CHAPTER VI.

THE SOCIAL AND ECONOMIC LIFE OF THE COLONY UNDER GOVERNOR PRINTZ, 1643–1653.

I.

Commander Ridder, with his few soldiers and colonists, was quietly passing the winter of 1642–3 at Fort Christina. The new year’s festivities were over. An occasional hunting expedition, the daily morning and evening prayers, and now and then an Indian visit were almost the only diversions in the monotonous life. Storm and snow swept over the territory of New Sweden on the sixth and seventh of February, and the colonists remained around the fireplaces in their log cabins. But the sun appeared again, the snow melted, and all was as before, half spring, half winter, for the climate of the Delaware is generally undecided at this time of the year.

About the beginning of February we may suppose that the Indians carried news to the little settlement that ships had appeared in the river. Were these Swedish vessels or Dutch? Of course the Indians did not know. But hope revived the drooping spirits; the vessels might be from Gothenburg. Eager eyes spied the Delaware for days and about noon on February 15 two ships plowed slowly up the river with a slight breeze astern. Every man in the fort watched the sails. There was a bustle and hurry everywhere. The news spread, and the colonists came running in from their plantations. Sure enough the Swedish colors were displayed from the topmasts. In an instant the gold-blue cross-banner was flung to the breeze on the flag pole of Christina fort, and a shout of welcome greeted the _Swan_ and the _Fama_, as they passed the mouth of Fish Kill. At two in the afternoon the ships anchored in Christina harbor, and the passengers and sailors went ashore. Rev. Torkillus with his entire flock stood on the bridge to receive them, and Governor Ridder surrounded by his little staff did homage to the arriving governor, while some Indian lurking behind the pine trees on the island was watching the scene. The passengers were greeted with tears of joy, and the hand-shakings seemed never to cease. But to work, to work! There were cargoes to be unloaded and horses and cattle to be landed. Until evening the work went on. Shelter was sought for the new-comers, but some slept on the ship for want of room in the dwellings. The fires were fed longer than usual that evening, and the candles or fir-torches were kept burning till morning hours. News from Sweden, from relatives and friends was desired, the progress of the war, the victories won by Swedish armies, what new decrees had been issued, what new taxes levied, who among the relatives and acquaintances of the colonists had been drafted and sent to German battlefields--such and a hundred other questions we may be sure were asked. And when the settlers were told of the great victories at Glogau, at Schweidnitz and at Breitenfeld, and the glorious exploits of Torstensson and Banér, their patriotism rose within them, and they were proud of belonging to such a nation and of being its representatives in the New World. But the journey across the ocean was not forgotten. The sufferings on the way from Gothenburg to Godyn’s Bay were related, and the storms and mishaps of the Horn Kill were described. Gradually the night came on; the fires went out; the tired travellers were soon asleep and all was quiet.

In the early morn everybody was at work again. In the afternoon all the people were assembled in Fort Christina. Ridder delivered his authority to Governor Printz, and the instructions and orders of the Swedish Government were read in the presence of the people. Within the next few days the commissioners were busy, making an inventory of the merchandise in the storehouse and preparing for the return voyage of the ships.

Spring was rapidly approaching. The newly arrived freemen were anxious to begin the erection of buildings and the clearing of forests, and the governor desired to select the location for a new fort. For these reasons as well as to be able to make a report from personal observation, Governor Printz, in company with Ridder, some soldiers and perhaps an Indian guide, “passed over the territory of New Sweden first from Cape Henlopen unto Bomkin’s Hook and thence all the way up to Sankikan.” This inspection gave the governor a good idea of the land. He took notice of the parts most adapted for farms, and as soon as possible the new colonists were assigned places for clearing ground and building homes.

To safeguard the colony against attacks, however, were the first duties of the governor. His instruction directed him to build “a new stronghold either at Cape Henlopen or on Jaques’ Island or at any other suitable place, so that the South River could be closed and guarded by it. He was ordered to keep the title of the territory at Varkens Kill intact and to assert the authority of the Swedish Government over the English residing there. To erect a fortress near the British settlement would be one of the most effective means of asserting this authority, and the stronghold could serve the main and additional purpose of closing the river against intruders. Accordingly about March 1, a convenient spot was selected on the eastern shore of the Delaware, a little south of Mill Creek on an island of Upland (the present “Elsinburg Fort Point”), and preparations for laying the foundation timbers were at once begun. The work was rushed to such an extent that on May 6, foreign vessels were compelled to strike their flag before the fort. When the cannon had been placed in position a Swedish salute was given, and the stronghold was called _Fort Elfsborg_. It was an earthwork constructed “on the English plan with three angles close to the river,” and “the carpenter made a beautiful gate to it.” “Eight twelve-pound iron and brass guns and one mortar,” the largest ordnances in the colony, were planted upon its walls. It was the best garrisoned fort of New Sweden and Sven Skute, next in rank to Printz, was placed in command.

In the spring of 1643 the English settlement at Varkens Kill was on the point of breaking up, being harassed by sickness. It is therefore probable that these colonists were not unwilling “to swear allegiance to the crown of Sweden” when Gov. Printz arrived. At any rate some remained “as Swedish citizens” and continued to cultivate their maize and tobacco.

Printz lived at Christina for a few months, but he had a right to choose his place of residence, and as soon as the work at Varkens Kill was under way, he began the erection of a dwelling on Tinicum Island, and made provision for the fortification of the place. This fortress was ready towards the end of July or the beginning of August and the name _New Gothenborg_ was given to it. It was “made of hemlock beams, laid one upon the other,” and it was armed with “four small copper cannon.” It was built near the water’s edge on a high point of Tinicum, and its guns commanded the river. As it was not favorably located for protecting the little settlement on the island against Indian attacks, a large storehouse was built on the land side, in such a manner that the soldiers could hold the savages at bay from there, if the war cry should ever startle the peaceful community.

A blockhouse was also built on an elevated part of Upland, about twelve miles north of Christina, where some colonists had been given land, and Christer Boije was placed in command there.

In the meantime Fort Christina was repaired and put in a state of defence, but the armament remained the same as before. The principal storehouse continued to be there, and it was the center of activity in New Sweden for a long time.

Governor Printz also turned his attention to other matters. About the middle of April he made his first report to the government concerning the condition of the colony and the situation and nature of the land. He found that “it was a remarkably beautiful country with all the glories a person could wish for on earth, and a pity and regret that it was not occupied by true Christians. It was adorned with all kinds of fruit-bearing trees. The soil was suitable for planting and sowing, and if Her Majesty would but make a serious beginning, the colony would soon become a desirable place to live in.”

Printz was anxious to make proper use of this “suitable soil” and of the many advantages found there, and it is probable that land was allotted to some of the colonists as early as March. New settlements were made at Finland, Upland (Chester), Tequirassy, Tinicum and Province Island (within present Philadelphia), and here the freemen labored to found new homes surrounded by fertile fields. Tinicum Island was cleared and prepared for Printz’s private use, and a plot of ground was set aside on the mainland for the company, where the hired or indented servants worked.

A strange sight met the eye of the savage chief, who visited the western banks of the Delaware from Christina to New Gothenborg in the spring of 1643. His ancient hunting grounds were being transformed; his primeval forests were giving way to fields and cultivated acres. The stillness of the early morning was broken by the sound of the woodman’s axe, whose echoes, answered from various quarters, were interrupted now and then by the crash of falling trees. For a moment all was quiet, the woodman looked at the felled tree as if to measure its length, then the axe was again put into play, the branches and limbs were stripped from the trunk and thrown into a pile to be burnt, the trunk was measured and the top cut off,--a log fit to be placed in the wall of a new building was ready. Gradually the branches and other rubbish were burned or removed from the clearings, and the freemen in due time sowed their grain or planted their corn and tobacco.

