PART II

I

We have said that in the original battle scheme, certain points of vantage, Quennemont, the Knoll, and Bellicourt, were assumed to be in our hands a day or so before the main attack on the 4th Army front was launched.

These fortified heights were of importance owing to the singular geography of this sector of the line.

All along this piece of the front, more or less parallel to the lines of the armies, runs--deep and broad--the St. Quentin Canal.

For three and a half miles, however, between Bellicourt and Vendhuille it runs underground through a tunnel.

We have seen how, in the northern part of the line, the enemy had relied upon the Canal du Nord to form the principal obstacle to an attack.

In August we had captured a document which proved that he realised that if we attacked at all in the south, and whether we attacked with Tanks or not, it would be in that three-and-a-half-mile gap that our heaviest blow would fall.

The photograph gives an excellent notion why we had to avoid certain sectors of the Canal at all costs, and Sir Douglas Haig, in his Despatch, gives an admirable idea of some of the complex features which the topography here possessed.

“The general configuration of the ground through which this sector of the Canal runs, produces deep cuttings of a depth in places of some sixty feet; while between Bellicourt and the neighbourhood of Vendhuille the Canal passes through a tunnel for a distance of 6000 yards. In the sides of the cuttings the enemy had constructed numerous tunnelled dug-outs and concrete shelters. Along the top edge of them he had concealed well-sited concrete or armoured machine-gun emplacements. The tunnel itself was used to provide living accommodation for troops, and was connected by shafts with the trenches above. South of Bellicourt the Canal cutting gradually becomes shallow, till at Bellenglise the Canal lies almost at ground level. South of Bellenglise the Canal is dry.

“On the western side of the Canal, south of Bellicourt, two thoroughly organised and extremely heavily wired lines of continuous trench run roughly parallel to the Canal, at average distances from it of 2000 and 1000 yards respectively. The whole series of defences, with the numerous defended villages contained in it, formed a belt of country varying from 7000 to 10,000 yards in depth, organised by the employment of every available means into a most powerful system, well meriting the great reputation attached to it.”

On the three and a half miles of front, where alone Tanks and artillery could cross the line of the Canal, the outpost system which everywhere protected the Hindenburg Line, was doubly reinforced, and gained a natural strength from its position on the heights, beneath which the Canal had burrowed.

Only a very “full dress” attack on so highly organised a system as the Hindenburg Line was likely to be successful, and in order to launch such an attack it was essential that we should already hold the Knoll and Guillemont and Quennemont Farms.

We have seen how in the last day or two of the battle of Epehy we assaulted the line again and again, duly captured the sector opposite Bellicourt, but how, two days before the main attack was to be launched, the Knoll and Quennemont were still in the hands of the enemy.

This state of affairs caused grave anxiety, as the whole set-piece attack was based on the idea of using this line as a “jumping-off” position.

It had been intended that the two American Divisions, which were to fight on this sector, should only be put in when this line had been secured.

It was now decided that they must themselves make a final effort to capture the outpost line before the main assault, which was due for dawn on September 29.

Therefore, at dawn on the 27th, the 27th American Division, assisted by twelve Tanks of the 4th Battalion, again attacked under cover of a creeping barrage.

[93]“The attack met with strong opposition, and the final position reached was the subject of conflicting reports from the troops engaged and from the air observers. Subsequent events showed that small parties of Americans and Tanks had reached the vicinity of their objective, and had very gallantly maintained themselves there; but the line as a whole was not materially advanced by the day’s operations.... The barrage could not now be brought back on this flank owing to the knowledge that parties of American troops, as well as a number of American wounded, would be exposed to our own fire. Also any alteration in the barrage plans, which had already been issued, would inevitably lead to confusion.”

Either, therefore, the whole main attack must be delayed, or the American divisions and some of the British troops north of them must start some 1000 yards behind their barrage, and from a very indefinite jumping-off line.

The latter course was decided upon.

[94]“The artillery start line, as originally planned, was to hold good, and the troops of the 27th American Division would form up for the attack on a line as far forward as possible, and would be assisted by an additional number of Tanks. The strength in Tanks was augmented to such an extent as should easily overwhelm the enemy resistance west of the start line. It was thought that this, with the slow rate of barrage, would enable the Americans to carry out their task.”

But there was yet one more difficulty, a serious obstacle of which we were serenely unaware. A British anti-Tank minefield, consisting of rows of buried heavy trench-mortar bombs, each holding 50 lb. of ammonal, had been put down just prior to our loss of the area in March 1918, and of this minefield no information had reached the Tanks.

