CHAPTER I

FRENCH AT THE COURTS OF JAMES I. AND CHARLES I.--FRENCH STUDIED BY THE LADIES--FRENCH PLAYERS IN LONDON--ENGLISH GENERALLY IGNORED BY FOREIGNERS

The coming of the Stuarts strengthened considerably the connexion between France and England. French was widely used at the Court of James I. The King himself does not appear to have been well acquainted with other foreign languages than French and Latin, both of which he employed freely in conversation[707] and correspondence.[708] In one or other of these tongues he conversed with the learned foreigners he loved to gather at his Court, such as Isaac Casaubon[709] and the famous Protestant preacher, Pierre Du Moulin, minister of Charenton. The latter has left an account[710] of the warm welcome he received from the English monarch; he tells us that at meal times he usually stood behind His Majesty's chair and conversed with him. James requested Du Moulin to write an answer to Cardinal Du Perron's pamphlet concerning the power of the Pope over monarchs, in which he had been attacked. Du Moulin complied, and his work was printed at London in 1615 as the _Declaration du Sérénissme Roy Jacques I_. He also preached in French before James at the Chapel Royal at Greenwich, and received marks of distinction from the University of Cambridge, which conferred the degree of D.D. upon him.[711]

An idea of the extent to which French was used in intercourse with ambassadors and other foreigners may be gathered from the _Finetti Philoxenus_, a series of observations by Sir John Finett, knight and master of the ceremonies to the two first Stuart kings of England, touching the reception and precedence, treatment and audience of foreign ambassadors. The French language was making important progress at this time, and Latin was rapidly losing ground. James was the last king of England to employ Latin in familiar conversation, and this is partly accounted for by his pedantic turn of mind. The spread of the use of French in England was hastened too by its growing popularity all over Europe. The Flemish Mellema, in his Flemish-French Dictionary of 1591, says French is used everywhere in Europe and the East.[712] To be unacquainted with French was accounted a great deficiency in a gentleman. It was said of the language that _qui langue a jusqu'à Rome va_,[713] and in England the general conviction was that "No nobleman, gentleman, soldier, or man of action in business between Nation and Nation can well be without it."[714]

James seems to have acquired his knowledge of French chiefly by means of intercourse with the many Frenchmen at the Scottish Court, one of whom, Jérôme Grelot, was among the young noblemen who shared his studies.[715] He also read much French literature, however, and later took a great interest in the language studies of his children. They were constantly required to send him letters in French and Latin to allow him to judge of their progress.

"Sir," wrote the Princess Elizabeth, afterwards Queen of Bohemia, "L'esperance que j'ay de vous voir bien tost et d'avoir l'honneur de recepvoir voz commandemens m'empeschera de vous faire ma lettre plus longue que pour baiser tres humblement les mains de vostre Majesté."[716]

The king's eldest son, Henry, made acquaintance with French at a very early age. In 1600, when only seven years old, he addressed a letter in French to the States-General of Holland. He calls this epistle "les primices de nostre main,"[717] and probably received some help in its composition. He also wrote in French to Henry IV., who had recommended to him his riding master, M. St. Antoine,[718] and to the Dauphin, offering him two _bidets_.[719] [Header: FRENCH STUDIES OF THE STUART FAMILY] At this time many of the riding-masters in England were Italians, but almost all the dancing-masters were Frenchmen.[720] The young prince, however, had a French master for both these exercises.[721] One of his language masters was John Florio, best known by his translation of Montaigne's _Essais_, published in 1600, who taught both French and Italian and was the author of several books for teaching the latter. Florio had spent many of his earlier years at Oxford, and at the beginning of the seventeenth century was in London, teaching languages, and well acquainted with many of the chief men of the day. It is uncertain at what date he became tutor to Prince Henry,[722] but in 1603 he was appointed Reader in Italian to Queen Anne, and in the following year "Gentleman extraordinary and Groom of the Privy Chamber." His royal pupil was a great lover of Pibrac's _Quatrains_, popular among teachers of French. The prince wrote to his mother in 1604, sending her a copy of one of the quatrains, and telling her that if she likes he will undertake to learn the whole by heart before the end of the year; and, in reminding his father of a promise to give ecclesiastical preferment to his tutor, Mr. Adam Newton, he quotes one of them as appropriate:[723]

Tu ne saurois d'assez ample salaire Recompenser celui qui t'a soigné En ton enfance et qui t'a enseigné A bien parler et sur tout a bien faire.

Prince Charles, afterwards Charles I., seems to have been the most accomplished of James's family in so far as French is concerned. He was able to carry on a conversation in it with his father and the Duke John Ernest of Saxe-Weimar when he was thirteen years old.[724] Evidence of his fluency is provided by the well-known episode of his visit to Spain to see the Infanta. The Queen of Spain, daughter of Henry IV. and sister of Henrietta Maria, was delighted when the English prince, on his arrival at the Spanish Court, addressed her in her native idiom. She warned him not to speak to her again without permission, as it was customary to poison all gentlemen suspected of gallantry towards the Queen of Spain. She managed to obtain leave to speak with Charles, however, and had a long conversation with him in her box at the theatre, in the course of which, it is said, she confided to him her desire for his marriage with her sister.[725] When Charles married Henrietta she was quite ignorant of English, and his knowledge of French was again put to the test. He was also called upon to employ French with his mother-in-law, Marie de Medecis, during her stay in England. His letters to her show how accomplished a writer of French he was. He possessed a more elegant style than his French wife, thanks largely to Guy Le Moyne,[726] who was also French tutor to the Duke of Buckingham[727] and other members of the nobility.