Printz was instructed to plant tobacco, so that it would not be necessary to buy it from the English merchants, when the ships returned to Sweden. But Ridder advised the governor to plant corn in large quantities, saying that “one man’s planting would produce enough corn for nine men’s yearly food.” With this in view Governor Printz planted corn on almost all available ground in 1643; but a number of small tobacco patches were also prepared, and an expert tobacco planter was engaged at a wage of thirty-five florins a month. The Swedish freemen probably followed the example of their governor, largely planting corn on their fields and but little tobacco. It is likely that they also sowed at least some grain. The English at Varkens Kill principally cultivated tobacco.

Printz was instructed to keep peace with his neighbors, as far as possible, and to give free and undisturbed course to the correspondence already begun by his predecessor. He was to try to supply the Indians with such articles as they needed and desired, and he was to endeavor to win their trade by underselling the English and Dutch. He was to treat them with humanity and kindness, and to prevent his people from doing them any harm, so as to gain their confidence and good will. The beaver traffic was to be conducted for the benefit of the company, and freemen and others were prohibited from trading with the savages. In all this Printz was successful as long as means were at his disposal. He arrived in New Sweden on February 15. In May he had begun dealings with the Indians, and presents worth twenty-two florins, large for those days, were presented to the Minquas to induce them to trade with the Swedes, as well as to inspire their confidence. At the same time _sewant_ valued at 607 florins were exchanged for 972 bushels of Indian corn, and additional gifts were given to some Indians for carrying the corn to Christina. Many other commercial transactions were made with the natives during May.

The _Swan_ and the _Fama_ were probably ready to get sail for Europe in April, although but a small cargo had been obtained. Several officers and soldiers left the colony on the vessels, some, however, with the intention of returning. Printz sent his first relation, made requests for large supplies and more people, and despatched Johan Papegoja to give an oral report.

Since the _Swan_ and the _Fana_ carried only small cargoes to the colony in 1643, Printz found it necessary to buy cloth and other merchandise from the English and Dutch. In May John Willcox, who had been informed of the arrival of the Swedish expedition, came from Virginia, and offered a great variety of goods for sale at reasonable prices. On May 22 he sold a bark of 10 lasts burden, 2 fowling pieces, 82 yards of sail cloth, 862½ yards of _sewant_, 144 knives, 3 kettles, 15 axes and a variety of other things, in all valued at 7,224 florins. Henrick Huygen, who was now making strenuous efforts to obtain cargoes for the returning ships, bought 3,000 lbs. of tobacco from a “Virginian merchant by the name of Moore”, then trading in the river. Towards the end of May a commercial journey was made to New Holland. Henrick Huygen and Christer Boije were sent there to buy supplies for the colony, and to capture several deserters. Beaver skins and _sewant_ were used for the current expenses of the voyage, for beaver skins and _wampum_ were the currency in these early days. Huygen’s board, which consisted of smoked pork, bread and butter and peas, cost nine beaver skins, valued at sixty-three florins and for his lodgings at the inn in New Amsterdam he paid five skins. The sails of the bark, which had been torn by the wind, were repaired at the cost of six beaver skins. Several purchases of cloth and _sewant_ were also made.

The deserted settlers could not be captured immediately, as they were in hiding about twenty miles from New Amsterdam. They had been discovered by some Indians, however, who informed Huygen of their whereabouts. There was an understanding between the governors of the neighboring colonies that deserters should be detained and returned, or at least given up when officers arrived to fetch them back. Accordingly the Dutch governor placed no obstacles in the way of Huygen and Boije. In fact the Dutch provost marshal was employed to capture the runaways, who were taken to the Swedish sloop and guarded by Dutch soldiers, until the vessel sailed for New Sweden.

In the beginning of May an English bark sailed up before Fort Elfsborg. The fort was in course of construction, and Printz was there to superintend the work. The governor demanded the pass of the skipper and the crew, and “when he observed that they were not right in their errands he took them (yet with their own will) to Christina to buy flour and other provisions from them, examining them until a maid confessed and betrayed them.” Thereupon they were arrested, and an inventory was made of their goods. They were servants of “Governor Edmund Plowden”, who was then in America. In the winter or early spring of 1643, Plowden bought one-half part of a bark from Phillip White at Kikitan. About May 1 he loaded his ship with flour and other provisions and sailed from Heckemak to Kikitan with a crew of sixteen people. But the skipper conspired with the sailors against him, and made for Cape Henry instead of Kikitan. On their way, however, they landed Sir Edmund on Smith’s Island “without food, clothes and arms, where no people nor other animals except wolves and bears lived.” Two young noblemen, having been educated by Plowden, escaped from the bark and remained with their master. Four days later an English sloop by chance sailed within calling distance of the island, and rescued the unfortunate victims. Plowden was taken to Heckemak, where he soon recovered, although “he was half dead and black as the ground.” Shortly afterwards the sloop which rescued the party was sent out to look for the criminals, carrying letters, not only to Governor Printz but to all the governors and commanders along the coast. The vessel visited New Sweden some time in the summer. Printz delivered the prisoners, bark and property to the English commander, and presented a bill of 425 R. D. for incurred expenses. The prisoners were taken to Virginia, where the principal instigators were shot as traitors. Edmund Plowden, although not successful in his attempts at settlements on the Delaware, gave commission to English ships to trade freely in the river; but Printz “allowed none of them to pass Fort Elfsborg.”

In June and July William Cox and Richard Lord traded in the South River and sold large quantities of goods to the Swedes. Lamberton also continued his trade there, even after his plantation on the Schuylkill had been destroyed; and about the middle of June he arrived in the Delaware with his pinnace the _Cock_. On June 22, 1643, he presented a protest to the Swedes, asserting that he had bought the lands on the Schuylkill from the rightful owner, and in a second protest he laid claim to the land at Varkens Kill. It is not known whether or not Printz answered these protests, but he was soon given an opportunity for testing these rights and definitely disproving them, at least from his point of view.

Lamberton was riding at anchor with his ship the _Cock_ about three miles above Fort Christina, where he was trading with the Indians. Early in the morning on June 26, as the governor came from his prayers, Timon Stidden and Gotfried Harmer brought a report that Lamberton had bribed the Indians to murder the Swedes and Dutch and to destroy their settlements. The governor immediately set about to investigate the report. He sent Stidden and Harmer as spies on board the Pinnace, and wrote a letter to Lamberton, stating that a savage “the day before had stolen a gold chain from the governor’s wife, and that the governor did entreat Mr. Lamberton to use means to get it again of the Indians.” Since many savages were about to trade with Lamberton the following day, the Swedish agents desired to stay on board the vessel over night, “so that they might see those who came to barter their skins and try to discover among them the one who had stolen the chain”, he being easily recognized by a “mark in his face.” Their request was granted, but of course no Indian with “a mark in his face” appeared. Through a second letter Lamberton was induced on some “fained and false pretences” to appear in Fort Christina with his men. The English were arrested on their arrival and put into prison for about three days. In the meantime preliminary examinations were conducted by Governor Printz, Van Dyck and others, who tried to draw all information they could from Lamberton’s men concerning the “planned massacre.” Lamberton’s Indian interpreter, John Woollen, was specially subjected to close examination, but nothing definite could be ascertained.

The English were finally set free, presumably on the promise that they would appear at the court of inquiry to be held in Fort Christina within a few days. The court was called on July 10, 1643, and was made up of English, Swedish and Dutch commissaries. The subject of inquiry embraced three main paragraphs: 1. Lamberton’s title to the Schuylkill (being most important); 2. the English title to Varkens Kill; 3. the accusations against Lamberton personally. After lengthy examinations and the hearing of witnesses, the court handed down its decision. In the first place the court found that “four approved witnesses, on oath and by relating circumstances, had proved that Lamberton in truth had bribed the Indians to kill the Dutch and Swedes”; but since he would not confess to the charge, the court at the request of the plaintiff dismissed the case. Secondly the court was agreed that “it had been completely established from the documents that Lamberton by right possessed no place at, in or around” Delaware River. Thirdly since Lamberton now, a second time, had purchased beavers from the Indians without a commission, the court had a right to confiscate not only the beavers but his other goods and ship as well. Yet leniency would be observed also in this particular and only a double duty would be demanded on the 400 beavers in Lamberton’s possession, with the understanding, however, that if he traded in the river a third time without permission, his ketch and cargo would be confiscated. After the dismissal of the court Lamberton paid the duty “of twelve pounds sterling in the hundred” on his purchases as well as a few other bills and returned home with his people.