It will thus be seen that the dice were very heavily loaded against success on this part of the front before day dawned on the eventful 29th of September, 1918.

The whole attack was to be on a twelve-mile front. The infantry were to take advantage of a number of foot-bridges, which our bombardment had prevented the enemy from getting out to destroy, and in some places our men were prepared to wade or swim through the water.

It was expected, however, that the chief resistance would be offered on the famous three and a half miles.

Altogether about 175 Tanks, including the new American Battalion, were to be launched, and four Corps were to be involved.

To the 9th Corps on the right, the 5th, 6th and 7th Tank Battalions of the 3rd Brigade were allotted.

In the centre, with the Australian and American Corps, the 1st, 4th and 301st American Battalions of the 4th Brigade were to fight.[95]

The 8th, 13th and 16th Battalions of the 5th Tank Brigade were to be held in 4th Army Reserve.

Almost up to zero hour on the 29th we still hoped to get news that we held the Knoll and Quennemont. But no reassuring message came through.

It was thus in a very singular world that the 301th American Tank Battalion was destined to make its debut.

[96]“The 301st’s reconnaissance before the battle was very efficiently carried out in spite of many disadvantages. The taping especially was a classic example of pluck and efficiency. It must be borne in mind that this was no quiet front, and that the attempts to take his outpost line had made the Boche exceedingly nervous and alert. In consequence, the nights preceding the battle were some of the dirtiest I’ve experienced. The Battalion R.O. (I’ve forgotten his name), one Company R.O. (Lieutenant T. C. Naedale) and a sergeant were knocked out whilst supervising the taping. Lieutenant Naedale got his wounds dressed and continued his work up till zero hour. It is worthy of mention, in connection with this incident, that each American Tank had its own tape laid out over our front line towards the Boche by the Company R.O.’s. Tank Commanders told me afterwards that they had to start fighting before the end of their tape was reached.”

II

When the dawn broke the usual mist lay thick and added its quota of confusion to the uncertainties of the morning.

All along the line, the battle swayed confusedly, developing into what was perhaps the most complete “mix-up” of any battle of the War.

To the north, the fighting was extremely heavy.

Owing to the employment of an effective barrage having been impossible, the American 27th Division suffered severely from the fire of massed hostile machine-guns from the moment the attack began.

Just as the Tanks of the 301st were moving up in support, ready to deal with the machine-guns which were, as an eye-witness describes it, by now “mowing down the other Americans in swathes,” no less than ten machines struck upon the forgotten minefield.

The American Tanks experienced the bitterest of war’s accidents, useless destruction at the hands of their own colleagues.

The explosions were terrific, the whole bottom of many machines being torn out and a large proportion of the crews being killed.

A little further to the south our attack was progressing well.

Tanks of the 4th and 5th Battalions and their infantry had pushed forward. The intricate trench system and the confusion of wire and dug-outs, however, were responsible for a certain loss of cohesion, so that by the time the village of Bellicourt had been reached the attacking troops were some distance behind the barrage, and a good deal of the weight had gone out of the assault.

But though several large parties of the enemy still held out, we had, on this sector, actually penetrated the Hindenburg Line before noon.

But now the mist began to lift. The enemy still held Quennemont Farm and the land to the north of it in great strength, and from that high ground they were now beginning to be able to see well enough to pour a devastating fire into the backs of the troops who were advancing in the Bellicourt Sector. The situation was critical and called for immediate action.

Major Hotblack, the Head of the Tank Corps Intelligence, who was watching the progress of the battle near this point, luckily realised the situation before the enemy and rushed to try to improvise a diversion. He fortunately found two Tanks[97] which were waiting, ready to take part in a later stage of the attack. With the permission of the Battalion Commander, the two machines were hastily set going, and Major Hotblack jumped into the leading Tank. The machines were driven rapidly towards Quennemont Ridge. There was no body of infantry immediately available, and with the weather in its present mood, there was no time to wait; so the two Tanks without artillery or infantry support attacked what afterwards proved to be an unbroken sector of the enemy’s front.

But if confusion reigned in the British line, there is no doubt that the Germans, though fighting exceedingly well, were far from clear about the actual position. In the confusion, they appear to have mistaken the two isolated machines for a considerable force. The two Tanks successfully made their way on to the heretofore impregnable Ridge, and actually succeeded in driving the enemy off it, killing large numbers of the defenders and capturing a quantity of machine-guns. Then at last the German field gunners awoke to the situation, and being otherwise unharassed, opened a devastating fire upon the two presumptuous machines. They succeeded in hitting and setting fire to both of them, the crews being obliged to evacuate, having suffered considerable casualties.