Among the French masters employed in the family of Charles I. was Peter Massonnet, a native of Geneva, who attended the princes, Charles (II.) and James (II.), in the capacity of sub-tutor, writing-master, and French teacher. We have no details as to how he taught them, nor do we know if Charles learnt from one or other of the French manuals which had been dedicated to him. Massonnet received a salary and pension from Charles I., in whose service he remained for thirty-two years, first as French tutor to his children and then, in the time of his adversity, as clerk to the Patents, and Foreign Secretary. During the Commonwealth he spent some time at Oxford, and was created D.Med. on the 9th of April 1648, being described as second or under tutor to James, Duke of York.[728] At the time of the Restoration Massonnet was in a very destitute condition. His pension had not been paid during the troubled period of the Civil Wars and the Commonwealth, and to crown all he was outlawed for debt. He had to petition Charles II., his former pupil, several times for the payment of his salary and arrears before his appeal had any real effect. From time to time he received instalments, but in 1668 he was still "the saddest object of pity of all the king's servants, and ready to perish."[729]

[Header: FRENCH TUTORS AT COURT]

In 1633 Sir Robert le Grys, Groom of the Chamber to James I. and Charles I.,[730] offered his services as tutor to Prince Charles (II.), then three years old. He undertook to make Latin the prince's mother tongue by the age of seven, using an easy method, not "dogging his memory with pedantic rules, after the usual fashion." French was to be the language first studied, and Italian and Spanish also entered the programme.[731] What sort of reception these proposals met with is not known, but in May of the same year Sir Robert was granted the office of captain of the Castle of St. Mewes for life.[732] Another tutor, named Lovell, taught French and Latin to two of Charles I.'s children during the Civil War. He was employed at Penhurst by the Countess of Leicester, to whose care the children had been committed.[733]

Ladies were among the most eager lovers of the French language at the Court of the early Stuarts, and were noted for their proficiency in that tongue. We hear that wealthy ladies go to Court, "and there learn to be at charge to teach the paraquetoes French."[734] Not only was he that could not _parlee_ not considered a gentleman, but the ladies had to talk French if they wished to play a part at Court. French had entirely supplanted Euphuism, the high-flown, bombastic speech which had held sway in polite circles after the appearance of Lyly's _Euphues_ in 1579. "Now a lady at Court who speaks no French," wrote Th. Blount in 1623,[735] "is as little regarded as she who did not parley euphuisme" in the earlier days. Girls, to be considered well brought up, had to "speak French naturally at fifteen, and be turned to Spanish and Italian half a year later."[736] It is improbable that Spanish was learnt in any but a few exceptional cases. Italian, however, was fairly widely learnt for purposes of reading as we may conclude from the title of a book printed at London in 1598 by Adam Islip--_The Necessary, Fit and Convenient Education of a young Gentlewoman, Italian, French, and English_.[737] John Evelyn's favourite daughter, Mary, was as familiarly acquainted with French as with English. Her knowledge of Italian was limited and characteristic of the general attitude taken up towards that language; she understood it, and was able "to render a laudable account of what she read and observed." His other daughter, Susanna, was also a good French scholar, but apparently knew no Italian, though she had read most of the Greek and Roman authors. Sir Ralph Verney, who dissuaded women from deep study, recognised that French was indispensable, and encouraged them to read French romances especially.

While Italian was sometimes read, French was almost always spoken in polite circles. Milton's avowed preference for Italian forms a noticeable exception to the general rule, and even he acquired some knowledge of French at an early age.[738] There were also many more facilities for learning French than there were for Italian. It is certain--some of the dialogues of the French text-books prove it--that many ladies picked up a conversational knowledge of the language from their French maids. This was how the young daughters of Lord Strafford acquired their knowledge, as we see from the following account of their progress which he sent to their grandmother: "Nan, I think, speaks French prettily ... the other (Arabella) also speaks, but her maid, being of Guernsey, her accent is not good."[739]

Women, however, had had at all times no small influence on the production of French text-books. One of the first written in England, the _Treatyz_ of Walter de Bibbesworth, was composed in the first place for the use of Lady Dionysia de Mounchensy. [Header: LADIES STUDY FRENCH] The two chief grammars of the early sixteenth century, the _Introductorie_ of Duwes and the _Esclarcissement_ of Palsgrave, both owed their origin to royal princesses, and early in the seventeenth century there appeared a grammar written specifically to enable women to "match old Holliband" and "_parlee_ out their part" with men--_The French Garden for English Ladyes and gentlewomen to walke in, or a Summer dayes labour_, by Peter Erondell or Arundell, a native of Normandy, and one of the group of refugee Huguenots, who taught the French language in London. Erondell informs us he had long felt the urgent need of such a book in his own teaching experience. "It is to be wondered," he writes, "that among so many which (and some very sufficiently) have written principles concerning our French Tongue (making the dialogues of divers kinds), not one hath set forth any respecting or belonging properly to women, except in the French Alphabet,[740] but as good never a whit as never the better; not that I finde faulte with it, but it is so little, as not to contayne scarce a whole page, so that it is to be esteemed almost as nothing. I knowe not where to attribute the cause, unles it be to forgetfulnes in them that have written of it. For seeing that our tongue is called _Lingua Mulierum_, and that the English ladyes and gentlewomen are studious and of a pregnant spirits, quicke concertes and ingeniositie, as any other country whatsoever, me thinketh it had been a verie worthie and specious subject for a good writer to employ his Pen." Accordingly Erondell undertook "to break the yce first," as he puts it.

He opens his _Garden_ with some rules of pronunciation in English, "as a gate through the which wee must (and without the which we cannot) enter into our French Garden." He acknowledges that he has selected these rules "out of them which have written thereof." Many are taken from De la Mothe's _French Alphabet_, and Holyband, as well as Bellot, are also reckoned amongst those "which have written best of it." On one point, however, Erondell claims to make an observation "never noted before in any book." This had to do with the change in pronunciation of the diphthong _oi_.[741] "Whereas our countrymen were wonte to pronounce these words _connoistre_ ... as it is written by _oi_ or _oy_; now since fewe yeeres they pronounce it as if it were written thus, _conètre_."

Erondell reduces the grammar rules to the smallest possible number. "He wishes the student to learn by heart" the first two verbs _avoir_ and _estre_, and for the rest to "help him selfe by the treatise that M. Holliband made thereof,[742] as being the best (French and English) that I have yet seen, notwithstanding it is not amisse to make you knowe our persons and the number of our conjugations, which M. Bellot, in his _French Guide_,[743] saith to be sixe, and I can number no more." In dealing with grammar, Erondell claims to correct a gross error common in England--the use of _de_ for the preposition _from_ before a masculine noun preceded by _le_; "because that in English it is said ... _I come from the country_, so the English students do commonly say, insteade of _Je viens du pays_, ... _Je viens de le pays_.... But why should I finde faulte in the English students," says Erondell, "whereas I my selfe have heard the French teachers (I mean of our language) commit commonly that error?"