The Swedes were busy during the summer completing their cottages, and caring for their small plantations. Hay was cut in June and July, and the grain was harvested a little later. We have no means of knowing, what the summer of 1643 was like nor what the grain crop yielded; but the corn crop was poor. Printz writes: “I got as well on the one plantation as on the other from the work of nine men, hardly one man’s nourishment.” The Swedes undoubtedly learnt from the Dutch and Indians how to cultivate and use the corn, and it is probable that later years brought better results. The tobacco crop was fair. The English colonists at Varkens Kill, who had sworn allegiance to the Swedish crown, could sell some 2,451 lbs. from their growth of 1643, and the expert tobacco-planter, engaged by Printz, “showed good proofs of his skill.”

In agriculture as in other respects the customs of Sweden and Finland were largely adhered to by the colonists in New Sweden. “Old rye”, says Per Brahe in his _Oeconomia_, “should be sown from Olaf’s Mass until Lar’s Mass and New rye is sown in August.”[13] A great deal of rye was thus put into the ground in Sweden and Finland. The grain sprang up, and the fields stood green for some time in the autumn. When the frost came the sheep were often let loose to graze on the rye acres, if the sprout was thick and long enough. The winter months covered the field with a white sheet of snow, protecting the roots of the grain against the severe cold, and when the sun melted the snow and brought warm weather to the north, the rye sprouted again.

This method was now to be employed in the colony on the Delaware. Indian corn could be planted without plowing or much work, but for rye the ground had to be broken and somewhat prepared. There were too few horses and oxen in the colony for farm work, and too little grain for seed, but the deficiency could be supplied in New Netherland. Accordingly another journey was made thither by sea towards the end of August. Henrick Huygen was again in charge, and beaver skins were the ready money, as on the former trip. Huygen bought 7 oxen in New Amsterdam for 124 beaver skins, valued at 868 fl., and 1 cow for 22 skins worth 154 fl. He also purchased 75 bushels of rye for 32 beaver skins. Some of the cattle were led across the country to New Sweden by two Hollanders, who received 5 beaver skins for their labors; the other oxen were taken by sea to the colony on Governor Kieft’s sloop, also at the cost of 5 beaver skins.

The seed and the oxen arrived rather late, and it probably took some time (perhaps towards the middle of October) before the plantations were ready to be sown. One bushel of seed is usually required to the acre. At this rate at least 75 or 100 acres were put into rye in the fall of 1643 on the farms belonging to the company. The freemen also sowed winter rye on certain tracts, but to what extent is unknown. In the late autumn more ground was cleared and prepared for fields. The oxen could now be used for skidding the logs into piles to be burnt, or for hauling the timber, and the building of houses was made easier.

In September a journey was made to New England to buy supplies for the winter. Some Dutch and English merchants also came to the colony during the autumn for purposes of trade. The Minquas and other Indians likewise bartered with the Swedes, but the trade was not large. In October the well known Peterz. de Vries visited Governor Printz and was hospitably entertained.

Late in the fall “neither Christian nor savage traders came to New Sweden.” Fort Elfsborg was completed, and several thousand feet of oak planks were bought from the English for use in the stronghold, while the other forts were repaired. Barns were built for the shelter of the cattle, and the dwellings of the freemen were improved. Many of the swine that ran wild were shot, and hunting expeditions brought in a supply of deer, wild geese and other game. Some provisions were also bought from the Indians. In December wood was cut to last till spring, and ale was brewed and other preparations made for Christmas.

The supply of food was poor in 1643, and the hard labor and change of climate was too much for the people. As a result many of the settlers were ill in the summer and autumn. Printz supplied Spanish wine and various other articles to the sick at the different forts and settlements, and did his utmost to alleviate their suffering; but one officer, five soldiers, three freemen and ten servants, besides the Rev. Torkillus, died between July and December.

The illness of the people was a great drawback to the colony, and caused the governor to abandon many of his plans. In the spring of 1643 timber had been cut and sawed at Elfsborg for a keel-boat or barge, and work was begun on it in June. The indisposition of the carpenters delayed the construction, and later “the Indians set fire to the island during the night and burnt some of the timber.”

We have now no means of knowing, how Governor Printz and his colonists spent their first Christmas and New Year in New Sweden, for on these things the governor did not think it worth while to enlarge; but these holidays were probably observed with more strictness than before and “in the good old Swedish manner.” The winter seems to have been passed quietly. The grain was thrashed and ground, logs were cut for new dwellings, barns and graineries; and when sowing time came the area of “improved land” had somewhat increased.

We have seen that Lamberton and his men were unfairly dealt with, at least in their opinion. When they arrived in New Haven they complained of ill-treatment at the hands of the Swedish governor. The complaints were presented to a court held in New Haven on August 2, 1643. Lamberton made an oral relation of his experiences before the court, and accused Printz of “reviling the English of New Haven as runigates” and of trying by threats, the promise of gifts and by “attempting to make them drunk to press the witnesses to testify that Lamberton had hired the Indians to cut off the Swedes.” John Thickpenny, “mariner in the _Cock_ with George Lamberton, being duly sworn and examined,” was called upon to testify before the New Haven court. He gave a long report of the “outrages” committed by Governor Printz, and testified on oath that the Swedes tried to make John Woollen drunk, so as to make him confess what he did not know, and by threats of execution on the charge of treason and by promise of gifts endeavored to make him reveal something about Lamberton’s dealings with the Indians.

It was decided to present the complaints before a general court held at Boston in September, and Theophilus Eaton and Thomas Greyson, members of the New Haven Delaware Company, were appointed to argue the case. Eaton and Greyson summarized the complaints before the general court, which took up the matter among its first transactions. It was decided “that a letter be written to the Swedish governor, expressing particulars and requiring satisfaction.” Accordingly Governor John Winthrop, “as Governor of the Massachusetts and President of the Commissioners for the United Colonists of New England”, wrote a lengthy letter to Governor Printz, setting forth the English title to the whole continent and to Delaware Bay in particular, and complaining that the English already settled on the South River had been driven away from their property or forced to “bind themselves by an oath to the Swedish Crown.” The complaints of Thickpenny and Lamberton were repeated in brief, and satisfaction was demanded for the injuries done “to the allies of New Haven.” “If you afford this satisfaction”, says Winthrop in closing, “New Haven will send at the first opportunity those who will treat with you concerning the division of the boundaries and the exercise of trade.” Special envoys were to be sent to New Sweden to deliver the letter, and “Lamberton was given commission to go and treat with the Swedish governor about satisfaction for his personal injuries.”

Captain Nathanael Turner, who apparently had been appointed to deliver the letter to Governor Printz, arrived at Christina in the beginning of 1644. The governor was greatly concerned about the matter, and seems to have called a court almost immediately to disprove the accusations against him.

