Part 1
Transcriber’s Note Italic text displayed as: _italic_ ^ means abbreviation
THE THAMES AND ITS DOCKS
A LECTURE
BY
ALEX^R FORROW
(_Of the East and West India Dock Company_)
DELIVERED AT THE EAST AND WEST INDIA DOCK COMPANY’S LITERARY INSTITUTION, DECEMBER 18, 1876. CHAIRMAN: PERCIVAL BOSANQUET, ESQ., CHAIRMAN OF THE EAST AND WEST INDIA DOCK COMPANY.—ALSO AT CITY OF LONDON COLLEGE, LEADENHALL STREET, FEBRUARY 8, 1877. CHAIRMAN: GEORGE H. CHAMBERS, ESQ., CHAIRMAN OF THE LONDON AND ST. KATHARINE DOCKS COMPANY
LONDON PRINTED AND PUBLISHED BY SPOTTISWOODE & CO., 38 ROYAL EXCHANGE _And to be had of All Booksellers_
1877
TO
J. L. DU PLAT TAYLOR, ESQ.
SECRETARY EAST AND WEST INDIA DOCK COMPANY
THIS LITTLE WORK
IS RESPECTFULLY DEDICATED
BY
THE WRITER
PREFACE.
At the urgent request of many who have heard this lecture, I have been induced to publish it. I have had considerable hesitation in doing so, because, as its structure sufficiently indicates, it was never written with a view to publication. It is a sketch, and nothing more, of a great subject, condensed into a two hours’ address. As, however, it contains some curious information of considerable interest, otherwise difficult of access, it has been considered worthy of preservation in its present form. With a view to placing the readers of this lecture, as far as possible, in the position of hearers of it, I have accompanied it with some of the rarest and most interesting of the plans with which it was illustrated. Whatever may be its shortcomings in other respects—and I am conscious they are many—I venture to hope that this feature of it will prove generally acceptable.
A. FORROW.
WOODFORD: _February 1877_.
THE THAMES AND ITS DOCKS.
The subject of this evening’s lecture is so vast and discursive, that to attempt, within the brief period of a lecture, to give more than a sketch of a particular portion of it, would be manifestly absurd. Moreover, as a visit to any of the Docks will result in the attainment of more practical information than could be imparted in a dozen lectures, we may very consistently dispense almost entirely with reference to contemporary dock history; and I intend doing so except in so far as incidental reference to that part of the subject may appear necessary. My object, in this lecture, is to convey some interesting information respecting the origin and growth of the facilities which have been provided in the river, from time to time, to meet the requirements of the mercantile marine of the port; to trace the steps by which its commerce has gradually been emancipated from its ancient river-side restrictions, and then lead up to notice the establishment of the magnificent system of docks, to which it so largely owes its marvellous growth. I propose to deal with this portion of the subject in preference to any other, because it is one of which, although exceedingly interesting, the literature is singularly scarce, fragmentary, and difficult of access. It is, however, obvious that the ground which we have to cover necessitates such rapid travelling, that it will be necessary to omit many interesting particulars to which I should, otherwise, have invited your attention.
Leaving that misty period of English history when the only craft to be seen on the Thames was the rude coracle of the ancient Briton; and the 400 years during which the Romans occupied the island, I would pass on to observe, that up to the tenth century, there appears to have been so little disposition on the part of our forefathers to engage in maritime pursuits, that in 938, King Athelstane, in order to excite a spirit of enterprise amongst his subjects, offered the rank of thane to any Englishman who undertook three voyages to the Continent with a vessel and cargo of his own. But our real masters in the arts of commerce were the Easterlings, a fraternity of German merchants, who, in the eighth century, established themselves on the shores of the Baltic for the protection of their commerce against the Normans and Scandinavian nations. Some of the vessels of this confederacy, which was afterwards connected with the Hanseatic League, appeared in the Thames at Billingsgate in 979, during the reign of Ethelred II. Here I should observe that Billingsgate was the first place appointed for payment of king’s dues, Queenhithe being the next. Considered by the king worthy of ‘good laws,’ the Easterlings agreed to pay a toll of two grey cloths and one brown one, ten pounds of pepper, five pairs of gloves, and two measures of vinegar, every Christmas and Easter, and forthwith established themselves in London. Hard-headed, keen-witted fellows were these old German merchants, and, like their countrymen of a later date, soon found out that England was a rare place for making money. And when these ancestors of our modern German competitors first came to this country, they had to encounter so little opposition from the native traders, that they speedily monopolised the whole of the foreign trade of the port. But