Erondell's grammar rules occupy but ten pages. They contain a few observations on the gender and number of nouns, on verbs, notes on _du_, _au_, _de la_, _a la_, _en_, _y_, and on the negative and degrees of comparison. He considers that the rules usually contained in French text-books are too many. Except for a few indispensable rules, "without the which our language can never be intelligiblie spoken," the rest are "rather a trouble and discouragement to the student then any furtherance." He compiled his book "for them of judgement and capacity only, which may far sooner attaine to the perfect knowledge of our tongue, by reason of cutting off those over-many rules, wherein the student was overmuch entangled." His first idea, indeed, had been to make a set of dialogues for women without any rules, but he realised that to do this would have been like building a "house without a doore"; "and so, the gate being wider open, they may walke in who will." Gentlemen also may find some "flowers" to please them, and the garden is an "arbour for the child":

Who with the busie mother now and then May prattle of each point, in phrases milde The witty Boies, of bookes of sport and play, The pretty lasses of their worke all day.

The dialogues, thirteen in number, and all of considerable length, form the main part of the work. As usual they are in French and English, and, in addition, the pronunciation of the more difficult French words is given in English spelling in the margin. [Header: PETER ERONDELL] They deal with the events in the daily life of a lady, from her rising in the morning till bed-time. The first portrays the lady, who is of a rather pedantic turn of mind, rising and dressing. The second introduces her two daughters and their French governess. There is much talk on the education of children, and we are spectators of the French tutor's (Erondell) arrival and of the French lesson, which forms the fourth dialogue. Each of the two girls in turn reads in French and then translates. The more advanced is given some English to translate into French, and the beginner is asked to conjugate certain French verbs. This is how the lesson opens:

Sister Charlotte I pray you goe, Ma soeur Charlotte, Je vous prie fetch our bookes, bring our allez querir nos livres, apportez French Garden, and all our nostre jardin Francois, et tous other bookes: nos aultres livres: now in the name of God let us begin. or ça commençons au nom de Dieu. Mistres Fleurimond read first: Mlle. F. lisez premierement: speake somewhat louder parlez un peu plus haut to th' end I may heare afin que j'oye if you pronounce well: si vous prononcez bien: say that worde againe. dites ce mot la derechef. Wherefore do you sounde Pourquoy prononcez vous that s? cette s la? Doe you not knowe that it must be ne savez vous pas qu'il la faut left? Well, it is well said, laisser? Et bien, c'est bien dit, read with more facilitie, lisez avec plus de facilité, without taking such paines. sans tant vous peiner. Construe me that, what is that? Traduisez moy cela, qu'est cela? Do you understand that? tell me Entendez vous cela? dites m'en the signification in English--Truly la signification en Anglois--Certes Sir I cannot tell it, Mons. je ne le scauroye dire, I understand it not, je ne l'entend point, I beseech you tell it me, je vous supplie de me le dire, and I will remember it against et je le retiendray pour une another time--Give me your paper autre fois--Baillez moy vostre and I will write it, to th' end papier et ie l'escripray, afin you forget it not ... etc. que vous ne l'oubliez. . . .

At the end of her lesson, Florimond has to point out her younger sister's mistakes; for, says Erondell, "in teaching others, one learns oneself." His rule for learning to read was, "observe your rules and read as you do in English"--a method which explains his system of guides to pronunciation. From the dialogues the student passes to the reading of French literature. The girls' French tutor came between seven and eight in the morning, the dancing-master at nine, the singing-master at ten, and another music-master at four in the afternoon.

In the following dialogues the lady visits first the nursery, and next her sons and their tutors. She is then pictured receiving guests, going out shopping, presiding at the dinner-table,[744] and taking part in the conversation. Finally, in the evening, the company take a walk by the Thames, and the thirteenth and last dialogue "treateth of going to bed, prayers (including the Creed), and night-clothes."

In order to give students an introduction to French verse as well as prose, Erondell adds to his book the story of the Centurion in the New Testament put into French verse by himself. He does not provide any English translation, and considers that the pupil who has progressed so far in the study of the language can very well do without it. For the same reason he here omits, as he does in the last dialogue also, the guides to pronunciation.

For a time Erondell had been tutor in the Barkley family, and dedicated the _Garden_ to the Lady Elizabeth Barkley, with an expression of his gratitude for the many favours he had received from her. The verses on the Centurion are dedicated to Thomas Norton, of Norwood, whom he calls his "très intime et très honoré amy." As was usual at this time, Erondell's book is preceded by commendatory poems, including lines by William Herbert, author of _Cadwallader_, and by Nicholas Breton. There is also a sonnet by the "Sieur de Mont Chrestien, Gentilhomme françois," possibly the famous Antoine de Montchrétien, who in about 1605 was forced to leave France on account of a duel, and visited both England and Holland. Erondell appears to have been many years in England before he produced his _Garden_. At this date he had a large clientèle, including "many honourable ladies and gentlemen of great worth and worship." In about 1613 he engaged an assistant to help him, one John Fabre, a Frenchman, "born in the precinct of Guyand, a town of Turnon"; in 1618 Fabre was still "professeing the teaching of the French tongue with Mr. Peter Arundell."[745]

In addition to compiling the _French Garden_, Erondelle prepared four new editions of Holyband's _French Schoolemaister_. Although they are said to be "newly corrected and emended by P. Erondell," he made no noticeable changes. The first of these editions appeared in 1606, and the others in 1612, 1615, and 1619. This last date is the latest at which we hear of him.

[Header: ERONDELL'S WORKS]

The earliest notice we have of Erondell is found in 1586, when he published a _Declaration and Catholic Exhortation to all Christian Princes to succour the Church of God and Realme of France_,[746] faithfully translated out of French, and printed side by side with the original--another of the many similar pamphlets in French and English. He had thus been in England at least twenty years when his book for teaching French was published, and its tardy appearance led one of his admirers to ask:

Swift Erondell, why hast thou been so slowe Whose nature is to bring the summer in?