The court was convened in January, 1644. A copy of the minutes (in Dutch) reads as follows: “Anno 1644, on January 16, the following case was examined on oath upon the letters of the governor of New England to the governor of New Sweden in the presence of the following good men: Governor Johan Printz, Captain Christer Boije, Captain Måns Kling, Henrick Huygen, Gregorius van Dyck, Carl Jansson, Nathanael Turner, Isaac Allerton.” The witnesses called before the court denied the accusations against Governor Printz. John Woollen also confessed that he had in no manner been prevailed upon by any of the Swedes to testify falsely against Lamberton. On the contrary he had been admonished to speak the truth and told “that, if he were found false, it would risk him his life.” The other charges against Printz were similarly denied by the witnesses, and the English at Varkens Kill “confessed in the presence of the messenger” that they had not been driven off nor urged to become Swedish subjects, but of their own accord were “inclined to devotion to Her Royal Majesty.” The testimony of Timon Stidden and “Gottfried Harmer, the merchantman”, also substantiated the Swedish charges against Lamberton that he had promised to sell arms and powder to the Indians, an act against the laws of all Christian peoples.

Copies of this examination and court proceedure as well as that of the previous year were sent to Governor Winthrop, accompanied by a letter in which the “Swedes denied what they had been charged with and used large expressions of their respect to the English and particularly to the Massachusetts Colony.” Governor Winthrop acknowledged the receipt of the letters and documents on March 21, “accepting and thankfully receiving the spirit of good will and greatest friendship displayed towards the English people”, and stating that he was not at liberty to reply at length, but that “a full and particular response [could be expected] at the next meeting of the commissioners [of the United Colonies].”[14]

II.

The year of 1643 was successful commercially and otherwise, but the colony suffered a setback in the beginning of 1644. The Swedes lacked merchandise and the anticipated expedition failed to arrive. As a result the company sustained a loss of over 20,000 fl., for the beaver trade went to the Dutch and English, who had merchandise in abundance. The Dutch and English traders continued to visit the colony with their cargoes, but they demanded and received very high prices, as the Swedes had no alternative but to buy from them.

In March the _Fama_ at last arrived with a large cargo. A quantity of cloth and stockings had been ruined, while lying in a cellar at Gothenburg, but a large number of articles necessary in the settlement were landed safely, among which may be mentioned three large saws for a sawmill, eight grind-stones, one pair of stones for a handmill, one pair of large mill-stones, five anchors, six pumps with necessary repairs and a hide of pump leather, twelve small and eight large augers, four compasses, thirty-six blocks, two hundred and fifty copper kettles, several barrels of lime and pitch, a few thousand bricks, two hundred barrels of flour, twenty barrels of Spanish salt, ten hogsheads of French wine, one hogshead of brandy, several hundred yards of cloth for flags and for clothes for the people, ten gilded flag-pole knobs, three hundred pairs of shoes, two hundred pairs of stockings, one hundred and forty-five shirts, besides a variety of other goods and merchandise. Johan Papegoja, two young nobleman, Per and Knut Liljehök, the barber-surgeon Hans Janeke, a number of soldiers and a few colonists arrived on this expedition; but the population was only slightly increased, since others returned to Sweden with the ship. In the spring of 1643 Printz applied to the government for a grant of Tinicum Island. The council of state complied with his request, and a “capital donation of that place called Tinnaco or New Gothenborg for Printz and for his lawful heirs”, dated November 6, 1643, was on the vessel.

Towards the end of March Huygen inventoried the stock in the storehouse. The Indian trade could begin anew. Messengers were sent to the aborigines with gifts for the chiefs and _sachems_. The traffic was so lively that 300 beaver skins were bought in the Schuylkill before the _Fama_ sailed, and several hundred skins were purchased at other trading posts. Yet the greater part of the cargo had to be made up of tobacco. Only about 5,000 pounds were available in the colony, but English merchants, being informed of the matter, came to the rescue, and offered for sale several thousand pounds more than were necessary. These merchants also sold quantities of other goods, partly for beavers, partly on credit.

But trade and commercial activities were not allowed to interfere with agriculture and other domestic duties. The old plantations were enlarged during the winter and early spring, and the forest had been removed on comparatively big areas when seeding time came. New ground had been cleared “in the Schuylkill”, where a strong blockhouse was erected for the safety of the settlers who resided there. The blockhouse probably served the double purpose of a dwelling house for the lieutenant and his men and of a store house and trading post. It was located on “the island in the Schuylkill”, where Korsholm was later built, “and little stone cannon[15] were placed upon it.” Lieutenant Måns Kling was stationed there, but without soldiers, as the freemen and servants of the place were called upon to do service in case of need. As time went on several dwellings seem to have been erected in the neighborhood of the blockhouse.

When planting time drew near the newly cleared plots were broken, and the slow steady oxen could be seen plodding their way among the stumps, where the plough, “turning over the sod,” prepared the soil for the grain, while laborers were at work, planting tobacco at several openings in the wood. Since the Indian corn failed to produce desired results and since it could be bought cheaply from the savages, none was planted this spring; and all the corn plantations of the previous year were put into tobacco. There were now three large plantations in New Sweden besides one or more smaller ones. The most important field was at Upland, where twelve men, including the expert planter, were engaged, Christina was the next largest tobacco tract, and eleven planters were stationed there, while seven men were employed to cultivate the plant near “the blockhouse in the Schuylkill.”

Not only was agriculture improved and placed on a more prosperous footing with the arrival of Printz, but cattle and horse raising was looked after. The swine which had been allowed to run wild were partly kept in pens or herded by Anders Mink and his son. The horses were always grazed on enclosed pastures, but the cattle were allowed to roam at large through the woods in the neighborhood of the settlements herded by Sven Svensson. The sheep were probably confined within fenced areas, as it was difficult to keep them away from the fields under cultivation, and the goats were likely chained to posts, and moved from place to place, or allowed to follow the cattle or sheep. We may assume with a fair degree of certainty that the orchards and other smaller tracts were enclosed with wooden fences to keep out the cattle, when these were driven home at night. The cattle were kept in “the barn-yard” during the night to prevent them from being lost. In Sweden the milking was done by the women, but men often did it in the colony, where they were compelled to perform all kinds of “women’s labor.”

In accordance with his instruction Printz also attempted to establish manufactories. Two of the three regularly employed carpenters had been ill most of the winter and spring of 1643–4, but the third one was kept busy on lighter work, and, as soon as the others were able, they made “two large beautiful boats, one for use at Elfsborg the other at Fort Christina.” The boats were built near Fort Christina, where a wharf had been erected, the first on the Delaware. At this place Lauris, the Cooper, and Lucas Persson made barrels, wooden milk pails, tubs, tobacco casks “and other cooper’s articles.” There were two blacksmith-shops in New Sweden at this time, one at the Upland settlement and one within the walls of Fort Christina. The blacksmith Michel Nilsson worked at the former place and Hans Rosback at the latter. These two men made new tools and farm-implements, and did the necessary repairs in the colony.

New Sweden was now on a prosperous footing. As summer approached the conditions greatly improved. With the new supplies health and happiness returned, to the people, and the hope for the future was bright. The colony had been re-organized and divided into districts, which were well protected by three strong forts and two blockhouses against the savages and the attack of foreign vessels.

Two sloops and two large boats were available for trading expeditions to the neighboring colonies and for the transportation of goods; and it is likely that the freemen had small boats and canoes for fishing and for going from place to place. The windmill ground most of the corn bought from the Indians as well as the grain harvested in the colony. In June Printz wrote that “Anders Dreijer was continually in the mill”, and it is probable that he continued his work there throughout 1644.

Much was still wanting in the settlement, however, and Printz asked for a brickmaker, a wagon-maker, a tanner, a mason and a fortification engineer (?) besides 20,000 bricks and various other supplies; and Papegoja suggested that the company should send over more “good axes, good thick iron spades, good hoes to hoe up the ground with and another kind of broad hoes with which to hoe the grass.” But the most pressing need was for people. “There is a great cry for people, for here are few,” says Papegoja, and Printz likewise complained that there were entirely too few colonists.