Major Hotblack, though partially blinded, was able to carry on, but the only other officer was severely wounded, and a derisory little force--one officer and five or six men, was thus left to hold the Ridge. Quite undaunted, they immediately set to work to prepare for the German counter-attack which, now that the Tanks were out of action and ablaze, seemed imminent. There was an abundance of enemy machine-guns lying about, and some of these were got ready for action, for the Tanks’ own guns had been destroyed when the machines were knocked out.

While these guns were being turned round ready for their late owners, the tiny garrison was joined, first by an Australian and then by an American officer, each with an orderly, who had each separately come out to try and find out the position of affairs. The situation was rapidly explained to them, and was soon made clearer still by the expected counter-attack from the Germans. Twice during the previous week’s fighting, the enemy had regained this Ridge when it was held in force. This time less than a dozen men successfully held it against them, and although almost every one of the defenders was wounded, they held out until relief came, several hours later.

For his part in this action Major Hotblack was awarded a bar to his Military Cross. This was his last action in the war, as the wounds he received on this occasion incapacitated him till the Armistice had been signed.

It is rather interesting to note that this officer was wounded five times during the course of the war--on four occasions in the head; but so admirable is our hospital system that he is now practically none the worse for his experiences.

On the extreme right of the battle the attack of the 9th Corps was a complete success, the 46th Division particularly distinguishing itself in the capture of Bellenglise.

[98]“Equipped with lifebelts, and carrying mats and rafts, the 46th Division stormed the western arm of the Canal at Bellenglise and to the north of it, some crossing the Canal on foot bridges, which the enemy was given no time to destroy, others dropping down the sheer sides of the Canal wall, and, having swum or waded to the far side, climbing up the farther wall to the German trench lines on the eastern bank.”

The Tanks were, of course, unable to cross with their infantry. They moved on Bellicourt, crossed over the tunnel at the nearest point, and swung south, working down the further bank of the Canal and arriving just in time to take part in the attack on Monchy.

Our success here was so complete that one division alone captured 4000 prisoners and seventy guns.

Many of these batteries were taken from the rear by Tanks and infantry while they were still in action, the enemy not realising in the least that they had been outflanked.

III

At the end of the day it was pretty clear what must be the ultimate result of the battle. But our front was extremely ragged and the breaches we had driven in the Hindenburg Line but narrow.

So for some days our attacks continued on all fronts; from north of Cambrai, where the 7th Battalion Tanks and the Canadians met with a desperate resistance, right down to our junction with the French 1st Army south of St. Quentin.

With the exception of a party of six machines belonging to the 1st Brigade, who helped in an attack just north of Cambrai, all the Tank actions of this period were fought in the 4th Army area, where we were busied in driving in the wedge whose thin end we had inserted with so much effort on September 29.

On the 30th, twenty Tanks belonging to the 5th, 6th, 13th and 7th Battalions fought in different groups, none with striking success, in one or two cases owing to the fact that the fresh infantry who had been brought up were unaccustomed to Tanks, and that liaison was therefore defective.

The village of Bony, which had just been entered by the Armoured Cars on the 29th, still held out stubbornly.

On October 1, Tanks of the 9th Battalion were engaged with the 32nd Division in an attack on a part of the line near Joncourt. In this action the Tanks made very successful use of smoke screens.

On the 2nd no Tanks fought, but on October 3 about forty machines went into action.

As on the previous days, we met with stubborn resistance, and as on the previous days, foot by foot, inch by inch, we pushed our line forward, always patiently enlarging the width of the holes we had pierced.

A new attack on a large scale was now contemplated, and for this assault the Tank Corps had to furnish between eighty and ninety machines, some on the 3rd, some on the 4th Army front. Preparations were immediately begun, and no Tanks fought on the 4th.

Our line, however, had just reached the outskirts of two large villages, Montbrehain and Beaurevoir, and we were anxious not to begin the day of our new attack with street fighting--of all forms of warfare the most incalculable.

Therefore, the Australians and the 16th Tank Battalion attacked Montbrehain, and after fighting a strenuous but brilliant little action, captured it.

The last phase of the Cambrai-St. Quentin battle was at hand; nay more, the last phase of the warfare we had known for nearly four years.

The next day we were to match our strength against that torn and breached, but still formidable ruin, that had once been the Hindenburg Line.