In earlier years Erondell had no doubt made use of Holyband's works; he evinces a high esteem for the sixteenth-century teacher, and shows intimate acquaintance with his _Schoolemaister_ and his _Treatise on Verbs_. It is an interesting fact that until the middle of the seventeenth century and probably much later Holyband's sixteenth-century French was still being taught in England; as late as 1677 the _French Schoolemaister_ was among the books advertised for sale by Thomas Passenger at the sign of the Three Bibles on London Bridge.[747] The great changes taking place in the evolution of the French language reached England but slowly.

Erondell translated another French work into English.[748] One day Richard Hakluyt, the geographer, brought him the whole volume of the Navigations of the French Nation to the West Indies to translate. From this Erondell selected the _Nova Francia, or the Description of that part of New France, which is one continent with Virginia, described in the three late voyages ... made by M. de Monto, M. du Pont Grave, and M. de Poutrincourt, into the countries called by the French men La Cadre, lying to the southwest of Cape Breton ..._, which was published in 1609 and dedicated to the "Bright Starre of the North, Henry, Prince of Great Britaine."

The arrival of the French Queen of England, Henrietta Maria, in 1625, gave further stimulus to the already strong French influence at the Court. When she came she knew no English, and for many years after her arrival waywardly refused to study the language. Her numerous suite of French ladies and gentlemen, including Mme. Georges, the Duc and Duchesse de Chevreuse, and Père Sancy, shared her ignorance, as indeed did practically all foreigners. The English Court was thus called upon to exercise its French to the uttermost. The small French colony in London managed to make itself very unpopular, not only with the King but also with the whole Court. Their ignorance of English and English ways caused them to commit blunders which prejudiced people against them. Such was the case when Henrietta and her suite strolled, chattering and making a great noise, through an assembly of English people listening to a sermon. The preacher asked if he must stop, but no notice was taken, and soon the whole retinue returned in the same fashion, evidently not understanding a word of what was going on.[749] Within a year of their arrival, however, most of the French attendants were dismissed.

Four years after the arrival of the French queen, who had a passion for the theatre, a French company arrived in London and acted before an English audience.[750] They first played a farce at Blackfriars on the 17th of November, but did not meet with much success, being "hissed, hooted, and pipinpelted." This hostile reception was partly due to the fact that women[751] took part in the acting--a thing hitherto unknown in England--and partly because the play was a "lascivious and unchaste comedye," and the company was formed of "certain vagrant French players who had beene expelled from their owne country." No wonder that they gave "just offence to all vertuous and well disposed persons in the town." Yet the French actors were not discouraged. They waited a fortnight, and then obtained a licence to play at the Red Bull. This second attempt does not appear to have been more successful than the first. After some three weeks had elapsed, however, the company decided to make a last effort. This time they acted at the Fortune, but with so little success, that the Master of the Revels refunded them half his fee "in respect of their ill-fortune." The failure of the venture was due largely to its novelty, and the popular dislike of the French. [Header: FRENCH PLAYERS IN LONDON] Though we are told that there was a "great resort" to the French plays,[752] apparently people went more for the sake of rioting than for the pleasure of hearing the French plays.

The stormy reception of 1629 did not, however, hinder other French actors from coming to our country. In 1635 a new company arrived, this time under the special patronage of the Queen.[753] They first played before Her Majesty, who recommended them to the King. Through his influence they were allowed the use of the Cockpit Theatre in Whitehall. There, on the 17th of February, they presented a French comedy called _Mélise_--either Corneille's _Mélite_, or more probably Du Rocher's comic pastoral, _La Mélize, ou les Princes Reconnus_.[754] The King, Queen, and Court were present. The acting met with approval and the players received £10. There was no repetition of the riotous behaviour which had characterised the performances of 1629, probably because there were no women in the company, and also because the players were specially patronised by the Court and the aristocracy. A few days after the King gave orders to the Master of the Revels, Sir Henry Herbert, brother of Lord Herbert of Cherbury, that the French company should be allowed to act at Drury Lane Theatre on the two sermon days of each week during Lent, and through the whole of Passion week, when they would avoid rivalry with Beeston's English players, who did not perform on those days. Sir Henry Herbert, himself a good French scholar, tells us he "did all these courtesies to the French gratis," wishing to render the Queen his mistress an acceptable service.

The French actors now enjoyed increasing popularity. When, at the end of Lent, they had to relinquish the Cockpit, Drury Lane, to the English players, their services were still in demand. On Easter Monday they acted before the Court in a play called _Le Trompeur puny_, no doubt the tragi-comedy of that name by Georges de Scudéry.[755] Their success was even greater than on the occasion of the Court performance of _Mélise_, and on the 16th of April following, they presented _Alcimedor_,[756] under the same circumstances, and "with good approbation." These three plays acted at the Court are the only part of their repertoire that is named in the record of the Master of the Revels. On the 10th of May they received £30 for three plays acted at the Cockpit, probably that in Whitehall, where they first acted _Mélise_ before the Court, nearly four months earlier, and not the Cockpit, Drury Lane, where they had played during Lent.

The question now arose of providing the French players with a special theatre of their own. Arrangements were made for converting part of the Riding School in Drury Lane into a play-house, and on the 18th of April the King signified to Sir Henry Herbert his royal pleasure that "the French comedians should erect a stage, scaffolds and seats, and all other accommodations." On the 5th of May following a warrant was granted to Josias d'Aunay and Hurfries de Lau (so Sir Herbert spells their names)[757] and others, empowering them to act at the new theatre "during pleasure." How long the French company, whose director was Josias Floridor, continued to act in London is not known. But it is a striking fact that in 1635 there was a regular French theatre established in the city, and its presence must have had considerable effect. The French company under Floridor again appeared before the Court, in December 1635; we do not know what they played, beyond the fact that it was a tragedy. On the twenty-first of the same month, the Pastoral of _Florimène_ was acted in French at Whitehall by the French ladies who attended the Queen. The King, the Queen, Prince Charles, and the Elector Palatine, were present, and the performance was a great success.