Several improvements were also suggested by Printz. The soldiers and servants were often supplied from the goods bought from foreign merchants, who visited New Sweden, but the governor found this system to be impractical, since the company in this manner not only reduced its profits but at times even suffered a loss. Hence he proposed the erection of “a trading place and a shop,” supplied “with all sorts of provisions, small wares, cloth and other goods.” “A wise and faithful man [should be appointed to superintend it], who could give them on their salaries as much [of the goods] as each one needed.” The trade with the Indians could not be conducted to advantage without a supply of _sewant_. As the South River Indians were poor and had little or no “money,” the Swedes were compelled to buy “_sewant_ from New Amsterdam and from New England, where it was made.” Here it could be bought cheaply from the savages, and, in order that the company might be able to watch the market and buy the wampum direct from the makers, Printz suggested that a “faithful agent” should be permanently stationed at the above mentioned places.

In 1643 the Dutch at Manathans captured several Spanish prizes valued at over 50,000 R. D., according to their own statements, and Printz was of opinion, since New Sweden was better situated, being nearer the Spanish colonies, that it would be to the advantage of the government to have a good and well armed ship in the river for the purpose of preying on the “Spanish silver fleets.” Governor Printz embodied his suggestions in a long Report, and made a list of the things necessary in the settlement, as the _Swan_ was about to set sail in June.

In his instruction as well as in private letters from Sweden, Printz was admonished to be on friendly terms with the natives. He endeavored to follow these directions, and he was invariably successful in keeping peace with the red men; but he had no great confidence in them. In a letter to Per Brahe he describes them as follows: “They are big and strong, well built men; paint themselves terribly in the face, differently, not one like unto the other, and go about with only a piece of cloth about half an ell broad around the waist and down about the hips. They are revengeful, cunning in dealings and doing, clever in making all kinds of things from lead, copper and tin and also carve skilfully in wood. They are good and quick marksmen with their arrows” and above all are not to be trusted.

The relations between the Swedes and the Indians were not always peaceful. The savages had attacked the Dutch and English colonies with success in 1644, and the tribes in New Sweden became proud and pretentious. In order to impose upon them and make them believe that a large number of Swedish settlers were about to arrive, Printz “told them the whole year” that he expected ships with a great many colonists and large supplies. Finding, however, that only one ship arrived with few colonists, the savages took courage, “fell in between Tinicum and Upland, and murdered a man and [his] wife on their bed; and a few days later they killed two soldiers and a workman.” “But when the chiefs saw that Printz assembled his people to avoid future attack, they were frightened, collected from all parts, excused themselves, saying that it had happened without their knowledge, and sued for peace.” Peace was granted them on the condition, says Printz, “that if they hereafter committed the least offence against our people, then we would not let a soul of them live.” The treaty was signed by the chiefs and likely by the Swedes, and gifts were exchanged according to the Indian custom. But Printz wrote that “they trust us in no wise, and we trust them still less”; and Papegoja said that the colony was in great danger from the savages.

Governor Printz continued to treat the Indians with consideration, and always avoided friction during his governorship; but this was of necessity and not out of kindness nor love for them. He was a warrior with a warrior’s ideas, and the best way in his opinion to solve the Indian problem was to exterminate “the Americans.” Accordingly he proposed in view of the troubles of 1644, that a force of 200 soldiers should be sent to his aid, with which he would be able to “break the neck of every Indian in the river.” Such a course would be no loss to the beaver trade, he said, but rather the reverse, for these Indians (the Delawares) were poor, and had only maize to sell; and it would open the way for an unmolested trade with the Black and White Minquas. It would also strengthen the title to New Sweden, for when the Swedes “had not only purchased the river, but also won it with the sword; then no one, whosoever he be, Hollander or Englishman, could now or in coming times make pretentions to this place.” It is possible that these ideas were inspired by Governor Kieft, and that the two governors planned concerted action. Fortunately, however, the request of Printz for 200 soldiers was not granted by the government at Stockholm. We might otherwise have had the bloody history of New Amsterdam repeated in New Sweden.

As a result of Indian troubles and lack of merchandise, the trade was slack during the summer and early autumn, only a few sales being recorded. The English merchants returned in the fall to collect their outstanding accounts as well as to trade, and Isaac Allerton sold fourteen bushels of barley for seed, one pair of mill-stones and a Dutch bushel measure. Other English and Dutch traders exchanged lumber and ammunition for beaver skins and tobacco. A journey to New England was also undertaken with the sloop, but little is known about this expedition.

The usual work occupied the colonists during the summer--the cultivation of tobacco, the cutting of hay and the harvesting of the grain. A good crop was laid up, as the weather was favorable for grain in 1644. About 6,920 pounds of tobacco were dried and stored. At the rate of 7 stivers per pound the tobacco would be worth 2,422 florins. As 29 men had been engaged in cultivating the tobacco, making 83½ florins the amount realized on the labor of each man, the result does not seem to have been very satisfactory.

III.

In the beginning of 1645 the traffic with the Indians began anew and in the early spring merchants from the neighboring colonies again arrived to collect old bills and to sell their cargoes.

When the warm weather returned the freemen’s labors of former years repeated themselves. The fields were sown with grain, the gardens were planted with seeds, and the cattle were left to wander through the woods or across the grassy meadows under the care of the herdsmen.

In the summer Governor Printz ordered the sloop to New Amsterdam to buy cattle and provisions. Nine oxen were purchased for ninety-six beavers and one horse for thirty beavers. “A pair of mill-stones for the wind mill” was obtained for two beavers, and twelve barrels of lime for one skin. In the autumn 449 beaver skins were bought from the savages at the Schuylkill, and an Indian guide was sent to invite the Minquas to the settlement for trading purposes. But the traffic could not be conducted with much vigor, as there was a want of merchandise. The governor and colonists waited for ships and supplies from Sweden, but the summer came and passed, the grain grew and was harvested, and no ships nor supplies arrived. John Wilcox, Jeremiah Clerk and Mr. Spindle relieved the most pressing needs by their cargoes, and furnished some merchandise for the peltry trade.

In spite of various drawbacks, however, the colony grew in prosperity. The windmill was re paired for the autumn grinding. The oxen and the horse bought at New Amsterdam enlarged the possibilities of agriculture, and the fields were somewhat increased. A piece of land, not “properly bought from the Indians,” had been occupied, giving rise to disputes with two chiefs, who demanded pay for the tract. On September 20, 1645, four yards of cloth and about nine yards of _sewant_ were presented to the chiefs for their claim. This seems to have settled the question, and the colonists were henceforth undisturbed in their possession.

The winter of 1645 was now approaching. Provisions were purchased from the neighbors and the Indians, and all kinds of necessary supplies were provided for the cold weather. Omens seemed more favorable than previous years, and the settlers were happier than ever before in their new home. But a month before the Christmas holidays a terrible misfortune befell the little colony. It was on the 25th of November, 1645. The governor had gone to rest in Printz Hall; the soldiers and settlers of New Gothenborg had withdrawn to their quarters for the night; the lights in the dwellings were extinguished; all was quiet and peaceful. The gunner Sven Vass was on duty as watchman; but Vass fell asleep and left his candle burning. Between ten and eleven an alarm was given,--the candle had set fire to the fort. The people rushed out of their dwellings to save what could be saved. But the flames grew with great rapidity, the powder chest exploded with terrible force. In a short while nearly everything was consumed in the storehouse. Printz Hall also burnt down, and the governor lost property to the value of 5,584 R. D. When morning dawned on the island of Tinicum, the little settlement there had greatly changed its appearance. Nothing but the barn remained. Cold set in, and the river froze over, preventing aid from reaching the unfortunate colonists who suffered terrible hardships, being cut off from the mainland from December until March. But warmth came at last, and connections were established with the other settlements.

Sven Vass was tried at a regular court in 1646. He was found guilty by Printz and the jury, and a verdict to that effect was pronounced. The case was reopened the following year, and “on February 8, 9, 10, 11, Anno 1647, ... a legal court was held in New Gothenborg in New Sweden ... at which an inquiry was made about what was consumed in the fire on the night of November 25 between 10 and 11 o’clock when New Gothenborg was burnt.” Before this court Vass was re-examined, and in March he was sent in irons to Sweden together with all the records and minutes in the cage, and the execution of the verdict was referred to the pleasure of Her Royal Majesty and the Right Honorable Company.

