soon as day-light returned, with an order to Mr. Gore, that if he could not embark his people from the spot where they now were, to march them up to the point. As the boat could not get to the beach, one of the crew swam ashore, and carried the order. On the return of the boat, I went myself with the pinnace and launch up to the point, to bring the party on board; taking with me a ram-goat and two ewes, a boar and sow pig of the English breed; and the seeds of melons, pumpkins, and onions; being very desirous of benefiting these poor people, by furnishing them with some additional articles of food. I landed with the greatest ease, under the west side of the point, and found my party already there, with some of the natives in company. To one of them, whom Mr. Gore had observed assuming some command over the rest, I gave the goats, pigs, and seeds. I should have left these well intended presents at Atooi, had we not been so unexpectedly driven from it.

While the people were engaged in filling four water-casks, from a small stream occasioned by the late rain, I walked a little way up the country, attended by the man above-mentioned, and followed by two others carrying the two pigs. As soon as we got upon a rising ground, I stopped to look round me; and observed a woman, on the other side of the valley, where I landed, calling to her countryman who attended me. Upon this, the chief began to mutter something which I supposed was a prayer; and the two men, who carried the pigs, continued to walk round me all the time, making, at least, a dozen circuits before the other had finished his oraison. This ceremony being performed, we proceeded; and, presently, met people coming from all parts, who, on being called to by the attendants, threw themselves prostrate on their faces, till I was out of sight. The ground, through which I passed, was in a state of nature, very stony, and the soil seemed poor. It was, however, covered with shrubs and plants, some of which perfumed the air; with a more delicious fragrancy, than I had met at any other of the islands visited by us in this ocean. Our people, who had been obliged to remain so long on shore, gave me the same account of those parts of the island which they had traversed. They met with several salt ponds, some of which had a little water remaining, but others had none; and the salt that was left in them was so thin, that no great quantity could have been procured. There was no appearance of any running stream; and though they found some small wells, in which the fresh water was tolerably good, it seemed scarce. The habitations of the natives were thinly scattered about; and, it was supposed, that there could not be more than five hundred people upon the island, as the greatest part were seen at the marketing-place of our party, and few found about the houses by those who walked up the country. They had an opportunity of observing the method of living amongst the natives, and it appeared to be decent and cleanly. They did not, however, see any instance of the men and women eating together; and the latter seemed generally associated in companies by themselves. It was found, that they burnt here the oily nuts of the _doee dooe_ for lights in the night, as at Otaheite; and that they baked their hogs in ovens; but, contrary to the practice of the Society and Friendly Islands, split their carcases through their whole length. They met with a positive proof of the existence of the _taboo_ (or as they pronounce it, the _tafoo_), for one woman fed another who was under that interdiction. They also observed some other mysterious ceremonies; one of which was performed by a woman, who took a small pig, and threw it into the surf, till it was drowned, and then tied up a bundle of wood, which she also disposed of in the same manner. The same woman, at another time, beat with a stick upon a man’s shoulders, who sat down for that purpose. A particular veneration seemed to be paid here to owls, which they have very tame; and it was observed to be a pretty general practice amongst them, to pull out one of their [25]teeth; for which old custom, when asked the reason, the only answer that could be got was, that it was _teeha_, which was also the reason assigned for another of their practices, the giving a lock of their hair.

After the water-casks had been filled and conveyed into the boat, and we had purchased from the natives a few roots, a little salt, and some salted fish, I returned on board with all the people, intending to visit the island the next day. But about seven o’clock in the evening the anchor of the Resolution started, and she drove off the bank. As we had a whole cable out, it was some time before the anchor was at the bows; and then we had the launch to hoist up alongside, before we could make sail. By this unlucky accident, we found ourselves, at day-break next morning, three leagues to the leeward of our last station; and foreseeing that it would require more time to recover it than I chose to spend, I made the signal for the Discovery to weigh and join us. This was done about noon; and we immediately stood away to the northward, in prosecution of our voyage. Thus, after spending more time about these islands, than was necessary to have answered all our purposes, we were obliged to leave them before we had completed our water, and got from them such a quantity of refreshments as their inhabitants were both able and willing to have supplied us with. But, as it was, our ship procured from them provisions, sufficient for three weeks at least; and Captain Clerke, more fortunate than us, got of their vegetable productions, a supply that lasted his people upward of two months. The observations I was enabled to make, combined with those of Mr. Anderson, who was a very useful assistant on all such occasions, will furnish materials for the next chapter.

CHAP. XII.

THE SITUATION OF THE ISLANDS NOW DISCOVERED.—THEIR NAMES.—CALLED THE SANDWICH ISLANDS.—ATOOI DESCRIBED.—THE SOIL.—CLIMATE.—VEGETABLE PRODUCTIONS.—BIRDS.—FISH.—DOMESTIC ANIMALS.—PERSONS OF THE INHABITANTS.—THEIR DISPOSITION.—DRESS.—ORNAMENTS.—HABITATIONS.—FOOD.— COOKERY.—AMUSEMENTS.—MANUFACTURES.—WORKING-TOOLS—KNOWLEDGE OF IRON ACCOUNTED FOR.—CANOES.—AGRICULTURE.—ACCOUNT OF ONE OF THEIR CHIEFS.— WEAPONS.—CUSTOMS AGREEING WITH THOSE OF TONGATABOO, AND OTAHEITE.— THEIR LANGUAGE THE SAME.—EXTENT OF THIS NATION THROUGHOUT THE PACIFIC OCEAN.—REFLECTIONS ON THE USEFUL SITUATION OF THE SANDWICH ISLANDS.

It is worthy of observation, that the islands in the Pacific Ocean, which our late voyages have added to the geography of the globe, have been generally found lying in groups or clusters; the single intermediate islands, as yet discovered, being few in proportion to the others; though, probably, there are many more of them still unknown, which serve as steps between the several clusters. Of what number this newly-discovered Archipelago consists, must be left for future investigation. We saw five of them, whose names, as given to us by the natives, are Woahoo, Atooi, Oneeheow, Oreehoua, and Tahoora. The last is a small elevated island, lying four or five leagues from the south-east point of Oneeheow, in the direction of south, 69° W. We were told, that it abounds with birds, which are its only inhabitants. We also got some information of the existence of a low, uninhabited island, in the neighbourhood, whose name is Tammata pappa. Besides these six, which we can distinguish by their names, it appeared, that the inhabitants of those with whom we had intercourse, were acquainted with some other islands both to the eastward and westward. I named the whole group the Sandwich Islands, in honour of the Earl of Sandwich. Those that I saw, are situated between the latitude of 21° 30ʹ, and 22° 15ʹ N., and between the longitude of 199° 20ʹ, and 201° 30ʹ East.

Of Woahoo, the most easterly of these islands seen by us, which lies in the latitude of 21° 36ʹ, we could get no other intelligence, but that it is high land, and is inhabited.

We had opportunities of knowing some particulars about Oneeheow, which have been mentioned already. It lies several leagues to the westward of our anchoring place at Atooi; and is not above fifteen leagues in circuit. Its chief vegetable produce is yams; if we may judge from what was brought to us by the natives. They have salt, which they call _patai_; and is produced in salt ponds. With it they cure both fish and pork; and some salt fish, which we got from them, kept very well, and were found to be very good. This island is mostly low land, except the part facing Atooi, which rises directly from the sea to a good height; as does also the south-east point of it, which terminates in a round hill. It was on the west side of this point where our ships anchored.

Of Oreehoua we know nothing more than that it is a small elevated island, lying close to the north side of Oneeheow.

Atooi, which is the largest, being the principal scene of our operations, I shall now proceed to lay before my readers what information I was able to collect about it, either from actual observation, while on shore, or from conversation with its inhabitants, who were perpetually on board the ships while we lay at anchor; and who, in general, could be tolerably well understood, by those of us who had acquired an acquaintance with the dialects of the South Pacific islands. It is, however, to be regretted, that we should have been obliged, so soon, to leave a place which, as far as our opportunities of knowing reached, seemed to be highly worthy of a more accurate examination.