while the Hanseatic League owed much of its power and influence to the early footing which the Easterlings obtained in London, there cannot be a doubt that by helping to develop the enormous productive resources of the country, and revealing the unrivalled natural facilities of the port for trade, they laid the foundation of the supremacy which London now enjoys as the great entrepôt for the produce and commerce of the world. Moreover, as their remarkable confederacy at one time comprised no less than eighty of the largest and wealthiest cities in Germany and Sweden, their establishment in London was the means of opening up commercial relations with the Continent of a magnitude, which, while the balance of immediate profit fell to the traders of the League, proved an incalculable boon to this country when their exclusive privileges were taken from them. Not only so; the success of the Easterlings in London attracted the commerce of other continental nations, particularly the Venetian and Genoese, and thus brought about the trade with the Mediterranean ports, and, incidentally, with the East. In the reign of Henry III. (1236) the foreign trade had become so important, that the practice which had hitherto prevailed of buying goods on board the importing ship, was found to be so irksome and inconvenient, that, on condition of paying certain tolls to the Mayor, permission was granted for the direct landing of cargo, so that it might be disposed of on shore. This gave rise to the existing landing and wharfage dues. Ten years afterwards, the Corporation purchased Queenhithe, which, it should be remembered, besides Billingsgate, was the only place in the river at that time suitable for the landing of goods. Meanwhile, the enormous influence which the Easterlings had acquired in London, by means of the charters granted them by successive monarchs, was beginning to excite a spirit of competition and jealousy amongst the citizens. But they found that, great as was the productive resources of the country, their German competitors had obtained such complete control of the continental markets, that no Englishman stood a chance against the combinations which he had to encounter there. This led to counter-combinations on the part of the citizens, as the only means by which they could hope to introduce their goods into foreign markets. I need hardly observe that this was one of the causes which led to the origin of many of the trade guilds, and livery companies of London. In the time of King Edward IV. a considerable impetus was given to commercial transactions of all kinds, and the trade of the port rapidly increased. Troubles on the Continent brought large numbers of skilled artisans to this country, and the result was that, in course of time, the English manufacturers found themselves, as regards the actual cost of production, able to compete with their opponents. Conscious of their growing wealth and influence, the citizens began to raise outcries against their grievances. This feeling sometimes found expression in great popular riots. During one of these outbreaks, which occurred in the year 1493, the premises of the Easterlings in Thames Street, then, and long after, known as the Steelyard, were attacked by the mob; immense damage was done, and the tumult only quelled by the Lord Mayor and aldermen, with all the force they could muster, coming to the protection of the merchants. Some idea of the magnitude of the influence gained by the Easterlings may be gathered from the fact that, for several hundreds of years, they not only determined the weights and measures to be legally used throughout England, but so late as the year 1531, King Henry VIII. granted them a charter exempting them from payment of all king’s taxes within the City. But from this period the increased wealth, and growing intelligence of the citizens of London, made it manifest that it would shortly be necessary to withdraw all these privileges. Thus, in the year 1552, the English merchants presented a petition to the king, complaining that their competitors, by trading in a body, kept down the price of woollen cloths (one of the staples of English manufacture), and having command of the foreign markets, shut English merchants out of them. In proof of this statement they alleged, that in the previous year (1551), the Steelyard merchants had exported 44,000 woollen cloths, whereas the English merchants had been able to export only 1,100. It was also represented that the whole of the trade was carried on in foreign bottoms, greatly to the detriment of the English marine. This effort was successful. The greater part of the monopolies enjoyed by the Steelyard merchants were abolished, and the whole of the trade with Flanders immediately passed into the hands of the English, who, in the same year, exported no less than 40,000 woollen cloths, as compared with 1,100, in the previous year. In the year 1597, all the exclusive privileges of the League in England ceased to exist.