The fort and dwelling houses on Tinicum were gradually rebuilt, and the foundations were laid for a new church. The church was built of logs, and 2,000 clap boards were bought for the roof from some English in August. The belfry was probably built a few feet away from it, a custom common in Sweden and Finland in olden times. The church was fitted out somewhat in the style of the churches in the mother country. Simple decorations were used, and the alter was beautified with “a silver cloth,” purchased for the sum of thirty-seven and one-half florins. A burial place was laid out near the church, probably in front of it, and perhaps a fence was erected around it. The “handsome church” was ready in the autumn. September 4 was a day of rejoicing and thanksgiving. The colonists assembled in their new temple, and after a sermon and amid appropriate ceremonies, the Revs. Campanius and Fluviander officiating, the house of worship was dedicated for divine services. The cemetery was consecrated the same day. A month and a half later “the first corpse ..., that of Katarina, the daughter of Andreas Hansson was buried there.”

Printz Hall was also rebuilt “very splendidly ... with an orchard, a pleasure house and more such things.” Churchill states in one of his novels that the bricks used in building Carvel’s house were brought from England, and legends have been circulated that Old Swedes Church (_Gloria Dei_) was built of Swedish bricks. It has likewise been said, as late as 1909, that Printz Hall was built of bricks imported from Sweden. On the other hand it has been denied that bricks were shipped here at all. We have already seen that about 500 bricks were carried over on the first journey, and in 1643, “6,000 bricks together with half a last of lime were consigned to Governor Printz for the need of the country in New Sweden.” A few bricks were taken here as ballast on some of the expeditions, but these were used for making fireplaces and chimneys, and Swedish bricks were in no case used for building houses. Printz Hall was built of logs. It was two stories high and so arranged that it could be defended against attack. The lumber shipped over on the _Fama_ was used for the interior of the mansion, and ovens and two or more fireplaces with chimneys were constructed of bricks. The mansion had several rooms lighted by “windows of glass,” and it was not devoid of comfort, we may even say of luxury. The governor’s library was estimated at 200 R. D., and curtains and the like were valued at 120 R. D. ($780, a respectable sum for such decorations in those days).

There was no cause for friction between Printz and the Dutch agents when he arrived in 1643. On account of his troubles with the New Haven people he sought the friendship of the Dutch, who reciprocated his advances, as it was also to their advantage that the English be kept out of the river. The English had already caused trouble on the northern boundaries of New Netherland. Their intrusions in the South River tended to restrict the territory and hem in the colony of the Dutch and might form a basis for future operations of a more dangerous kind. For this reason the Dutch realized the importance of keeping out the English even with the aid of the Swedes. Printz secretly distrusted them, however, and foresaw that trouble was sure to come; but he was a shrewd diplomat, and expressed himself in the highest terms of friendship and good will towards them. When he arrived Willem Kieft protested against the Swedes, and claimed the entire river for the Dutch West India Company; but Printz in turn refuted these claims “with as good reasons as he could and knew how,” and the Dutch governor finally dropped the “protesting.” The two governors corresponded with one another frequently, and Governor Printz wrote to Sweden in 1644, that “the Dutch have been on friendly terms with us since I came here, especially their commander at Manhattan, Willem Kieft.” Jan Jansen, the commander of Fort Nassau, was likewise on good terms with the Swedes. He was one of the commissioners in the court which tried Lamberton, and he joined readily in all actions undertaken against the English.

In spite of this friendship Printz complained that the Dutch did not have proper respect for Her Royal Majesty’s power. They usurped as much as they could with all authority and advantage, and carried on their traffic without restraint. They traded at Fort Nassau and on the Schuylkill under commission from the Dutch West India Company. They were allowed to pass freely up and down the river, but were compelled to strike their flags before the Swedish forts. Printz could have prevented them from passing Fort Elfsborg by his cannon, but he had no instructions to keep them out of the river nor to hinder their trade. He also endeavored not to offend the Dutch in his dealings with the Indians, and he managed to erect a trading post on the Schuylkill, where he conducted an extensive beaver trade, without exciting their ire. “At times they loosened their tongues and protested vigorously against these encroachments,” but it never went beyond words. The Dutch were not strong enough to drive out the Swedes, and the two nations were on friendly terms in Europe.

In 1643 and again in 1644 the governor asked for more definite instruction in regard to the Dutch, but none were sent him. As soon as the danger of English encroachments was removed, he observed less caution in his dealings with his nearest neighbors, but while Jan Jansen was in command at Fort Nassau the relations between the rival settlements continued to be friendly. For form’s sake the Dutch commissary protested against the activities of Printz, and the Swedes went on building block houses and extending their Indian trade, paying little heed to the Dutch protests. The Dutch garrison (of twenty men) at Fort Nassau remained about the same. Jan Jansen did not try to extend the territory of the West India Company, and Governor Kieft was satisfied with the limits of his colony, giving Printz little cause for complaint.

But complaints against Kieft’s leniency in his treatment of the Swedes began to be heard in Holland, and he was accused of allowing his southern neighbors to usurp the South River. Other things also foreboded a change in the Dutch regime on the Delaware. The change came in the autumn of 1645. Jan Jansen was recalled, and on October 2 (12), Andraes Hudde was appointed his successor. Hudde arrived at Fort Nassau on November 1 (11), 1645, and now begins a new era in the Dutch-Swedish relations in America. He was a more active and aggressive commissary than Jansen and Governor Kieft now showed more concern about his trading posts on the South River.

Governor Printz had warned the company that if supplies were not speedily sent to Fort Christina the losses would run into thousands, but he waited, months passed and not even news came from Sweden. Accordingly the Indian trade was very poor the first half of 1646, partly on account of the severe weather but more particularly due to the Dutch traders, who had merchandise in plenty; and some deer skins and a few bushels of corn were the only purchases made from the savages from January until June. During the spring and autumn grain and other supplies were bought from the English, and Printz sent his sloop to New Amsterdam for provisions, although he was on unfriendly terms with the Dutch. In addition the crops were so poor that it was necessary to buy winter rye in New Netherland for seed.

In spite of unfavorable circumstances, however, new land was occupied, and some improvements were made. The old windmill was unsatisfactory and became quite insufficient, when the fields increased. Accordingly the governor built a dam, and erected a water mill on a convenient place, a short distance north of New Gothenborg, “no doubt at Cobb’s Creek, a tributary of Darby Creek,” where the water offered sufficient power for the driving of a water wheel, large enough to turn a pair of mill stones. A miller was stationed there continuously for a number of years. The colonists took their grain to the mill, where it was ground for a certain toll. A blockhouse was built near the mill to protect the colonists, who settled in the neighborhood, and the place was called Mölndal, “because the mill was there.” A short distance south of Mölndal another blockhouse was erected at this time which was called _New Vasa_.

IV.

In October, 1646, there was joy in the settlement. The _Gyllene Haj_ cast anchor before Fort Christina. The ship carried large supplies for the Indian trade and for the colony’s need. Some new settlers and soldiers also arrived. These were all ill on account of the troublesome journey, but they recuperated quickly after landing. The governor had hoped to be released from his post, as soon as his term of three years service had expired, but the government could find no one suitable for the place, and the Queen commanded him to remain in the country. He had now managed the colony for nearly five years, and “these years were longer and more arduous to him than all the previous twenty-four years he had served his fatherland.” Therefore, when he read the Queen’s letter he “became sad, but as he saw the signature by her Royal Majesty’s own hand he was so happy that he no longer remembered his former sadness.” A special day of thanksgiving was ordered, and the colonists came together in the new church at Tinicum to praise God with a holy “_Te Deum_ for His grace in having given the fatherland a Queen who was of age.”