Atooi, from what we saw of it, is, at least, ten leagues in length from east to west; from whence its circuit may nearly be guessed, though it appears to be much broader at the east than at the west point, if we may judge from the double range of hills which appeared there. The road, or anchoring-place, which we occupied, is on the south-west side of the island, about six miles from the west end, before a village which has the name of Wymoa. As far as we sounded, we found that the bank has a fine grey sand at the bottom, and is free from rocks; except a little to the eastward of the village, where there spits out a shoal, on which are some rocks and breakers; but they are not far from shore. This road would be entirely sheltered from the trade wind, if the height of the land, over which it blows, did not alter its direction, and make it follow that of the coast; so that it blows at north-east, on one side of the island, and at east south-east, or south-east, on the other, falling obliquely upon the shore. Thus the road, though situated on the lee-side of the island, is a little exposed to the trade-wind; but notwithstanding this defect, is far from being a bad station, and much superior to those which necessity obliges ships daily to use, in regions where the winds are both more variable and more boisterous; as at Teneriffe, Madeira, the Azores, and elsewhere. The landing too is more easy than at most of those places; and, unless in very bad weather, always practicable. The water to be got in the neighbourhood is excellent, and easy to be conveyed to the boats. But no wood can be cut at any distance, convenient enough to bring it from, unless the natives could be prevailed upon to part with the few _etooa_ trees (for so they call the _cordia sebastina_), that grow about their villages, or a sort called _dooe dooe_, that grow farther up the country.

The land, as to its general appearance, does not, in the least, resemble any of the islands we have hitherto visited within the tropic, on the south side of the _equator_; if we except its hills near the centre, which are high, but slope gently to the sea, or lower lands. Though it be destitute of the delightful borders of Otaheite, and of the luxuriant plains of Tongataboo, covered with trees, which at once afford a friendly shelter from the scorching sun, and an enchanting prospect to the eye, and food for the natives, which may be truly said to drop from the trees into their mouths, without the laborious task of rearing; though, I say, Atooi be destitute of these advantages, its possessing a greater quantity of gently-rising land, renders it, in some measure, superior to the above favourite islands, as being more capable of improvement.

The height of the land within, the quantity of clouds which we saw, during the whole time we staid, hanging over it, and frequently on the other parts, seems to put it beyond all doubt, that there is a sufficient supply of water; and that there are some running streams which we did not see, especially in the deep valleys, at the entrance of which the villages commonly stand. From the wooded part to the sea, the ground is covered with an excellent sort of grass, about two feet high, which grows sometimes in tufts, and, though not very thick at the place where we were, seemed capable of being converted into plentiful crops of fine hay. But not even a shrub grows naturally on this extensive space.

In the break, or narrow valley, through which we had our road to the _morai_, the soil is of a brownish black colour, somewhat loose; but as we advanced upon the high ground, it changed to a reddish brown, more stiff and clayey, though, at this time, brittle from its dryness. It is most probably the same all over the cultivated parts; for what adhered to most of the potatoes bought by us, which, no doubt, came from very different spots, was of this sort. Its quality, however, may be better understood from its products than from its appearance. For the vale, or moist ground, produces _taro_, of a much larger size than any we had ever seen; and the higher ground furnishes sweet potatoes, that often weigh ten, and sometimes twelve or fourteen pounds; very few being under two or three.

The temperature of the climate may be easily guessed from the situation of the island. Were we to judge of it from our experience, it might be said to be very variable; for, according to the generally received opinion, it was now the season of the year, when the weather is supposed to be most settled, the sun being at its greatest annual distance. The heat was, at this time, very moderate; and few of those inconveniences which many tropical countries are subject to, either from heat or moisture, seem to be experienced here, as the habitations of the natives are quite close; and they salt both fish and pork, which keep well, contrary to what has usually been observed to be the case, when this operation is attempted in hot countries. Neither did we find any dews of consequence, which may, in some measure, be accounted for, by the lower part of the country being destitute of trees.

The rock that forms the sides of the valley, and which seems to be the same with that seen by us at different parts of the coast, is a greyish black, ponderous stone; but honey-combed, with some very minute shining particles, and some spots of a rusty colour interspersed. The last gives it often a reddish cast, when at a distance. It is of an immense depth, but seems divided into _strata_, though nothing is interposed. For the large pieces always broke off to a determinate thickness, without appearing to have adhered to those below them. Other stones are probably much more various than in the southern islands. For, during our short stay, besides the _lapis lydius_, which seems common all over the South Sea, we found a species of cream-coloured whetstone, sometimes variegated with blacker or whiter veins, as marble; or in pieces, as _brecciæ_; and common writing slate, as well as a coarser sort; but we saw none of them in their natural state; and the natives brought some pieces of a coarse whitish pumice-stone. We got also a brown sort of _hæmatites_, which, from being strongly attracted by the magnet, discovered the quantity of metal that it contained, and seems to belong to the second species of Cronstedt, though Linnæus has placed it amongst his _intractabilia_. But its variety could not be discovered; for what we saw of it, as well as the slates and whetstones, was cut artificially.

Besides the vegetable articles bought by us as refreshments, amongst which were, at least, five or six varieties of plantains, the island produces bread-fruit, though it seems to be scarce, as we saw only one tree, which was large, and had some fruit upon it. There are also a few cocoa-palms; yams, as we were told, for we saw none; the _kappe_ of the Friendly Islands, or Virginian _arum_; the _etooa_ tree, and sweet-smelling _gardenia_, or _cape jasmine_. We saw several trees of the _dooe dooe_, so useful at Otaheite, as bearing the oily nuts, which are stuck upon a kind of skewer, and burnt as candles. Our people saw them used, in the same manner, at Oneeheow. We were not on shore at Atooi but in the day-time, and then we saw the natives wearing these nuts, hung on strings, round the neck. There is a species of _sida_, or Indian mallow, somewhat altered by the climate, from what we saw at Christmas Island; the _morinda citrifolia_, which is called _none_; a species of _convolvulus_; the _ava_, or intoxicating pepper; and great numbers of gourds. These last grow to a very large size, and are of a vast variety of shapes, which probably is effected by art. Upon the dry sand, about the village, grew a plant that we had never seen in these seas, of the size of a common thistle, and prickly, like that; but bearing a fine flower, almost resembling a white poppy. This, with another small one, were the only uncommon plants, which our short excursion gave us an opportunity of observing.

The scarlet birds, already described, which were brought for sale, were never met with alive; but we saw a single small one, about the size of a canary-bird, of a deep crimson colour; a large owl; two large brown hawks, or kites; and a wild duck. The natives mentioned the names of several other birds; amongst which we knew the _atoo_, or blueish heron; and the _torata_, a sort of whimbrel, which are known by the same names at Otaheite; and it is probable that there are a great many sorts, judging by the quantity of fine yellow, green, and very small, velvet-like, black feathers used upon the cloaks, and other ornaments, worn by the inhabitants.

Fish, and other marine productions were, to appearance, not various; as, besides the small mackerel, we only saw common mullets; a sort of a dead white, or chalky colour; a small, brownish rock-fish, spotted with blue; a turtle, which was penned up in a pond; and three or four sorts of fish salted. The few shell-fish that we saw were chiefly converted into ornaments, though they neither had beauty nor novelty to recommend them.

The hogs, dogs, and fowls, which were the only tame or domestic animals that we found here, were all of the same kind that we met with at the South Pacific islands. There were also small lizards; and some rats, resembling those seen at every island at which we had as yet touched.

The inhabitants are of a middling stature, firmly made, with some exceptions, neither remarkable for a beautiful shape, nor for striking features, which rather express an openness and good-nature, than a keen, intelligent disposition. Their visage, especially amongst the women, is sometimes round; but others have it long; nor can we say that they are distinguished, as a nation, by any general cast of countenance. Their colour is nearly of a nut-brown, and it may be difficult to make a nearer comparison, if we take in all the different hues of that colour; but some individuals are darker. The women have been already mentioned, as being little more delicate than the men in their formation; and I may say that, with a very few exceptions, they have little claim to those peculiarities that distinguish the sex in other countries. There is, indeed, a more remarkable equality in the size, colour, and figure of both sexes, than in most places I have visited. However, upon the whole, they are far from being ugly, and appear to have few natural deformities of any kind. Their skin is not very soft, nor shining; perhaps for want of oiling, which is practised at the southern islands; but their eyes and teeth are, in general, very tolerable. The hair, for the greatest part, is straight, though, in some, frizzling; and though its natural colour be commonly black, it is stained, as at the Friendly and other islands. We saw but few instances of corpulence; and these oftener among the women than the men; but it was chiefly amongst the latter that personal defects were observed, though, if any of them can claim a share of beauty, it was most conspicuous amongst the young men.

They are vigorous, active, and most expert swimmers; leaving their canoes upon the most trifling occasion; diving under them, and swimming to others though at a great distance. It was very common to see women, with infants at the breast, when the surf was so high that they could not land in the canoes, leap overboard, and without endangering their little ones, swim to the shore, through a sea that looked dreadful.