From this period the commerce not only of London, but of England itself, may be said to date its rise. The failure of Sir Hugh Willoughby to discover a North-east Passage led, in 1553, to the formation of the Russia Company, and the opening up of the important trade with Russia and the Baltic; and the stories of the fabulous wealth to be acquired on the newly-discovered continent of America, excited a spirit of enterprise that gave a tremendous impetus to commercial transactions of all kinds. It is quite unnecessary to speak of the encouragement which good Queen Bess gave to this movement, or how far the success of those old sea-dogs, Hawkins, and Drake, and Frobisher, to say nothing of the exploits of the noble Raleigh, contributed to this impetus. Billingsgate and Queenhithe, the two places which had hitherto served for the landing of goods and the collection of the king’s Customs, soon proved to be inadequate, and permission was given for the landing of goods at other spots on the river. But this naturally gave rise to attempts to evade payment of Customs dues by smuggling goods ashore at unauthorised places. To repress this practice, an Act of Parliament was passed in 1559, enacting, under pain of very heavy penalties, that all goods should be landed and shipped between sunrise and sunset, and that the landing and shipment was to take place at such open spots as might be authorised by Royal Commission. This Commission, which was appointed by the Court of Exchequer, authorised twenty-two places for the landing of goods. As some of these old landing-places are still known as Legal Quays, it may be interesting to some of you to know that these ancient substitutes for docks were known as:
Old Wool Quay. New Wool Quay. Galley Quay. Androw Morris’ Quay. Ambro Thurston’s Quay. Ranff’s Quay. Cock’s Quay. Dyce Quay. Bear Quay. Somer’s Quay. Busher’s Wharf. Botolph Wharf. Sab’s Quay. Young’s Quay. Crown Quay. Smart’s Quay. Fresh Quay. Gaunt’s Quay. Billingsgate. The Three Cranes. Johnston’s Quay. The Bridge House.
Billingsgate was appointed only for Fish, Corn, Salt, and Fruit. The Three Cranes and Johnston’s Quay for Wine and Oil. Busher’s Wharf for Pitch, Tar, and Flax. The Bridge House for Corn and other provisions. Wool, Coals, and Beer might be landed at any place in the presence of a Searcher.
But the rapidly-increasing trade of the port soon outstripped the landing facilities afforded by these places. This led to the laying out of other frontages to the river by private enterprise for the landing of certain articles of merchandise, mostly of a bulky nature, which the Legal Quays gradually became unable to accommodate. These places were known as Sufferance Wharves, as distinguished from the Legal Quays, because for every particular article landed at them it was necessary to obtain from the Customs a special sufferance or permission for such landing, which might at any time be withdrawn; whereas at the Legal Quays any goods might be landed free from any limitation of privilege. As the commerce of the port increased the Sufferance Wharves multiplied with marvellous rapidity, and extended so far down the river as Blackwall. In the year 1590 we find that the total amount of Customs Receipts for England and Wales on Exports and Imports was £50,000. In 1613 they realised £148,075. 7_s._ 8_d._, of which London alone contributed £109,572. 18_s._ 6_d._ Indeed, so late as 1796 three-fifths of the commerce of the country was centered in London; and, until the commencement of the present century four-fifths of the Customs Dues were also collected here. The ravages of the Great Fire of 1666 necessitated the rearrangement of the Legal Quays, and an Act was passed appointing commissioners to define the limits of the port, and to appoint places for landing and loading goods therein. The wharves set out by the commissioners were twenty-one in number, as follows:
Chester’s Quay. Brewer’s Quay. Galley Quay. Wool Dock. Custom-house Quay. Porteus’ Quay. Bear Quay. Sab’s Quay. Wiggan’s Quay. Young’s Quay. Ralph’s Quay. Dice Quay. Smart’s Quay. Somer’s Quay. Lyon’s Quay. Botolph Quay. Hammond’s Quay. Gaunt’s Quay. Cock’s Quay. Fresh Wharf. Billingsgate.
It will be seen that this list includes several of those selected by the earlier commission, and comprised a total river frontage of 1,464 feet only, the whole of it lying between the Tower and London Bridge. As might be expected, this limited accommodation practically left the importer of goods entirely at the mercy of the proprietors of these wharves, because there was no legal limit to the charges to be imposed, similar to the restriction placed upon the Dock Companies when they started. The result was that, as the business of the port increased without any proportionate increase in the accommodation for it, so the wharfingers raised their charges. And they not only did this, but by acting in concert they contrived to evade their responsibilities for losses inseparable from the limited and imperfect nature of the accommodation which they afforded. It was a common complaint amongst the merchants that, owing to the carelessness of the servants of the wharves, lighters were sunk when alongside, goods stolen from the lighters or off the quays; that losses by fire, &c., &c., constantly occurred; and that as the associated wharves were not a corporate body, the parties aggrieved never knew where to look for redress. Now, when it is remembered that these complaints were the subject of a petition from the merchants of London to the Privy Council so early as 1674, and that from that period until the opening of the West India Dock in 1802, not an additional foot of Legal Quay accommodation had been provided, some impression may be obtained of what our commerce must have suffered in the interval. It cannot be doubted that, but for the unrivalled natural facilities of the river for trade, London must have sunk into a third or fourth-rate port. And that such a state of things should have been so long tolerated by London, while Bristol, and Hull, and Liverpool supplied three or four times the extent of Legal Quay accommodation, is all the more surprising. So unsparing were the exactions of the earlier wharf proprietary, that it was ascertained on enquiry that they had trebled their charges in the course of eight years; and justified this proceeding by alleging it to be the only means by which they could repair the losses which they had sustained by the Great Fire.