The outlook was now brighter. The inhabitants of New Sweden could prepare for the winter with more eagerness than formerly, and could celebrate their Christmas with more joy in their hearts than in 1645. Duffels, corals, axes, kettles and a thousand other trinkets and valuables were available for the beaver trade. Several presents were given to Indian chiefs shortly after the arrival of the ship, and not many weeks later Henrick Huygen and Van Dyck with eight soldiers and an Indian guide marched 230 miles into the Minquas country to renew the old friendship with the Minquas and to re-establish the trade. Rich gifts of mirrors, corals, combs and the like were presented to the chiefs, who promised to traffic freely with the Swedes and to discontinue the beaver trade with the Dutch entirely. A few purchases of beaver skins and corn were made from the savages in the beginning of 1647, and the sloop was sent down the bay “to try to trade”; but the success was small and the traffic was slow in recuperating. It was therefore necessary to buy tobacco for the cargo of the _Haj_. The sloop was sent to Manhattan twice for the victualling of the ship on its long voyage and for provisions in the colony. The preparations for the return of the vessel were completed about the middle of February, and a little later the vessel set sail. The Rev. Fluviander[16] who arrived with Governor Printz in 1643, and a few colonists returned home, and Johan Papegoja was again sent to the mother country at the request of the officers and soldiers to report. Printz made a list of articles which he needed, and again suggested many improvements. He requested the company to send over a brickmaker as well as carpenters and other laborers, for he had a large barge almost ready, but was forced to postpone its completion until the arrival of more skilled workmen.

Printz also prepared a long report, dated February 20, 1647, to the New Sweden Company concerning the condition of the colony at this time. The population was still very small, only 183 souls in all. The freemen had improved their conditions since 1643, but the soldiers and servants were dissatisfied and desired to go home. Twenty-eight freemen were settled on farms or plantations, but we do not know the extent of their fields nor the number of cattle, sheep and other domestic animals they had. Sixteen oxen, one cow and a horse had been purchased at New Amsterdam for the company, but two of the oxen had either died or been sold to freemen, for in February the company owned only fourteen of these animals. The cattle imported from Sweden by the company had increased to ten. As to the swine, goats and sheep belonging to the company we know nothing, but it is probable that there was a good supply of them at this time. The horse purchased from the Dutch fared well, and was used for work on the land and by Printz in going about the settlements. In the previous autumn he ran away, but he was caught by an Indian, who was richly rewarded for his trouble.

Ever since the arrival of Hudde the relations between the Dutch and Swedes had been strained. Hudde bought land from the Indians, which had been purchased by the Swedes, and traded with the savages without any consideration for Printz. In the autumn of 1646 the Dutch attempted to make settlements north of present Philadelphia. A letter instructing Hudde to buy this land was received, while the owner was absent hunting; but Hudde, who would not risk being anticipated by Printz, took possession of the lands two weeks before the purchase was made. When the owner returned from his hunt on September 12, deeds were drawn up and signed. “Having concluded the purchase, the proprietor went with Hudde in person, and the honorable company’s arms being fixed to a pole was set in the ground on the extreme boundary.” The purchase included Wicacoa (Philadelphia), and stretched northward along the river for some miles. The Dutch freemen soon erected a dwelling and a blockhouse on the land; but when Printz became aware of it he built a guard house in the neighborhood of the Dutch, and sent “his quartermaster and other Swedes to tear down and destroy the Dutch buildings.”

Protests and counter protests followed in rapid succession. On October 13 (23), Hudde sent a final answer to Printz’s counter protest. The protest was delivered to the Swedish governor by Alexander Boyer and two soldiers, who appear to have been treated rather uncivilly by Printz. According to the Dutch the governor did not even answer Boyer’s salutation of “Good morning,” and threw the document to the ground, commanding one of his inferiors to take care of it. Paying no attention whatever to the Dutch deputation, he proceeded to consult with some English from New Haven, and when Boyer requested an answer to carry back to his superior “he was pushed out of doors, the governor having taken a gun from the wall, as he could see, to shoot him.” Hudde’s account, however, must not be taken too literally, and there is no likelihood that the gun incident has any foundation in truth. The events were reported to Governor Kieft, but nothing could be done. The garrison at Fort Nassau was too weak to allow anything but words to be employed against an adversary like Governor Printz, and the force at New Amsterdam could not be diminished.

In the fur trade, however, the Dutch continued to have the upper hand, but when the ship arrived Printz improved his opportunities. The blockhouse on the Schuylkill, which had been built as a protection against the Indians, could not oppose the Dutch nor keep out their trading vessels. The Swedish governor therefore decided to build a fort by which he could regulate and monopolize the Indian trade, and maintain his jurisdiction against his neighbors. The stronghold was erected near the blockhouse “on the south side of a very convenient island about a gunshot from the mouth of the Schuylkill”. Logs and timbers had been cut in the previous autumn and the early part of 1647, and in February the fortress was almost finished. It was called _Fort New Korsholm_ as it was located on an island (_holm_, meaning island), and Måns Kling, the commander of the old blockhouse, was given charge of it. A gunner and a few soldiers were also stationed there.

Some new dwellings were built by the Swedes in the spring, and on the twenty-first of May, Printz purchased a certain tract of land from the Minquas. The land extended “on the west shore from Philadelphia to Trenton Falls and twenty-four yards of cloth, sixty-five yards of _sewant_, six axes, four kettles, seven knives, five pounds of corals, two silvered chains, four hundred and fifty fishhooks, besides a number of other trinkets, were given for the district. It was bought from two chiefs, Siscohoke and Mechekyralames, of the Minquas (Mantas?) Indians, and Printz “set his fence thereupon.”

It appears that tobacco raising was discontinued after 1646, as it proved unprofitable. Grain and Indian corn were now the staple products, and New Sweden had become an agricultural rather than a commercial colony, due to lack of support from the mother country and the nature and inclination of the settlers. The Indian trade, which had been of small account during the winter, was renewed in the early spring. Huygen was again sent into the country of the Black Minquas with merchandise. The good will of the chiefs was as usual bought by handsome gifts, and the journey was very successful, resulting in the purchase of several hundred skins. The sloop was sent into the Schuylkill and down to the bay, and the peltry traffic was continued throughout the summer with good profits. The English merchants who visited the river exchanged their wares for quantities of beaver skins, supplying new merchandise to the Swedes, with which they could buy peltries. An English bark valued at 200 florins was purchased by Governor Printz for 98 skins. Another journey was made to New Amsterdam to buy Indian corn, and Knut Persson was sent to New England to exchange merchandise for _sewant_ and oxen. Persson returned to Christina in the early autumn.

In August the beaver trade was renewed with the Black Minquas, and a supply of maize was bought from the river Indians. It seems that the crops were poor in 1647, for in October 100 bushels of peas, 120 bushels of rye and a quantity of corn-flour were purchased from William Whiting. Little is known of the internal history of the settlement from March, 1647, until the beginning of 1648. A Christian Indian named Ondaaiondiont, from the Catholic mission of New France, visited the Swedes on his way to the Andastoes in 1647. He is said to have criticised the life of the Swedes and to have reproached them of thinking more of the beaver trade than of converting the savages to Christianity.

In January, 1648, the _Swan_ anchored in Christina harbor with one of the largest cargoes ever sent to New Sweden. Johan Papegoja returned on this ship, and Rev. Lock was among the passengers. Printz now confidently expected his recall, as he had made new appeals to the government; but he was again disappointed and directed to remain, until another could be found for his place.

The supplies which arrived on the ship for the colonists and soldiers greatly improved their comfort. Printz displayed his usual activity. New land was allotted to the freemen, and large quantities of timber were prepared at the Schuylkill during the winter months. The island of Mekekanckon near Trenton Falls was bought from an Indian chief, and three different trading journeys were made inland into the Minquas country for over 150 miles. This trade was so successful that more than 1,200 skins were obtained for the cargo of the _Swan_.