They seem to be blest with a frank, cheerful disposition; and were I to draw any comparisons, I should say, that they are equally free from the fickle levity which distinguishes the natives of Otaheite, and the sedate cast observable amongst many of those of Tongataboo. They seem to live very sociably in their intercourse with one another; and, except the propensity to thieving, which seems innate in most of the people we have visited in this ocean, they were exceedingly friendly to us. And it does their sensibility no little credit, without flattering ourselves, that when they saw the various articles of our European manufacture, they could not help expressing their surprise, by a mixture of joy and concern, that seemed to apply the case, as a lesson of humility, to themselves; and, on all occasions, they appeared deeply impressed with a consciousness of their own inferiority; a behaviour which equally exempts their national character from the preposterous pride of the more polished Japanese, and of the ruder Greenlander. It was a pleasure to observe with how much affection the women managed their infants, and how readily the men lent their assistance to such a tender office; thus sufficiently distinguishing themselves from those savages who esteem a wife and child as things rather necessary than desirable, or worthy of their notice.

From the numbers which we saw collected at every village, as we sailed past, it may be supposed that the inhabitants of this island are pretty numerous. Any computation that we make can be only conjectural. But that some notion may be formed, which shall not greatly err on either side, I should suppose that, including the straggling houses, there might be, upon the whole island, sixty such villages, as that before which we anchored; and that, allowing five persons to each house, there would be, in every village, five hundred; or thirty thousand upon the island. This number is, certainly, not exaggerated; for we had sometimes three thousand persons, at least, upon the beach; when it could not be supposed that above a tenth part of the inhabitants were present.

The common dress, both of the women and of the men, has been already described. The first have often much larger pieces of cloth wrapped round them, reaching from just below the breasts to the hams, or lower; and several were seen with pieces thrown loosely about the shoulders, which covered the greatest part of the body; but the children, when very young, are quite naked. They wear nothing upon the head; but the hair, in both sexes, is cut in different forms; and the general fashion, especially among the women, is to have it long before and short behind. The men often had it cut, or shaved, on each side, in such a manner that the remaining part, in some measure, resembles the crest of their caps or helmets, formerly described. Both sexes, however, seem very careless about their hair, and have nothing like combs to dress it with. Instances of wearing it, in a singular manner, were sometimes met with among the men, who twist it into a number of separate parcels, like the tails of a wig, each about the thickness of a finger; though the greatest part of these, which are so long that they reach far down the back, we observed, were artificially fixed upon the head, over their own hair.[26]

It is remarkable that, contrary to the general practice of the islands we had hitherto discovered in the Pacific Ocean, the people of the Sandwich Islands have not their ears perforated, nor have they the least idea of wearing ornaments in them. Both sexes, nevertheless, adorn themselves with necklaces made of bunches of small black cord, like our hat-string, often above a hundred-fold, exactly like those of Wateeoo; only that instead of the two little balls, on the middle before, they fix a small bit of wood, stone, or shell, about two inches long, with a broad hook, turning forward at its lower part, well polished. They have, likewise, necklaces of many strings of very small shells, or of the dried flowers of the Indian mallow. And, sometimes, a small human image of bone, about three inches long, neatly polished, is hung round the neck. The women also wear bracelets of a single shell, pieces of black wood, with bits of ivory interspersed, and well polished, fixed by a string drawn very close through them; or others of hogs’ teeth, laid parallel to each other, with the concave part outward, and the points cut off, fastened together as the former; some of which, made only of large boars’ tusks, are very elegant. The men, sometimes, wear plumes of the tropic bird’s feathers, stuck in their heads; or those of cocks, fastened round neat polished sticks, two feet long, commonly decorated, at the lower part, with _oora_; and, for the same purpose, the skin of a white dog’s tail is sewed over a stick, with its tuft at the end. They also frequently wear on the head a kind of ornament, of a finger’s thickness, or more, covered with red and yellow feathers, curiously varied, and tied behind; and on the arm, above the elbow, a kind of broad shell-work, grounded upon net-work.

The men are frequently punctured, though not in any particular part, as the Otaheiteans, and those of Tongataboo. Sometimes there are a few marks upon their hands, or arms, and near the groin; but frequently we could observe none at all; though a few individuals had more of this sort of ornament than we had usually seen at other places, and ingeniously executed in a great variety of lines and figures, on the arms and forepart of the body; on which latter some of them had the figure of the _taame_, or breast-plate, of Otaheite, though we did not meet with the thing itself amongst them. Contrary to the custom of the Society and Friendly Islands, they do not slit or cut off part of the _prepuce_; but have it universally drawn over the _glans_, and tied with a string, as practised by some of the natives of New Zealand.

Though they seem to have adopted the mode of living in villages, there is no appearance of defence, or fortification, near any of them; and the houses are scattered about, without any order, either with respect to their distances from each other, or their position in any particular direction. Neither is there any proportion as to their size; some being large and commodious, from forty to fifty feet long, and twenty or thirty broad, while others of them are mere hovels. Their figure is not unlike oblong corn, or hay-stacks; or, perhaps, a better idea may be conceived of them, if we suppose the roof of a barn placed on the ground, in such a manner, as to form a high, acute ridge, with two very low sides, hardly discernible at a distance. The gable, at each end corresponding to the sides, makes these habitations perfectly close all round; and they are well thatched with long grass, which is laid on slender poles, disposed with some regularity. The entrance is made indifferently, in the end or side, and is an oblong hole, so low, that one must rather creep than walk in; and is often shut up by a board of planks, fastened together, which serves as a door, but having no hinges, must be removed occasionally. No light enters the house, but by this opening; and though such close habitations may afford a comfortable retreat in bad weather, they seem but ill-adapted to the warmth of the climate. They are, however, kept remarkably clean; and their floors are covered with a large quantity of dried grass, over which they spread mats to sit and sleep upon. At one end stands a kind of bench, about three feet high, on which their household utensils are placed. The catalogue is not long. It consists of gourd-shells, which they convert into vessels that serve as bottles to hold water, and as baskets to contain their victuals, and other things, with covers of the same; and of a few wooden bowls and trenchers, of different sizes. Judging from what we saw growing, and from what was brought to market, there can be no doubt that the greatest part of their vegetable food consists of sweet potatoes, _taro_, and plantains; and that bread-fruit and yams are rather to be esteemed rarities. Of animal food, they can be in no want; as they have abundance of hogs, which run, without restraint, about the houses; and if they eat dogs, which is not improbable, their stock of these seem to be very considerable. The great number of fishing-hooks found among them, showed, that they derive no inconsiderable supply of animal food from the sea. But it should seem, from their practice of salting fish, that the openness of their coast often interrupts the business of catching them; as it may be naturally supposed, that no set of people would ever think of preserving quantities of food artificially, if they could depend upon a daily, regular supply of it, in its fresh state. This sort of reasoning, however, will not account for their custom of salting their pork, as well as their fish, which are preserved in gourd-shells. The salt, of which they use a great quantity for this purpose, is of a red colour, not very coarse, and seems to be much the same with what our stragglers found at Christmas Island. It has its colour, doubtless, from a mixture of the mud, at the bottom of the part where it is formed, for some of it that had adhered in lumps, was of a sufficient whiteness and purity.

They bake their vegetable food with heated stones, as at the Southern Islands; and, from the vast quantity which we saw dressed at one time, we suspected that the whole village, or, at least, a considerable number of people, joined in the use of a common oven. We did not see them dress any animal food at this island; but Mr. Gore’s party, as already mentioned, had an opportunity of satisfying themselves, that it was dressed in Oneeheow in the same sort of ovens; which leaves no doubt of this being also the practice in Atooi; especially as we met with no utensil there, that could be applied to the purpose of stewing or boiling. The only artificial dish we met with, was a _taro_ pudding; which, though a disagreeable mess from its sourness, was greedily devoured by the natives. They eat off a kind of wooden plates, or trenchers; and the women, as far as we could judge from one instance, if restrained from feeding at the same dish with the men, as at Otaheite, are at least permitted to eat in the same place near them.