Now it is commonly supposed that there were no docks in London in existence at this time. Nor were there on the north side of the river, where they were most wanted, and where the City interest always attracted the landing of the most valuable classes of merchandise. But for many years prior to the date to which I have brought my lecture a most interesting dock had been in existence at Rotherhithe, known as the Howland Great Wet Dock. Stowe tells us that when Canute laid siege to London he commenced to dig a canal on the site of this dock in order to divert the course of the river to Battersea; and in 1209 the current was so diverted to admit of the rebuilding of London Bridge, which in 1176 had been destroyed by fire; and the large opening thus made from the river is said to have formed the nucleus of the dock before you. But, be this as it may, the dock actually existed in 1660 as here represented, and may fairly claim to be the first public dock in Great Britain. As shown in this view, the dock was 1,070 feet from east to west, 500 feet in width, and had a depth of water of 17 feet. It will be observed that on the north and south sides it is thickly planted with trees, the object being to protect the ships in the dock from the fierce gales which in winter swept over the open country surrounding it. On the development of the Greenland Fisheries the dock was specially laid out for the ships engaged in that trade, and was for many years known as the Greenland Dock. Extensive premises, with the necessary boilers and tanks, were erected for boiling the blubber and extracting the oil; and for many years upwards of a thousand tuns of oil were produced annually. At the commencement of the present century this profitable business not only rapidly sunk, and finally left the port of London, but the United Kingdom itself. But simultaneously with the decline of the Greenland trade the timber and corn trade with the Baltic ports increased, and the dock became the principal resort of vessels engaged in them.
About the year 1807, the period of the inception of the Commercial Dock Company, a Mr. Moore, who owned some forty-five acres of land in the neighbourhood of this dock, projected a Company to be known as the Baltic Dock Company, and succeeded in obtaining from the Treasury a promise of an exclusive right to bond timber in the docks he proposed to construct, provided that they furnished sufficient accommodation for the business. Strange to say, this concession was granted by the Treasury and even notified to the Customs for their information, although the proposed docks were never even commenced. Mr. Moore subsequently sold his land and transferred the exclusive privileges he had acquired to the promoters of what was afterwards known as the Commercial Dock Company.
The City interest always opposed the recognition of this dock as a Legal Quay, for a reason sufficiently obvious, and it was not until 1851 that the Commercial Dock Company obtained an Act empowering them to land here nearly every description of goods, if sanctioned by the Customs. But the development of the timber trade pointed to the necessity of providing accommodation for it, and the owners of this dock, which in the year 1808 received the name of the Commercial Dock, encouraged by the prospects of the restriction acquired from the Treasury through Mr. Moore, which, as you are aware, was never practically operative, considerably enlarged and improved it; large tracts of land adjoining were purchased and converted into timber ponds, and in 1810 their first Act of Parliament was obtained by the Commercial Dock Company. Granaries, wharves, &c., were subsequently built, and between the years 1810 and 1815 four additional ponds, or docks, were opened. You will thus observe that the Howland Dock was the nucleus of the existing Surrey Commercial system of Docks—a plan of which is now before you. In 1811, the year after the Commercial Dock Company obtained their Act, an Act was obtained for completing and maintaining what was known as the East Country Dock, the history of which seems very obscure. Under their Act of 1851 the Commercial Dock Company purchased this dock. Meanwhile, side by side with the Commercial Docks, the Grand Surrey Canal and Docks had been steadily growing. In the year 1800, Dodds, an eminent engineer, had recommended the Greenland Dock as a suitable entrance to a tidal canal for ships to Vauxhall and Lambeth, along the line now partly occupied by the Surrey Canal. This scheme was never carried out, but the expense and danger of the river navigation indicated the desirability of some similar means of reaching points above bridge by water; and the result was the Grand Surrey Canal, commenced in the year 1800. It was intended to make a cut from Rotherhithe to Battersea, with collateral cuts to Croydon, Merton, Tooting, Wandsworth, and Camberwell. Although empowered by their Act of Parliament to build docks, the Surrey Company did not exist as a Dock Company until 1854. Ten years afterwards this Company united with the Commercial Company, and thus formed, under the title of the Surrey Commercial Docks Company, the interesting and extensive network of water-communication which you see before you. Including the new dock recently opened, the total extent of these docks—land and water—is nearly 370 acres.