The Queen did not persist in her obstinate refusal to learn English. When she had been in the country about seven years, she began to study the language seriously. Mr. Wingate was her tutor, and her love of the theatre was put to practical use by the performance of long masques and pastorals in English in which she took part. It is not surprising that Henrietta Maria was ignorant of English, for our language was practically unknown in France in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries. [Header: ENGLISH IGNORED ON THE CONTINENT] Italian and Spanish were the fashionable modern foreign languages in France. English was either entirely ignored or regarded as barbarous, and since French was widely spoken at the English Court, and Latin was used by scholars, the need for it was not felt.[758] No foreign ambassador ever knew English. Of the Frenchmen who visited England,[759] only a few learnt the language. Chief among these were the French teachers, the pioneers among Frenchmen in the study of the English tongue. Of individuals, the Sieur de la Hoquette, man of letters and traveller, is said to have visited England to see Bacon, and learnt English in order to read the Chancellor's works in the original. He discussed Bacon's works and English novels with J. Bignon, and was surprised to find that scholar acquainted with them. Jean Doujat also knew English, as did La Mothe le Vayer, who married a Scotchwoman, and also perhaps Regnier Desmarais, who draws a few comparisons with it in his grammar.[760] But these were isolated exceptions. Among the languages in which Panurge addresses Pantagruel on their first meeting, English has a place, but is hardly recognisable in its Scottish dress.[761] And the Maréchal de Villars relates in his memoirs[762] that the Duc de la Ferté, "quand il avait un peu bu," would break out in English to the great astonishment and amusement of all who were present. There is a tradition that Corneille kept a copy of the English translation of the _Cid_, which he showed to his friends as a curiosity.

Yet the general ignorance of English outside England did not discourage English actors from making professional tours abroad. They seem to have enjoyed considerable popularity in Germany and the Low Countries,[763] where they played at first in English. No doubt dancing, mimicry, and music had much to do with their success, and the clown probably took advantage of his position to offer interpretations from time to time. However, the actors soon learnt some German by mixing with German actors. A band of English acrobats had performed at Paris in 1583. Some years later, in 1598, a troupe of English comedians hired the Hôtel de Bourgogne,[764] the only theatre in Paris, from the _Confrérie de la Passion_, who usually played there. The English actors, at whose head was one Jehan Sehais, got into trouble for playing outside the Hôtel, contrary to the privileges of the _Confrérie_, and had to pay an indemnity. How much these actors made use of their language for attracting an audience is not certain. At a somewhat later date, another company played at Fontainebleau before Henry IV. and his son, afterwards Louis XIII. The "wild dramas" acted by the English players seem to have made a great impression on the young prince, who afterwards would amuse himself by dressing as a comedian and crying in a very loud voice, "Toph, toph, milord!" pacing about with great strides in the fashion of the English actors.[765] But it is highly probable that these few words were all the English the future king of France could muster.

Like the language, English literature was generally ignored in France. Those men of letters who wrote Latin--More, Camden, Selden, etc.--were known under their Latin names. In the early years of the seventeenth century, however,[766] the French began to take an interest in English literature, and a few translations of prose works appeared, though English poetry and drama remained unnoticed. The first French version of an English work was that of Bishop Hall's _Characters of Vertues and Vices_ which appeared in 1610, and again in 1612 and 1619, and may have had some influence on La Bruyère's _Caractères_. [Header: NEGLECT OF ENGLISH] It is also interesting to note that this enterprising translator was no other than J. L'Oiseau de Tourval, Parisien, who wrote so enthusiastically of Cotgrave's dictionary, which appeared in the following year (1611).[767] In the course of the next twenty years about a score of other translations saw the light, including versions of Greene's _Pandosta_ (1615), of Sidney's _Arcadia_, and of Bacon's _Essays_. The translation of the _Arcadia_ was the subject of a violent literary quarrel. Two versions came out at the same time, and both claimed priority. One was due to J. Baudouin, who had lived two years in England learning the language. He was also responsible for the translation of Bacon.[768] His rival was one Mlle. Chappelain.

"English is a language that will do you good in England, but past Dover it is worth nothing," wrote John Florio the language teacher, in his _First Frutes_ (1578). And more than half a century later English was still despised in foreign countries. While French was of use "in all furthest parts of Europe," English still served "but in the Brittaine lland,"[769] and even there did not receive due homage. English, we are told by an indignant upholder of the claims of our language,[770] was left for him who drives the plough; all the scholars, all the courtiers you passed in the street, were good scholars in foreign tongues; many of them chatted French as glibly as parrots, but could not write a single English line without a solecism. But in the meantime the study of English had had its advocates.[771] Richard Mulcaster has already been mentioned as the first Englishman who emphatically urged that English should be studied as thoroughly as foreign languages. "What reason is it," he asked, "to be acquainted abrode and a stranger at home? to know foreign things by rule, and our own but by rote? If all other men had been so affected, to make much of the foren and set light by their own, we should never by comparing have discerned the better. They proined their own speche, both to please themselves and to set us on edge." This was in 1582. Scholars took up the defence of the claims of English against French, just as they did the claims of Latin. Camden seeks to prove that English contains as many Greek words as French,[772] and so is as worthy of respect. And Osborne, in his _Advice to a Son_, tells the young diplomat to employ an interpreter in his dealings with these foreigners who refused to recognize the value of English, "it being too much an honouring of their Tongue, and undervaluing of your owne, to propose yourself a master therein, especially since they scorn to learn yours." There were, however, a few facilities for learning English at the disposal of foreigners, in addition to residence in England. The marriage of Charles I. with Henrietta Maria had been hailed both in France and England by books which taught the languages of the two countries conjointly, and so strengthened the new bond between them. In England appeared a new edition of Du Bartas, in French and English, for teaching "an Englishman French, or a Frenchman English." Wodroeph's _Marrow of the French Tongue_ (1625), which saw the light at the same time, was said to be "aussi utile pour le François d'apprendre l'Anglois que pour l'Anglois d'apprendre le François," though only the dialogues in French and English could serve this purpose, as, indeed, they might in any other French text-book.[773] This notice is evidently added merely as a concession to topical events; it had not figured in the earlier edition (1623).