Their amusements seem pretty various; for, during our stay, several were discovered. The dances, at which they use the feathered cloaks and caps, were not seen; but from the motions which they made with their hands, on other occasions, when they sung, we could form some judgment that they are, in some degree at least, similar to those we had met with at the southern Islands, though not executed so skilfully. Neither had they amongst them either flutes or reeds; and the only two musical instruments which we observed, were of an exceeding rude kind. One of them does not produce a melody exceeding that of a child’s rattle. It consists of what may be called a conic cap inverted, but scarcely hollowed at the base above a foot high, made of a coarse sedge-like plant; the upper part of which, and the edges, are ornamented with beautiful red feathers; and to the point, or lower part, is fixed a gourd-shell, larger than the fist. Into this is put something to rattle; which is done by holding the instrument by the small part, and shaking, or rather moving it, from place to place briskly, either to different sides, or backward and forward, just before the face, striking the breast with the other hand at the same time. The other musical instrument, (if either of them deserve that name) was a hollow vessel of wood, like a platter, combined with the use of two sticks, on which one of our gentlemen saw a man performing. He held one of the sticks, about two feet long, as we do a fiddle, with one hand, and struck it with the other, which was smaller, and resembled a drum-stick, in a quicker or slower measure; at the same time beating with his foot upon the hollow vessel, that lay inverted upon the ground, and thus producing a tune that was by no means disagreeable. This music was accompanied by the vocal performance of some women, whose song had a pleasing and tender effect.

We observed great numbers of small polished rods, about four or five feet long, somewhat thicker than the rammer of a musket, with a tuft of long white dog’s hair fixed on the small end. These are, probably, used in their diversions. We saw a person take one of them in his hand, and holding it up, give a smart stroke, till he brought it into an horizontal position, striking with the foot, on the same side, upon the ground, and with his other hand beating his breast at the same time. They play at bowls, with pieces of the whetstone mentioned before, of about a pound weight, shaped somewhat like a small cheese, but rounded at the sides and edges, which are very nicely polished; and they have other bowls of the same sort, made of a heavy reddish brown clay, neatly glazed over with a composition of the same colour, or of a coarse, dark grey slate. They also use, in the manner that we throw quoits, small, flat, rounded pieces of the writing slate, of the diameter of the bowls, but scarcely a quarter of an inch thick, also well polished. From these circumstances one would be induced to think that their games are rather trials of skill than of strength.

In every thing manufactured by these people, there appears to be an uncommon degree of neatness and ingenuity. Their cloth, which is the principal manufacture, is made from the _morus papyrifera_; and, doubtless, in the same manner as at Otaheite and Tongataboo; for we bought some of the grooved sticks, with which it is beaten. Its texture, however, though thicker, is rather inferior to that of the cloth of either of the other places; but in colouring, or staining it, the people of Atooi display a superiority of taste, by the endless variation of figures which they execute. One would suppose, on seeing a number of their pieces, that they had borrowed their patterns from some mercer’s shop, in which the most elegant productions of China and Europe are collected; besides some original patterns of their own. Their colours, indeed, except the red, are not very bright; but the regularity of the figures and stripes is truly surprising; for, as far as we knew, they have nothing like stamps or prints, to make the impressions. In what manner they produce their colours, we had not opportunities of learning; but besides the party-coloured sorts, they have some pieces of plain white cloth, and others of a single colour, particularly dark brown and light blue. In general, the pieces which they brought to us, were about two feet broad, and four or five feet long, being the form and quantity that they use for their common dress, or _maro_; and even these we sometimes found were composed of pieces sewed together; an art which we did not find to the southward, but is strongly, though not very neatly performed here. There is also a particular sort that is thin, much resembling oil-cloth; and which is actually either oiled or soaked in some kind of varnish, and seems to resist the action of water pretty well.

They fabricate a great many white mats, which are strong, with many red stripes, rhombuses, and other figures interwoven on one side; and often pretty large. These, probably, make a part of their dress occasionally; for they put them on their backs when they offered them for sale. But they make others coarser, plain and strong, which they spread over their floors to sleep upon.

They stain their gourd-shells prettily with undulated lines, triangles, and other figures of a black colour; instances of which we saw practised at New Zealand. And they seem to possess the art of varnishing; for some of these stained gourd-shells are covered with a kind of lacker; and, on other occasions, they use a strong size, or gluey substance, to fasten their things together. Their wooden dishes and bowls, out of which they drink their ava, are of the _etooa_-tree, or _cordia_, as neat, as if made in our turning-lathe, and perhaps better polished. And amongst their articles of handicraft, may be reckoned small square fans of mat or wicker-work, with handles tapering from them of the same or of wood, which are neatly wrought with small cords of hair, and fibres of the cocoa-nut core intermixed. The great variety of fishing-hooks are ingeniously made, some of bone, others of wood pointed with bone, and many of pearl shell. Of the last, some are like a sort that we saw at Tongataboo, and others simply curved, as the common sort at Otaheite, as well as the wooden ones. The bones are mostly small and composed of two pieces; and all the different sorts have a barb, either on the inside like ours, or on the outside opposite the same part; but others have both, the outer one being farthest from the point. Of this last sort, one was procured nine inches long, of a single piece of bone, which, doubtless, belonged to some large fish. The elegant form and polish of this could not, certainly, be outdone by any European artist, even if he should add all his knowledge in design, to the number and convenience of his tools. They polish their stones by constant friction, with pumice-stone in water; and such of their working instruments or tools as I saw, resembled those of the southern islands. Their hatchets, or rather adzes, were exactly of the same pattern, and either made of the same sort of blackish stone, or of a clay-coloured one. They have also little instruments made of a single shark’s tooth, some of which are fixed to the fore-part of a dog’s jaw-bone, and others to a thin wooden handle of the same shape, and at the other end there is a bit of string fastened through a small perforation. These serve as knives occasionally, and are, perhaps, used in carving.

The only iron tools, or rather bits of iron, seen amongst them, and which they had before our arrival, were a piece of iron hoop about two inches long, fitted into a wooden handle[27], and another edge tool, which our people guessed to be made of the point of a broad-sword. Their having the actual possession of these, and their so generally knowing the use of this metal, inclined some on board to think, that we had not been the first European visitors of these islands. But, it seems to me, that the very great surprise expressed by them on seeing our ships, and their total ignorance of the use of fire-arms, cannot be reconciled with such a notion. There are many ways by which such people may get pieces of iron, or acquire the knowledge of the existence of such a metal, without ever having had an immediate connection with nations that use it. It can hardly be doubted that it was unknown to all the inhabitants of this sea, before Magellan led the way into it; for no discoverer, immediately after his voyage, ever found any of this metal in their possession; though, in the course of our late voyages it has been observed, that the use of it was known at several islands, to which no former European ships had ever, as far as we know, found their way. At all the places where Mendana touched in his two voyages, it must have been seen and left, and this would extend the knowledge of it, no doubt, to all the various islands with which those whom he had visited had any immediate intercourse. It might even be carried farther; and where specimens of this article could not be procured, descriptions might, in some measure, serve to make it known when afterward seen. The next voyage to the southward of the line in which any intercourse was had with the natives of this ocean, was that of Quiros, who landed at Sagittaria, the Island of Handsome People, and at Tierra del Espiritu Santo; at all which places, and at those with whom they had any communication, it must of consequence have been made known. To him succeeded, in this navigation, Le Maire and Schouten, whose connections with the natives commenced much farther to the eastward, and ended at Cocos and Horn Islands. It was not surprising that, when I visited Tongataboo in 1773, I should find a bit of iron there, as we knew that Tasman had visited it before me; but let us suppose, that he had never discovered the Friendly Islands, our finding iron amongst them would have occasioned much speculation; though we have mentioned before[28], the method by which they had gained a renewal of their knowledge of this metal, which confirms my hypothesis. For Neeootaboo taboo, or Boscawen’s Island, where Captain Wallis’s ships left it, and from whence Paulaho received it, lies some degrees to the N. W. of Tongataboo. It is well known that Roggewein lost one of his ships on the Pernicious Islands, which, from their situation, are probably not unknown to, though not frequently visited by, the inhabitants of Otaheite and the Society Islands. It is equally certain, that these last people had a knowledge of iron, and purchased it with the greatest avidity when Captain Wallis discovered Otaheite; and this knowledge could only have been acquired through the mediation of those neighbouring Islands where it had been originally left. Indeed, they acknowledge that this was actually the case, and they have told us since, that they held it in such estimation before Captain Wallis’s arrival, that a chief of Otaheite who had got two nails into his possession, received no small emolument by letting out the use of these to his neighbours for the purpose of boring holes, when their own methods failed or were thought too tedious.[29] The men of the Society Islands whom we found at Wateeoo had been driven thither long after the knowledge and use of iron had been introduced amongst their countrymen; and though, probably they had no specimen of it with them, they would naturally and with ease communicate at that island their knowledge of this valuable material by description. From the people of Wateeoo again, those of Hervey’s Island might derive that desire to possess some of it, of which we had proofs during our short intercourse with them.

The consideration of these facts sufficiently explains how the knowledge of iron has been conveyed throughout this ocean to islands which never have had an immediate intercourse with Europeans; and it may easily be conceived, that wherever the history of it only has been reported, or a very small quantity of it has been left, the greater eagerness will be shown by the natives to get copious supplies of it. The application of these particulars to the instance now under consideration is obvious. The people of Atooi and Oneeheow, without having ever been visited by Europeans before us, might have received it from intermediate islands, lying between them and the Ladrones, which have been frequented by the Spaniards almost ever since the date of Magellan’s voyage. Or, if the distant western situation of the Ladrones should render this solution less probable, is there not the extensive continent of America to windward, where the Spaniards have been settled for more than two hundred years, during which long period of time shipwrecks must have frequently happened on its coasts? It cannot be thought at all extraordinary, that part of such wrecks containing iron should, by the easterly trade-wind, be from time to time cast upon islands scattered about this vast ocean. The distance of Atooi from America, is no argument against this supposition. But even if it were, it would not destroy it. This ocean is traversed every year by Spanish ships; and it is obvious, that, besides the accident of losing a mast and its appendages, casks with iron hoops, and many other things containing iron, maybe thrown or may fall overboard during so long a passage, and thus find their way to land. But these are not mere conjectures and possibilities, for one of my people actually did see some wood in one of the houses at Wymoa, which he judged to be fir. It was worm-eaten, and the natives gave him to understand, that it had been driven ashore by the waves of the sea; and we had their own express testimony, that they had got the inconsiderable specimens of iron found amongst them from some place to the eastward.

From this digression (if it can be called so), I return to the observations made during our stay at Atooi, and some account must now be given of their canoes. These, in general, are about twenty-four feet long, and have the bottom for the most part formed of a single piece or log of wood, hollowed out to the thickness of an inch or an inch and an half, and brought to a point at each end. The sides consist of three boards, each about an inch thick, and neatly fitted and lashed to the bottom part. The extremities, both at head and stern, are a little raised, and both are made sharp, somewhat like a wedge, but they flatten more abruptly, so that the two side-boards join each other side by side for more than a foot. But Mr. Webber’s drawing will explain their construction more accurately than my description in words. As they are not more than fifteen or eighteen inches broad, those that go single (for they sometimes join them as at the other islands), have out-riggers, which are shaped and fitted with more judgment than any I had before seen. They are rowed by paddles, such as we had generally met with; and some of them have a light triangular sail, like those of the Friendly Islands, extended to a mast and boom. The ropes used for their boats, and the smaller cords for their fishing-tackle, are strong and well made.

What we saw of their agriculture, furnished sufficient proofs that they are not novices in that art. The vale ground has already been mentioned as one continued plantation of _taro_, and a few other things, which have all the appearance of being well attended to. The potatoe fields and spots of sugar-cane or plantains on the higher grounds, are planted with the same regularity, and always in some determinate figure, generally as a square or oblong; but neither these nor the others are inclosed with any kind of fence, unless we reckon the ditches in the low grounds such, which, it is more probable, are intended to convey water to the _taro_. The greater quantity and goodness of these articles may also, perhaps, be as much attributed to skilful culture, as to natural fertility of soil, which seems better adapted to them than to bread-fruit and cocoa-nut trees; the few which we saw of those latter not being in a thriving state, which will sufficiently account for the preference given to the culture of the other article, though more labour be required to produce them. But notwithstanding this skill in agriculture, the general appearance of the island showed that it was capable of much more extensive improvement, and of maintaining at least three times the number of the inhabitants that are at present upon it; for the far greater part of it that now lies quite waste, seemed to be as good a soil as those parts of it that are in cultivation. We must therefore conclude, that these people, from some cause which we were not long enough amongst them to be able to trace, do not increase in that proportion, which would make it necessary to avail themselves of the extent of their island, toward raising a greater quantity of its vegetable production for their subsistence.

Though I did not see a chief of any note, there were, however, several, as the natives informed us, who reside upon Atooi, and to whom they prostrate themselves as a mark of submission, which seems equivalent to the _moe_, _moea_, paid to the chiefs of the Friendly Islands, and is called here _hamoea_ or _moe_. Whether they were at first afraid to show themselves, or happened to be absent, I cannot say; but after I had left the island, one of these great men made his appearance, and paid a visit to Captain Clerke on board the Discovery. He came off in a double canoe, and, like the king of the Friendly Islands, paid no regard to the small canoes that happened to lie in his way, but ran against or over them, without endeavouring in the least to avoid them. And it was not possible for these poor people to avoid him, for they could not manage their canoes, it being a necessary mark of their submission, that they should lie down till he had passed. His attendants helped him into the ship, and placed him on the gang-way. Their care of him did not cease then, for they stood round him holding each other by the hands; nor would they suffer any one to come near him but Captain Clerke himself. He was a young man, clothed from head to foot, and accompanied by a young woman supposed to be his wife. His name was said to be Tamahano. Captain Clerke made him some suitable presents, and received from him in return, a large bowl supported by two figures of men, the carving of which, both as to the design and execution, showed some degree of skill. This bowl, as our people were told, used to be filled with the _kava_, or _ava_ (as it is called at Otaheite), which liquor they prepare and drink here, as at the other islands in this ocean. Captain Clerke could not prevail upon this great man to go below, nor to move from the place where his attendants had first fixed him. After staying some time in his ship, he was carried again into his canoe, and returned to the island, receiving the same honours from all the natives, as when he came on board. The next day several messages were sent to Captain Clerke, inviting him to return the visit ashore, and acquainting him that the chief had prepared a large present on that occasion. But being anxious to get to sea and join the Resolution, the Captain did not think it advisable to accept of the invitation.

The very short and imperfect intercourse which we had with the natives, put it out of our power to form any accurate judgment of the mode of government established amongst them; but from the general resemblance of customs, and particularly from what we observed of the honours paid to their chiefs, it seems reasonable to believe that it is of the same nature with that which prevails throughout all the islands we had hitherto visited, and probably their wars amongst themselves are equally frequent. This, indeed, might be inferred from the number of weapons which we found them possessed of, and from the excellent order these were kept in. But we had direct proof of the fact from their own confession; and, as we understood, these wars are between the different districts of their own island, as well as between it and their neighbours at Oneeheow and Orrehoua. We need scarcely assign any other cause besides this, to account for the appearance, already mentioned, of their population bearing no proportion to the extent of their ground capable of cultivation.

Besides their spears or lances, made of a fine chesnut-coloured wood, beautifully polished, some of which are barbed at one end, and flattened to a point at the other, they have a sort of weapon which we had never seen before, and not mentioned by any navigator, as used by the natives of the South Sea. It is somewhat like a dagger, in general about a foot and a half long, sharpened at one or both ends, and secured to the hand by a string. Its use is to stab at close fight, and it seems well adapted to the purpose. Some of these may be called double daggers, having a handle in the middle, with which they are better enabled to strike different ways. They have also bows and arrows; but, both from their apparent scarcity and their slender make, it may almost be presumed that they never use them in battle. The knife or saw formerly mentioned, with which they dissect the dead bodies, may also be ranked amongst their weapons, as they both strike and cut with it when closely engaged. It is a small flat wooden instrument of an oblong shape, about a foot long, rounded at the corners with a handle, almost like one sort of the _patoos_ of New Zealand; but its edges are entirely surrounded with sharks’ teeth strongly fixed to it and pointing outward, having commonly a hole in the handle through which passes a long string which is wrapped several times round the wrist. We also suspected that they use slings on some occasions, for we got some pieces of the _hæmatites_, or blood-stone, artificially made of an oval shape, divided longitudinally, with a narrow groove in the middle of the convex part. To this the person who had one of them applied a cord of no great thickness, but would not part with it, though he had no objection to part with the stone, which must prove fatal when thrown with any force, as it weighed a pound. We likewise saw some oval pieces of whetstone well polished, but somewhat pointed toward each end, nearly resembling in shape some stones which we had seen at New Caledonia in 1774, and used there in their slings.