In France, on the other hand, was published a work in which English was treated more seriously. This was a _Grammaire Angloise pour facilement et promptement apprendre la langue angloise. Qui peut aussi aider aux Anglois pour apprendre la langue Françoise: Alphabet Anglois contenant la pronunciation des lettres avec les declinaisons et conjugaisons_, dedicated to Henrietta Maria, and probably arranged by one of the professors of the Collège de Navarre, from which it is dated. We are informed that the princess, and those intending to accompany her to her new home, studied English daily. These lessons, if they were really given, were no doubt a matter of form, and we may judge from the results that they were not taken seriously.

[Header: ENGLISH GRAMMARS]

This grammar issued in 1625 was not original; it had appeared at Rouen in 1595,[774] and before that date there had been several other editions. The 1595 edition was enlarged and corrected by a certain E. A., who, for about ten years previously, had spent much of his time translating French pamphlets on topical events and similar works from French into English.[775] E. A., who was probably the original compiler of the work, dedicated it to Queen Elizabeth. He says he had collected the material from different authors in the leisure time allowed him by his studies. In its contents the work resembles the usual French manuals produced in England. It opens with rules for the pronunciation of English, followed by grammar rules for the same language, all given in French and English. Then come the dialogues, taken textually and without acknowledgement from Holyband's _French Littleton_, and one dialogue specially for courtiers, which may have been original.[776] The book closes with the vocabulary of Holyband's _French Schoolemaister_. The grammatical part of the work is also taken from one of the productions of the French teachers in England--the _Maistre d'escole anglais_ (1580), written by Jacques Bellot for teaching English to foreigners in England and dedicated to a member of the royal family of France.

Bellot protests against the general neglect of the English language, rich enough in his opinion to rank with the most famous living tongues. He claims to be the first to draw up precepts for teaching it. There is little exaggeration in Bellot's claim, for hardly any works on English had as yet been written, and these were chiefly treatises on the orthography, more scholastic than pedagogic in intention.[777] At the close of the year in which Bellot's work was published, however, appeared the first work on English by an Englishman, designed to give instruction to foreigners as well as his own countrymen. This was William Bullocker's _Booke at large for the Amendment of Orthographie for English Speech_, to which was added "a ruled grammar ... for the same speech to no small commoditie of the English Nation, not only to come to easie, speedie and perfect use of our owne language, but also to their easie and speedie and readie entrance into the secrets of other Languages, and easie and speedie pathway to all strangers, to use our language, heretofore very hard unto them."

Two years later came Mulcaster's _Elementarie_, urging the claims of the vernacular, and expounding his method for teaching it. Other grammars followed, some in Latin, some in English,[778] but in hardly any of them is any attention paid to foreigners--a striking contrast with those published in France, in which foreigners were always an important consideration. In 1632, however, appeared Sherwood's English-French Dictionary, of which, it is said, the French were "great buyers." Towards the middle of the seventeenth century foreigners received more and more attention in such books, as English became better known. Simon Daines's _Orthoepia anglicana_,[779] for instance, intended for the use of both natives and foreigners, was published in 1640, as was also _The English grammar made by Ben Jonson for the benefit of all strangers out of his observation of the English language now spoken and in use_.[780] Ben Jonson had made a collection of grammars, and he speaks of a most ancient work written in the Saxon tongue and character. "The profit of grammar is great to strangers, who have to live in communication and commerce with us," he wrote, "and it is honourable to ourselves." In 1644 another work of like aim was issued under one of the usual florid titles affected at that time: _The English Primrose far surpassing others of this kind that ever grew in any English garden._ It professed to teach "the true spelling, reading and writing of English," and was "planted" by Richard Hodges, schoolmaster in Southwark, "for the exceeding great benefit both of his own countrymen and strangers." Similarly J. Wharton's grammar of 1655 claimed to be "the most certain guide that ever yet was extant" for strangers that desire to learn our language.

[Header: ENGLISH GRAMMARS FOR FOREIGNERS]

Thus travellers to England would find some provision for learning English. In the early seventeenth century several French teachers in London undertook to teach English to foreigners, and these were the earliest professional teachers of the language. They had all learnt English after their arrival in the country on very practical methods, an experience which must have reacted on their methods of teaching French. Most of them wrote English with ease, if not always idiomatically. As time advanced, especially in the latter part of the seventeenth century, they composed several English grammars for teaching the language to their pupils. Merchants as well as French teachers were pioneers in advancing the study of English by foreigners. In 1622 George Mason, one of the merchants in London skilled in the French tongue, wrote a _Grammaire Angloise, contenant reigles bien exactes et certaines de la Prononciation, Orthographie et construction de nostre langue, en faveur des estrangers qui en sont desireux_, but especially, he tells us, for the use of "noz françois tant a leur arrivée en ce pais, que en leur demeure en iceluy." This English grammar[781] is written in French, and gives rules for pronunciation and the parts of speech. It is followed by dialogues[782] in French and English, in the usual style, bearing much resemblance to the Latin colloquies and the dialogues of De la Mothe's _French Alphabet_. A new edition was issued at London in 1633. The earliest conversation books in French and English printed by Caxton, Wynkyn de Worde, and Pynson are called books for teaching English as well as French. They were indeed equally adapted for either language, but it is very improbable that at this early date even the most enterprising merchants learnt English.

Yet the first foreigners to recognize the importance of English were merchants. English was given a place by the side of Latin, French, Spanish, Italian, and German in the edition of the polyglot dictionary for the use of merchants and travellers, printed at Venice in 1540,[783] and at a later date in the polyglot collection of dialogues which developed from the French and Flemish dialogues of Noel de Barlement; not, however, till 1576, when the book had been in vogue for about three-quarters of a century. Gabriel Meurier, schoolmaster of Antwerp, who taught French to many of the numerous English merchants always in the town, was acquainted with our language, but does not appear to have had any opening for teaching it, as he did French, Flemish, Italian, and Spanish. At a later date, however, we find an Englishman gaining his livelihood by teaching his own language in the Netherlands. In 1646 he published at Amsterdam _The English schole-master; or certaine rules and helpes, whereby the natives of the Netherlands may be in a short time, taught to read, understand and speake the English tongue, by the helpe whereof the English may be better instructed in the knowledge of the Dutch tongue, than by any vocabulars, or other Dutch and English Books, which hitherto they may have had for that purpose_. This work contains an English grammar, followed by selections from the Scriptures, moral and familiar sayings, proverbs, dialogues, letters in English and Dutch. The "Vocabulars" to which he refers furnished him with most of his dialogues. A new edition appeared in 1658.