What we could learn of their religious institutions, and the manner of disposing of their dead, which may properly be considered as closely connected, has been already mentioned. And as nothing more strongly points out the affinity between the manners of these people and of the Friendly and Society Islands, I must just mention some other circumstances to place this in a strong point of view, and, at the same time, to show how a few of the infinite modifications of which a few leading principles are capable may distinguish any particular nation. The people of Tongataboo inter their dead in a very decent manner, and they also inter their human sacrifices; but they do not offer or expose any other animal or even vegetable to their gods, as far as we know. Those of Otaheite do not inter their dead, but expose them to waste by time and putrefaction, though the bones are afterwards buried; and, as this is the case, it is very remarkable that they should inter the entire bodies of their human sacrifices. They also offer other animals and vegetables to their gods, but are by no means attentive to the state of the sacred places, where those solemn rites are performed, most of their _morais_ being in a ruinous condition, and bearing evident marks of neglect. The people of Atooi, again, inter both their common dead and human sacrifices, as at Tongataboo; but they resemble those of Otaheite in the slovenly state of their religious places, and in offering vegetables and animals to their gods.

The _taboo_ also prevails in Atooi in its full extent, and seemingly with much more rigour than even at Tongataboo. For the people here always asked, with great eagerness and signs of fear to offend, whether any particular thing which they desired to see, or we were unwilling to show, was _taboo_, or, as they pronounced the word, _tafoo_? The _maia_, _raa_, or forbidden articles at the Society Islands, though doubtless the same thing, did not seem to be so strictly observed by them, except with respect to the dead, about whom we thought them more superstitious than any of the others were. But these are circumstance with which we are not as yet sufficiently acquainted, to be decisive about; and I shall only just observe, to show the similitude in other matters connected with religion, that the priests, or _tahounas_, here, are as numerous as at the other islands, if we may judge from our being able, during our stay, to distinguish several saying their _poore_, or prayer.

But whatever resemblance we might discover, in the general manners of the people of Atooi to those of Otaheite, these of course were less striking than the coincidence of language. Indeed, the languages of both places may be said to be almost word for word the same. It is true, that we sometimes remarked particular words to be pronounced exactly as we had found at New Zealand and the Friendly Islands; but though all the four dialects are indisputably the same, these people in general have neither the strong guttural pronunciation of the former, nor a less degree of it, which also distinguishes the latter; and they have not only adopted the soft mode of the Otaheiteans in avoiding harsh sounds, but the whole idiom of their language, using not only the same affixes and suffixes to their words, but the same measure and cadence in their songs, though in a manner somewhat less agreeable. There seems, indeed, at first hearing, some disagreement to the ear of a stranger, but it ought to be considered, that the people of Otaheite, from their frequent connections with the English, had learnt, in some measure, to adapt themselves to our scanty knowledge of their language, by using not only the most common, but even corrupted, expressions in conversation with us; whereas, when they conversed among themselves and used the several parts necessary to propriety of speech, they were scarcely at all understood by those amongst us, who had made the greatest proficiency in their vocabulary. A catalogue of words was collected at Atooi by Mr. Anderson, who lost no opportunity of making our voyage useful to those who amuse themselves in tracing the migrations of the various tribes or families that have peopled the globe, by the most convincing of all arguments, that drawn from affinity of language.

How shall we account for this nation’s having spread itself in so many detached islands, so widely disjoined from each other, in every quarter of the Pacific Ocean! We find it from New Zealand in the south, as far as the Sandwich Islands to the north! And in another direction, from Easter Island to the Hebrides! That is, over an extent of sixty degrees of latitude or twelve hundred leagues north and south! And eighty-three degrees of longitude, or sixteen hundred and sixty leagues east and west! How much farther in either direction its colonies reach is not known; but what we know already, in consequence of this and our former voyage, warrants our pronouncing it to be, though perhaps not the most numerous, certainly, by far, the most extensive nation upon earth.[30]

Had the Sandwich Islands been discovered at an early period by the Spaniards, there is little doubt that they would have taken advantage of so excellent a situation, and have made use of Atooi or some other of the islands as a refreshing place, in the ships that sail annually from Acapulco for Manilla. They lie almost midway between the first place and Guam, one of the Ladrones, which is at present their only port in traversing this vast ocean; and it would not have been a week’s sail out of their common route, to have touched at them, which could have been done without running the least hazard of losing the passage, as they are sufficiently within the verge of the easterly trade-wind. An acquaintance with the Sandwich Islands would have been equally favourable to our Buccaneers, who used sometimes to pass from the coast of America to the Ladrones, with a stock of food and water scarcely sufficient to preserve life. Here they might always have found plenty, and have been within a month’s sure sail of the very part of California, which the Manilla ship is obliged to make, or else have returned to the coast of America, thoroughly refitted, after an absence of two months. How happy would Lord Anson have been, and what hardships would he have avoided, if he had known that there was a group of islands, half way between America and Tinian, where all his wants could have been effectually supplied, and in describing which, the elegant historian of that voyage would have presented his reader with a more agreeable picture than I have been able to draw in this chapter?

CHAP. XIII.

OBSERVATIONS MADE AT THE SANDWICH ISLANDS, ON THE LONGITUDE, VARIATION OF THE COMPASS, AND TIDES.—PROSECUTION OF THE VOYAGE.—REMARKS ON THE MILDNESS OF THE WEATHER, AS FAR AS THE LATITUDE 44° NORTH.—PAUCITY OF SEA BIRDS, IN THE NORTHERN HEMISPHERE.—SMALL SEA ANIMALS DESCRIBED.— ARRIVAL ON THE COAST OF AMERICA.—APPEARANCE OF THE COUNTRY.— UNFAVOURABLE WINDS, AND BOISTEROUS WEATHER.—REMARKS ON MARTIN DE AGUILLAR’S RIVER, AND JUAN DE FUCA’S PRETENDED STRAIT.—AN INLET DISCOVERED, WHERE THE SHIPS ANCHOR.—BEHAVIOUR OF THE NATIVES.

After the Discovery had joined us, we stood away to the northward, close hauled, with a gentle gale from the E.; and nothing occurring in this situation worthy of a place in my narrative, the reader will permit me to insert here the nautical observations which I had opportunities of making relative to the islands we had left; and which we had been fortunate enough to add to the geography of this part of the Pacific Ocean.

The longitude of the Sandwich Islands was determined by seventy-two sets of lunar observations; some of which were made while we were at anchor in the road of Wymoa, others before we arrived and after we left it, and reduced to it by the watch or time-keeper. By the mean result of these observations, the longitude of the road is

200° 13ʹ 0ʺ E. Time-keeper { Greenwich rate, 202 0 0 { Ulietea rate, 200 21 0

The latitude of the road, by the } mean of two meridian observations } 21 56 15 N. of the sun }

The observations for the variation of the compass did not agree very well among themselves. It is true, they were not all made exactly in the same spot. The different situations, however, could make very little difference. But the whole will be best seen by casting an eye on the following table.

East Mean Time. Latitude. Longitude. Compass. Variation. Variation.

Jan. { Gregory’s 10° 10ʹ 10ʺ } 18th. A. M. 21° 12ʹ 200° 41ʹ { Knight’s 9 20 5 } 9° 51ʹ 38ʺ { Martin’s 10 4 40 }

19th. P. M. 21 51 200 20 { Knight’s 10 2 10 } 10 37 20 { Gregory’s 11 12 30 }

{ Gregory’s 9 1 20 } 28th. A. M. 21 22 199 56 { Knight’s 9 1 25 } 9 26 57 { Martin’s 10 18 5 }

{ Gregory’s 11 21 15 } 28th. P. M. 21 36 199 50 { Knight’s 10 40 0 } 11 12 50 { Martin’s 11 37 50 }

Means of } 21 29 200 12 } - - 10 17 11 the above} } On Jan. 18th. 21 12 200 41 the north end of the needle dipped 42° 1ʹ 7ʺ.

The tides at the Sandwich Islands are so inconsiderable, that with the great surf which broke against the shore, it was hardly possible to tell at any time whether we had high or low water, or whether it ebbed or flowed. On the south side of Atooi, we generally found a current setting to the westward or north-westward; but when we were at anchor off Oneeheow, the current set nearly N. W. and S. E., six hours one way, and six the other, and so strong as to make the ships tend, though the wind blew fresh. This was certainly a regular tide, and as far as I could judge, the flood came from the N. W.

I now return to the progress of our voyage. On the 7th, being in the latitude of 29° N., and in the longitude of 200° E., the wind veered to S. E. This enabled us to steer N. E. and E.; which course we continued till the 12th, when the wind had veered round by the south and west, to north-east and east north-east. I then tacked, and stood to the northward, our latitude being 30° N. and our longitude 206° 15ʹ E. Notwithstanding our advanced latitude, and its being the winter season, we had only begun, for a few days past, to feel a sensation of cold in the mornings and evenings. This is a sign of the equal and lasting influence of the sun’s heat, at all seasons, to 30° on each side the line. The disproportion is known to become very great after that. This must be attributed, almost entirely, to the direction of the rays of the sun, independent of the bare distance, which is, by no means, equal to the effect.

On the 19th, being now in the latitude of 37° N., and in the longitude of 206° E., the wind veered to south-east; and I was enabled again to steer to the east, inclining to the north. We had, on the 25th, reached the latitude of 42° 30ʹ, and the longitude of 219°; and then we began to meet with the rock-weed, mentioned by the writer of Lord Anson’s voyage, under the name of sea-leek, which the Manilla ships generally fall in with. Now and then a piece of wood also appeared. But if we had not known that the continent of North America was not far distant, we might, from the few signs of the vicinity of land hitherto met with, have concluded, that there was none within some thousand leagues of us. We had hardly seen a bird, or any other oceanic animal, since we left Sandwich Islands.

On the 1st of March, our latitude being now 44° 49ʹ N., and our longitude 228° E., we had one calm day. This was succeeded by a wind from the north, with which I stood to the east close hauled, in order to make the land. According to the charts, it ought not to have been far from us. It was remarkable that we should still be attended with such moderate and mild weather, so far to the northward, and so near the coast of an extensive continent, at this time of the year. The present season either must be uncommon for its mildness, or we can assign no reason why Sir Francis Drake should have met with such severe cold, about this latitude, in the month of June.[31] Viscaino, indeed, who was near the same place in the depth of winter, says little of the cold, and speaks of a ridge of snowy mountains, somewhere on the coast, as a thing rather remarkable.[32] Our seeing so few birds, in comparison of what we met with in the same latitudes to the south of the line, is another singular circumstance which must either proceed from a scarcity of the different sorts, or from a deficiency of places to rest upon. From hence we may conclude, that beyond 40° in the southern hemisphere, the species are much more numerous and the isles where they inhabit also more plentifully scattered about, than any where between the coast of California and Japan, in or near that latitude.

During a calm, on the morning of the 2d, some parts of the sea seemed covered with a kind of slime, and some small sea animals were swimming about. The most conspicuous of which were of gelatinous, or _medusa_ kind, almost globular; and another sort smaller, that had a white or shining appearance, and were very numerous. Some of these last were taken up, and put into a glass cup, with some salt water, in which they appeared like small scales, or bits of silver, when at rest, in a prone situation. When they began to swim about, which they did with equal ease, upon their back, sides, or belly, they emitted the brightest colours of the most precious gems, according to their position with respect to the light. Sometimes they appeared quite pellucid, at other times assuming various tints of blue, from a pale sapphirine to a deep violet colour, which were frequently mixed with a ruby, or opaline redness; and glowed with a strength sufficient to illuminate the vessel and water. These colours appeared most vivid when the glass was held to a strong light; and mostly vanished on the subsiding of the animals to the bottom, when they had a brownish cast. But, with candle light, the colour was, chiefly, a beautiful pale green, tinged with a burnished gloss; and, in the dark, it had a faint appearance of glowing fire. They proved to be a new species of _oniscus_, and, from their properties, were, by Mr. Anderson (to whom we owe this account of them), called _oniscus fulgens_; being probably an animal which has a share in producing some sorts of that lucid appearance, often observed near ships at sea, in the night. On the same day two large birds settled on the water, near the ship. One of these was the _procellaria maxima_ (the _quebrantahuessos_), and the other, which was little more than half the size, seemed to be of the _albatross_ kind. The upper part of the wings, and tip of the tail, were black, with the rest white; the bill yellowish; upon the whole, not unlike the sea-gull, though larger.

On the 6th, at noon, being in the latitude of 44° 10ʹ N., and the longitude of 234-1/2° E., we saw two sails and several whales; and at day-break, the next morning, the long-looked-for coast of New Albion[33] was seen, extending from north-east to south-east, distant ten or twelve leagues. At noon our latitude was 44° 33ʹ N., and our longitude 235° 20ʹ E.; and the land extended from north-east half north, to south-east by south, about eight leagues distant. In this situation we had seventy-three fathoms’ water, over a muddy bottom, and about a league farther off found ninety fathoms. The land appeared to be of a moderate height, diversified with hills and valleys, and, almost every where, covered with wood. There was, however, no very striking object on any part of it, except one hill, whose elevated summit was flat. This bore east from us, at noon. At the northern extreme the land formed a point, which I called _Cape Foulweather_, from the very bad weather that we soon after met with. I judge it to lie in the latitude of 44° 55ʹ N., and in the longitude of 235° 54ʹ E.

We had variable light airs and calms till eight o’clock in the evening, when a breeze sprung up at south-west. With it I stood to the north-west, under an easy sail, waiting for day-light to range along the coast. But at four, next morning, the wind shifted to north-west, and blew in squalls, with rain. Our course was north-east, till near ten o’clock, when, finding that I could make no progress on this tack, and seeing nothing like a harbour, I tacked, and stood off south-west. At this time, Cape Foulweather bore north-east by north, about eight leagues distant. Toward noon the wind veered more to the westward, and the weather became fair and clear, so that we were enabled to make lunar observations. Having reduced all those that we had made since the 19th of last month to the present ones, by the time-keeper, amounting, in the whole, to seventy-two sets, their mean result determined the longitude to be 235° 15ʹ 26ʺ E., which was 14° 11ʹ less than what the time-keeper gave. This longitude is made use of for settling that of the coast, and I have not a doubt of its being within a very few miles of the truth.

Our difficulties now began to increase. In the evening the wind came to the north-west, blowing in squalls with hail and sleet; and the weather being thick and hazy, I stood out to sea till near noon the next day, when I tacked and stood in again for the land, which made its appearance at two in the afternoon, bearing east north-east. The wind and weather continued the same; but, in the evening, the former veered more to the west, and the latter grew worse, which made it necessary to tack and stand off till four the next morning, when I ventured to stand in again.

At four in the afternoon we saw the land, which, at six, extended from north-east half east, to south-east by south, about eight leagues distant. In this situation we tacked and sounded; but a line of a hundred and sixty fathoms did not reach the ground. I stood off till midnight, then stood in again; and at half past six, we were within three leagues of the land, which extended from north by east, half east, to south, half east; each extreme about seven leagues distant. Seeing no signs of a harbour, and the weather being still unsettled, I tacked and stretched off south-west, having then fifty-five fathoms water over a muddy bottom.

That part of the land, which we were so near when we tacked, is of a moderate height, though, in some places, it rises higher within. It was diversified with a great many rising grounds and small hills; many of which were entirely covered with tall straight trees; and others, which were lower, and grew in spots like coppices; but the interspaces and sides of many of the rising grounds, were clear. The whole, though it might make an agreeable summer prospect, had now an uncomfortable appearance, as the bare grounds toward the coast were all covered with snow, which seemed to be of a considerable depth between the little hills and rising grounds; and, in several places toward the sea, might easily have been mistaken, at a distance, for white cliffs. The snow on the rising grounds was thinner spread; and farther inland, there was no appearance of any; from whence we might, perhaps, conclude that what we saw toward the sea had fallen during the night, which was colder than any we had experienced since our arrival on the coast; and we had sometimes a kind of sleet. The coast seemed every where almost straight, without any opening or inlet; and it appeared to terminate in a kind of white sandy beach; though some on board thought that appearance was owing to the snow. Each extreme of the land that was now before us, seemed to shoot out into a point. The northern one was the same which we had first seen on the 7th; and on that account I called it _Cape Perpetua_. It lies in the latitude of 44° 6ʹ N., and in the longitude of 235° 52ʹ E. The southern extreme before us, I named _Cape Gregory_.[34] Its latitude is 43° 30ʹ, and its longitude 235° 57ʹ E. It is a remarkable point; the land of it rising almost directly from the sea to a tolerable height, while that on each side of it is low.