Rouen, ever a busy centre for merchants, was the place where provision for teaching English was first made in France. Editions of the polyglot dictionary, which included English in the edition of Venice in 1540, were printed at Rouen in 1611 and 1625, and again at Paris in 1631. The 1595 edition of E. A.'s English grammar appeared at Rouen, as had probably the earlier editions. This compilation of the English grammar of Bellot and the dialogues of Holyband was in vogue for a very long time. In addition to the Paris issue on the occasion of the marriage of Henrietta Maria with Charles I. (1625), editions appeared at Rouen in 1639, 1668, 1670, 1679, and most probably at other dates also; another was issued at London, 1677. Perhaps the first book for teaching English printed in France was a _Traicté pour apprendre a parler Françoys et Anglois_, published at Rouen in 1553, apparently an early edition of Meurier's work, printed at Rouen in 1563 as a _Traité pour apprendre a parler françois et anglois, ensemble faire missives, obligations,_ etc., and again at Rouen in 1641.

It was long before English won recognition from foreigners other than merchants. Not until the eighteenth century was it learnt for the sake of its literature, and as a means of intercourse with the people who spoke it. This state of things made it incumbent on Englishmen to equip themselves with some foreign tongue, and they naturally chose French, the most universal language at that time.

FOOTNOTES:

[707] See accounts in Rye, _England as seen by Foreigners_.

[708] J. O. Halliwell, _Letters of the Kings of England_, London, 1846.

[709] Rye, _op. cit._ p. 153.

[710] "Autobiographie," _Bull. de la Soc. de l'Hist. du Protestantisme Français_, vii. pp. 343 _sqq._

[711] Another famous Frenchman at the Court of James I. was Theodore Mayerne the Court Doctor (cp. _Table Talk of Bishop Hurd_, Ox. Hist. Soc. Collectanea, ser. 2, p. 390); also Jean de Schelandre and Montchrétien among men of letters. James refused to give audience to the poet Théophile de Viau, exiled for his daring satires. Boisrobert, St. Amant, Voiture, likewise visited England at this period.

[712] Thurot, _Prononciation française_, i. p. xiv.

[713] Gerbier, _Interpreter of the Academy_, 1648.

[714] Aufeild: Translation of Maupas's _Grammar_, 1634.

[715] Young, _L'Enseignement en Écosse_, p. 78.

[716] Ellis, _Original Letters_, 1st series, iii. 89.

[717] T. Birch, _Life of Henry Prince of Wales_, London, 1760, p. 20.

[718] On Henry's death, St. Antoine became equerry to his brother Charles (Rye, _op. cit._ p. 253).

[719] Ellis, _Orig. Letters_, ser. 1, iii. 95.

[720] "The French fashion of dancing is most in request with us" (Dallington, _Method for Travell_, 1598).

[721] His dancing-master was a M. du Caus. There were other Frenchmen in his service. Cp. "Roll of Expenses of Prince Henry," _Revels at Court_, ed. P. Cunningham, New Sk. Soc., 1842.

[722] J. Aubrey, _Brief Lives_, ed. Clark, 1898, i. p. 254; Wood, _Athen. Oxon._ (Bliss).

[723] T. Birch, _op. cit._ pp. 38, 66, 67.

[724] Rye, _op. cit._ p. 155.

[725] _Mémoires de Madame de Motteville_, in Petitot et Monmerqué, _Collection des Mémoires relatifs à l'Histoire de France_, tom. 37, 1824, pp. 122-3.

[726] _Cal. State Papers, 1660-61_, p. 162; cp. p. 207, _supra_.

[727] Probably the second Duke, whom Charles, out of friendship for his father, the first Duke, brought up in his own family.

[728] Foster, _Alumni Oxon._, ad nom.

[729] _Cal. State Papers, Dom., 1663-64_, pp. 384, 526, 527; _1668-69_, p. 129; Shaw, _Calendar of Treasury Books, 1667-68_, pp. 346, 365, 620.

[730] He received the order of knighthood from Charles I. in 1629.

[731] _Cal. State Papers, 1633_, p. 349.

[732] Le Grys translated several works from Latin into English. He died early in 1635; cp. _Dict. Nat. Biog._, ad nom.

[733] E. Godfrey, _English Children in Olden Time_, New York, 1907, p. 133.

[734] Davenant, _The Wits_, Act II.; cp. Upham, _French Influence in English Literature_, p. 7.

[735] Preface to Lyly's _Euphues_, 1623.

[736] T. Middleton, _More Dissemblers among Women_, Act I. Sc. 4; cp. Upham, _op. cit._ p. 6.

[737] Watt, _Bibliotheca Britannica_, 1824, ad nom.

[738] Probably before he left school (Masson, _Life of Milton_, 1875, i. p. 57).

[739] E. Godfrey, _op. cit._ p. 178.

[740] De la Mothe devoted a short chapter to enumerating women's clothing.

[741] Thurot, _Prononciation française_, pp. 374, 376.

[742] _Treatise for Declining French Verbs_, 1580, 1599, and 1641.

[743] Perhaps this is Bellot's _French Methode_ of 1588, of which there is no copy in the British Museum, the Bodleian, or Cambridge University Library. There is no trace of his having written a third grammar called the _French Guide_; in his French Grammar of 1578 the verbs are arranged in five conjugations.

[744] This section in particular bears a close resemblance to the _Exercitatio_ of Vives. See Dialogue 17, in F. Watson's _Tudor Schoolboy Life_.

[745] In Broad Street Ward; see Cooper, _List of Aliens_, Camden Soc., 1862; Hug. Soc. Pub., x. Pt. iii. p. 187.