I continued standing off till one in the afternoon. Then I tacked, and stood in, hoping to have the wind off from the land in the night. But in this I was mistaken; for at five o’clock it began to veer to the west and south west; which obliged me, once more, to stand out to sea. At this time, Cape Perpetua bore north-east by north; and the farthest land we could see to the south of Cape Gregory, bore south by east, perhaps ten or twelve leagues distant. If I am right in this estimation, its latitude will be 43° 10ʹ, and its longitude 235° 55ʹ east, which is nearly the situation of Cape Blanco, discovered or seen by Martin d’Agular, on the 19th of January, 1603. It is worth observing, that, in the very latitude where we now were, geographers have been pleased to place a large entrance or strait, the discovery of which they take upon them to ascribe to the same navigator; whereas nothing more is mentioned in the account of his voyage, than his having seen, in this situation, a large river, which he would have entered, but was prevented by the currents.[35]

The wind, as I have observed, had veered to the south-west in the evening; but it was very unsettled, and blew in squalls with snow showers. In one of these, at midnight, it shifted at once to west north-west, and soon increased to a very hard gale, with heavy squalls, attended with sleet or snow. There was no choice now; and we were obliged to stretch to the southward, in order to get clear of the coast. This was done under courses, and two close-reefed topsails; being rather more sail than the ships could safely bear; but it was necessary to carry it to avoid the more pressing danger of being forced on shore. This gale continued till eight o’clock in the morning of the 13th; when it abated, and I stood in again for the land. We had been forced a considerable way backward; for at the time of our tacking, we were in the latitude of 42° 45ʹ, and in the longitude of 233° 30ʹ.

The wind continued at west, and north-west; storms, moderate weather, and calms, succeeding each other by turns, till the morning of the 21st; when, after a few hours’ calm, a breeze sprung up at south-west. This bringing with it fair weather, I steered north-easterly, in order to fall in with the land, beyond that part of it where we had already so unprofitably been tossed about for the last fortnight. In the evening, the wind veered to the westward; and at eight o’clock, the next morning, we saw the land, extending from north-east to east, nine leagues distant. At this time we were in the latitude of 47° 5ʹ north, and in the longitude of 235° 10ʹ east.

I continued to stand to the north with a fine breeze at west, and west north-west, till near seven o’clock in the evening, when I tacked to wait for day-light. At this time we were in forty-eight fathoms’ water, and about four leagues from the land, which extended from north to south east half east, and a small round hill, which had the appearance of being an island, bore north three quarters east, distant six or seven leagues, as I guessed; it appears to be of a tolerable height, and was but just to be seen from the deck. Between this island or rock, and the northern extreme of the land, there appeared to be a small opening, which flattered us with the hopes of finding an harbour. These hopes lessened as we drew nearer; and, at last, we had some reason to think, that the opening was closed by low land. On this account I called the point of land to the north of it _Cape Flattery_. It lies in the latitude of 48° 15ʹ north, and in the longitude of 235° 3ʹ east. There is a round hill of a moderate height over it; and all the land upon this part of the coast is of a moderate and pretty equal height, well covered with wood, and had a very pleasant and fertile appearance. It is in this very latitude where we now were, that geographers have placed the pretended strait of Juan de Fuca. We saw nothing like it; nor is there the least probability that ever any such thing existed.[36]

I stood off to the southward till night, when I tacked, and steered to the north-west, with a gentle breeze at south-west, intending to stand in for the land as soon as day-light should appear. But, by that time, we were reduced to two courses and close-reefed topsails, having a very hard gale, with rain, right on shore; so that, instead of running in for the land, I was glad to get an offing, or to keep that which we had already got. The south west wind, was, however, but of short continuance; for in the evening, it veered again to the west. Thus we had perpetually strong west and north west winds to encounter. Sometimes in an evening, the wind would become moderate, and veer to the southward; but this was always a sure prelude to a storm, which blew the hardest at south south-east, and was attended with rain and sleet. It seldom lasted above four or six hours, before it was succeeded by another gale from the north-west, which generally brought with it fair weather. It was by the means of these southerly blasts, that we were enabled to get to the north-west at all.

At length, at nine o’clock in the morning of the 29th, as we were standing to the north-east, we again saw the land, which, at noon, extended from north-west by west, to east south-east, the nearest part about six leagues distant. Our latitude was now 49° 29ʹ north, and our longitude 232° 29ʹ east. The appearance of the country differed much from that of the parts which we had before seen, being full of high mountains, whose summits were covered with snow; but the valleys between them, and the grounds on the sea coast, high as well as low, were covered to a considerable breadth with high straight trees, that formed a beautiful prospect, as of one vast forest. The south-east extreme of the land formed a low point, off which are many breakers, occasioned by sunken rocks. On this account it was called _Point Breakers_. It lies in the latitude of 49° 15ʹ north, and in the longitude of 233° 20ʹ east; and the other extreme, in about the latitude of 50°, and the longitude of 232°. I named this last _Woody Point_. It projects pretty much out to the south-west, and is high land. Between these two points, the shore forms a large bay, which I called _Hope Bay_; hoping, from the appearance of the land, to find in it a good harbour. The event proved, that we were not mistaken.

As we drew nearer the coast, we perceived the appearance of two inlets; one in the north-west, and the other in the north-east corner of the bay. As I could not fetch the former, I bore up to the latter, and passed some breakers, or sunken rocks, that lay a league or more from the shore. We had nineteen and twenty fathoms’ water half a league without them; but as soon as we had passed them, the depth increased to thirty, forty, and fifty fathoms, with a sandy bottom; and farther in we found no ground with the greatest length of line. Notwithstanding appearances, we were not yet sure that there were any inlets; but as we were in a deep bay, I resolved to anchor, with a view to endeavour to get some water, of which, by this time, we were in great want. At length, as we advanced, the existence of the inlet was no longer doubtful. At five o’clock we reached the west point of it, where we were becalmed for some time. While in this situation, I ordered all the boats to be hoisted out to tow the ships in. But this was hardly done, before a fresh breeze sprung up again at north-west, with which we were enabled to stretch up into an arm of the inlet, that was observed by us to run in to the north-east. There we were again becalmed, and obliged to anchor in eighty-five fathoms’ water, and so near the shore as to reach it with a hawser. The wind failed the Discovery before she got within the arm, where she anchored, and found only seventy fathoms.

We no sooner drew near the inlet, than we found the coast to be inhabited; and at the place where we were first becalmed, three canoes came off to the ship. In one of these were two men, in another six, and in the third ten. Having come pretty near us, a person in one of the two last stood up, and made a long harangue, inviting us to land, as we guessed by his gestures. At the same time, he kept strewing handfuls of feathers towards us[37]; and some of his companions threw handfuls of red dust or powder in the same manner. The person who played the orator, wore the skin of some animal, and held in each hand something which rattled as he kept shaking it. After tiring himself with his repeated exhortations, of which we did not understand a word, he was quiet; and then others took it, by turns, to say something, though they acted their part neither so long, nor with so much vehemence as the other. We observed that two or three had their hair quite strewed over with small white feathers, and others had large ones stuck into different parts of the head. After the tumultuous noise had ceased, they lay at a little distance from the ship, and conversed with each other in a very easy manner; nor did they seem to show the least surprise or distrust. Some of them, now and then got up, and said something after the manner of their first harangues; and one sung a very agreeable air, with a degree of softness and melody which we could not have expected; the word _haela_, being often repeated as the burden of the song. The breeze which soon after sprung up, bringing us nearer to the shore, the canoes began to come off in greater numbers; and we had, at one time, thirty-two of them near the ship, carrying from three to seven or eight persons each, both men and women. Several of these stood up in their canoes haranguing, and making gestures after the manner of our first visitors. One canoe was remarkable for a singular head, which had a bird’s eye and bill, of an enormous size, painted on it; and a person who was in it, who seemed to be a chief, was no less remarkable for his uncommon appearance; having many feathers hanging from his head, and being painted in an extraordinary manner.[38] He held in his hand a carved bird of wood, as large as a pigeon, with which he rattled as the person first-mentioned had done; and was no less vociferous in his harangue, which was attended with some expressive gestures.

Though our visitors behaved very peaceably, and could not be suspected of any hostile intention, we could not prevail upon any of them to come on board. They showed great readiness, however, to part with any thing they had, and took from us whatever we offered them in exchange; but were more desirous of iron, than of any other of our articles of commerce; appearing to be perfectly acquainted with the use of that metal. Many of the canoes followed us to our anchoring-place; and a group of about ten or a dozen of them remained along-side the Resolution most part of the night.

These circumstances gave us a reasonable ground of hope, that we should find this a comfortable station to supply all our wants, and to make us forget the hardships and delays experienced during a constant succession of adverse winds, and boisterous weather, almost ever since our arrival upon the coast of America.