[746] Lambeth Library, 8vo, B-E in fours. Hazlitt, _Bibliog. Collections and Notes_, ii. 206.

[747] It is included in almost all the Sale Catalogues of private libraries at the end of the seventeenth and the beginning of the eighteenth century.

[748] Erondell was probably also responsible for numerous other translations from French into English; cp. p. 277, note 2, _infra_.

[749] Strickland, _Lives of the Queens of England_, 1884, iv. p. 160.

[750] J. Payne Collier, _History of English Dramatic Poetry, and Annals of the Stage_, 1879, i. pp. 451 _sqq._; F. G. Fleay, _A Chronicle History of the English Stage_, 1890, p. 334.

[751] "Not women but monsters," wrote the Puritan Prynne in his _Histriomastrix_, 1633, p. 114.

[752] Prynne, _op. cit._ p. 215.

[753] Payne Collier, _op. cit._ ii. pp. 2 _sqq._; Fleay, _op. cit._ p. 339.

[754] The former was first acted in France in 1629 and the latter in 1633; cf. Upham, _French Influence in English Literature_, p. 373.

[755] Scudéry's work is in verse; a king and queen of England figure among the characters. It was first performed in France in 1631.

[756] Probably a tragi-comedy by Du Ryer, acted in 1634; Upham, _op. cit._ p. 373.

[757] Diary, reprinted: Malone's _Historical Account of the English Stage_, in an edition of Shakespeare's works, completed by Boswell, 1821, iii. pp. 120, 122. Herbert makes many of his entries in French.

[758] Meurier, _Communications familières_, 1563.

[759] While the English visited France in great numbers, very few Frenchmen came to England, except those engaged on diplomatic missions, or exiles. Thus, Ronsard, Jacques Grévin, Brantôme, Bodin, in the sixteenth century; Schelandre, d'Assoucy, Boisrobert, Le Pays, Pavillon, Voiture, Malleville, and a few others in the early seventeenth century, spent a short time in England. Among scholars, Peiresc, Henri Estienne, Justel, Bochart, and Casaubon visited our country. St. Amant was twice in England, and on the occasion of his second visit wrote a satirical poem, _Albion_, in which he gave vent to his dislike of the people and the country (_Oeuvres_, ed. Livet, 1855, vol. ii.). Guide-books to England were few, and far from giving a good impression of the country. See Jusserand, _Shakespeare in France_, pp. 8, 129.

[760] Rathery, _Relations sociales et intellectuelles entre la France et l'Angleterre_, pp. 22-23, 48 sqq.

[761] "Lord ghest tholb be sua virtiuff be intelligence, aff yi body schal biff be naturall rehutht tholb suld of me pety have for natur ..." (_Oeuvres de Rabelais_, ed. C. Marty Laveaux, i. 261).

[762] Petitot et Monmerqué, _Collection des Mémoires_, tom. 68, Paris, 1828.

[763] A. Cohn, _Shakespeare in Germany in the Sixteenth and Seventeenth Centuries_, London, 1865, pp. xxviii, cxxxiv, cxxxv.

[764] Jusserand, _Shakespeare in France_, 1899, pp. 51 _sqq._; E. Soulié, _Recherches sur Molière_, Paris, 1863, p. 153.

[765] _Journal de Jean Hervard sur l'enfance et la jeunesse de Louis XIII, 1601-28_, Paris, 1868. Quoted by Jusserand, _op. cit._ p. 57 n. One of Louis's tutors was an Englishman, Richard Smith.

[766] S. Lee, "The Beginnings of French Translations from the English," _Proceedings of the Bibliog. Soc._ viii., 1907, pp. 85-112.

[767] Tourval was for long engaged on turning James I.'s compositions into French, and complains of not receiving any reward nor even his expenses.

[768] He also translated Godwin's _Man in the Moon_, 1648, which had some influence on Cyrano de Bergerac. He was probably the Jean Baudouin who studied at Edinburgh in 1597.

[769] Gerbier, _Interpreter of the Academy_, 1648.

[770] T. B. Squire, in Simon Daines's _Orthoepia Anglicana_, reprinted by R. Brotanek in _Neudrucke frühneuenglischer Grammatiken_, Bd. iii., 1908.

[771] By the end of the sixteenth century it was quite a usual thing for learned subjects to be treated in English. Ascham apologised for using English in his _Toxophilus_ (1545), but in his _Scholemaster_ (1570) he used it as a matter of course.

[772] Jusserand, _Histoire littéraire du peuple anglais_, 1904, p. 316.

[773] Florio makes the same claim in his _First Frutes_ for teaching Italian and English.

[774] _Grammaire Angloise et Françoise pour facilement et promptement apprendre la Langue angloise et françoise._ A Rouen, chez la veuve Oursel, 1595, 8vo. The Brit. Mus. copy contains MS. notes of a French student.

[775] In 1586 he translated three letters of Henry of Navarre, and in following years a continuous series of similar works; in 1587 the _Politicke and Militarie Discourse_ of La Noue; in 1588 the _Discourse concerning the right which the House of Guise have to the crown of France_, etc. His latest translation appears to have been Louis XIII.'s _Declaration upon his Edicts for Combats_, 1613. This E. A. may have been identical with Erondell (or, as sometimes written, Arundel), who gives his name as "P. Erondell (E. A.)" in his translation of the _Declaration and Catholic exhortation_ (1586).

[776] It bears a strong resemblance to the first dialogue in Erondell's _French Garden_.

[777] Such as the works of Sir Thomas Smith, John Cheke, John Hart, all of which appeared before 1580.

[778] By P. Greenwood (1594), Ed. Coote (1596), A. Gill (1619), J. Herves (1624), Ch. Butler (1633). Some are reprinted by Brotanek, _op. cit._; cp. F. Watson, _Modern Subjects_, chap. i.

[779] Reprinted by Brotanek, _op. cit._ vol. iii., 1908.

[780] _Works_, 1875, vol. ix. pp. 229 _sqq._

[781] Reprinted by R. Brotanek, _op. cit._ Heft i., 1905, pp. 105.

[782] Pp. 60 _sqq._

[783] It had no place in the earlier editions of 1534 and 1537.