In the spring “a list of the people who were still alive in New Sweden” was prepared. It contains but 79 names including the slave, since only the adult male inhabitants are enumerated. The officers and soldiers were all anxious to return home; but the life of the freeman was more tolerable than before, and many seem to have reached a certain degree of prosperity. In May the _Swan_ returned to Sweden. The colony now lost two or three of its most faithful servants, and a few freemen and soldiers. Printz sent his _fourth relation_, and other documents (all of which seem to have been lost), and on the day before the vessel sailed Papegoja wrote to the chancellor, requesting permission to leave the country and enter the naval service, unless more colonists soon arrived. The account books and journals in which the monthly salaries of the officers, soldiers and servants and their accounts with the company and with the governor were entered and in which the sales, purchases and transactions with the laborers and savages were recorded from 1643 until May, 1648, were also sent to Sweden on the _Swan_. The account book, which contains a record of all goods bought and sold in the colony and given to the Indians in the above mentioned five years, is now preserved in the Archives of the Exchequer at Stockholm in good condition. The _Schuldtboeck_ (written in Dutch) in which the individual accounts of the colonists were entered is now preserved in the Royal Archives. The book is defective, the upper front corners of the pages being moulded away and other parts being unreadable. It contains several facts not found elsewhere and many interesting details concerning the trade of the colony.

The Reverend Johan Campanius Holm, who after serving “well nigh five years with great danger of death night and day in a heathenish country among ferocious pagans,” was granted a benefice in Sweden, “able to support him with his wife and numerous little children,” and he returned to the mother country on the _Swan_. He has deservedly become the best known of the early Swedish preachers in America. He performed his ecclesiastical duties with seriousness and zeal, and was often “obliged without any regard to the weather to go from one place to the other to visit the settlers with the Word and the Sacrament”; he labored for the conversion of the Indians, who came to listen to his sermons in silent wonder, and he translated the Lutheran Catechism into their language for the first time. Being a man of a broad education, he had wide interests; he made “astronomical observations,” noted the length of the day, collected facts about the climate and other phenomena, and gathered material for a _Description of America and the Indians_, and was a farmer as well. It is therefore not surprising that he left a lasting memory in the settlement, and for nearly two centuries a legend was circulated “to the effect that ... he journeyed into the country among the [savages] and made his way to Sweden by land.”[17]

V.

Governor Printz had seen his happiest days on the Delaware, and the remaining years of his rule were full of troubles and disappointments. Peter Stuyvesant had replaced Governor Kieft as director of New Netherland. He was a man of tremendous energy, scrupulously faithful in discharging his duties and over zealous in promoting the interests of his superiors, and he was not to be accused of allowing the Swedes to usurp the river without a protest. He supported his commissary at Fort Nassau with all power, and encouraged the Dutch trade there.

During the winter Printz was active collecting building material in the Schuylkill. News about it reached Governor Stuyvesant, who at once ordered his commissary to settle down beside the Swedes, in case they should come to build and settle on any new and unoccupied places. Accordingly Hudde secured new titles to certain lands from two Indian chiefs, who told the Swedes in the Schuylkill to depart from their homes, as they had come there “in a sneaking way” without permission from the right owners. He also prepared to build a fort. Printz having obtained information about the doings of his neighbors, sent seven or eight men the same day under command of Huygen to deliver a protest against the Dutch, and to enquire on what authority and by what orders they presumed to build there. But the Indians were ill disposed towards the Swedes, who were unable to remove the Dutch, and Hudde “pushed forward the unfinished work and had the house surrounded by palisades.” The new stronghold was called Fort Beversreede, as it was to control the beaver trade in the Schuylkill. Some freemen also prepared to settle there and fruit trees were planted near the blockhouse. Måns Kling, however, soon approached the place “with 24 men” fully armed with loaded guns and lighted matches, “destroyed the fruit and cut down the trees in front of the fort.” Stuyvesant finally determined to go to the South River himself, but his journey was deferred. In his place he sent two officers, next to himself in command, “Vice-Director van Dincklage and Mr. de la Montagne with orders and commands to transact the business [on the South River] to the greatest benefit and advantage of the Honorable Company.” Old titles were renewed, and several Dutch freemen were assigned land on the Schuylkill. Hans Jacobsen prepared to build there in June, but Gustaf Printz, who had been instructed to prevent him, went there and ordered him to tear down with his own hands what he had built. On his refusal to do so Printz tore it down himself and burnt the material. In the autumn Governor Printz built a log house in front of the Dutch fort, which was thus completely shut off from the river. He also gave strict orders to his commander at Fort Korsholm “not to allow any post or stake to be set in the ground and to prevent by friendly words or by force” any attempts of the Dutch at building. He also stationed two men in the river to keep a close watch. The Swedish governor was clearly holding more than his own in these quarrels. The Dutch appealed to New Amsterdam, but received no aid.

In 1649 Governor Printz bought a small district on the eastern shore of the Delaware, a narrow strip north of the former limits of New Sweden, between the Mantas and Raccoon Creeks. The commercial activities, if we are to believe in Dutch reports, were very lively at this time. Hudde writes in 1649 “that the trade in beavers with the savages amounts at present to 30 or 40 and more thousands of beavers during one trading season.” Since the Swedes monopolized the trade (to the exclusion of others) it is to be inferred that their beaver traffic approached the above sum in 1649; but these estimates must be greatly exaggerated, and the Indian trade in New Sweden could hardly have reached one-fourth of the above mentioned sum annually.

In 1650 the troubles with the Dutch increased, and neither news nor supplies came from Sweden. But the year proved prosperous, as the weather was favorable to the grain. The Dutch abandoned Fort Beversreede, and Stuyvesant was somewhat uneasy, as he was aware that a ship with a large cargo was expected by the Swedes. In July, however, Augustine Herrman brought news that the ship had stranded at Porto Rico and been captured by the Spaniards. Stuyvesant took pains to inform the Swedes of the disaster. But Printz did not lose heart. At this time a Dutch vessel was in the river ready to return to Europe, offering him an opportunity to write letters to the Queen, to the chancellor, to Brahe and to Trotzig in which he urged them to send over new supplies, additional soldiers and more colonists. He had written five times to Sweden in the last two years and three months, but had received no reply either from the mother country or from the company’s agents in Holland. He reported that large territories had been purchased from the Indians, although the Dutch protested against it daily, but there were entirely too few colonists to improve the land. He had the upper hand in the quarrels with the Dutch, and had resisted their attempts at settlements within the Swedish boundary line. The freemen were in a prosperous condition and “all well except in a few cases”; they were mostly provided with oxen and other domestic animals, which were increasing and growing more numerous yearly; they cultivated the land in earnest and could sell over one hundred barrels of grain; they not only had fields of rye and barley, but also prepared orchards and planted valuable fruit trees which grew spendidly; their greatest trouble was the lack of servants and some of them desired wives. In addition to these letters Sven Skute was sent to Sweden to explain the conditions more fully and, if possible, to awaken the company and government to action.

The Indians continued to be friendly, but the trade went almost entirely to the Dutch. Traders from Virginia and New Amsterdam visited the settlement as before, “daily offering for sale everything one’s heart can desire, although at treble prices”; and in 1650 English merchants from Barbadoes came to the Delaware with their goods. In December Gyllengren in company with other officers was sent to New Amsterdam to procure some supplies there, and he purchased “divers merchandise amounting to the sum of 158½ good winter beavers.”

The summer and autumn of 1650 and the winter of 1651 passed quietly, and there were few disturbing elements. The summer of 1651 was favorable for the crops, and the colony harvested “very beautiful grain besides all other valuable fruits, and nothing was needed but more colonists.”

The dispute with the Dutch, however, took a dangerous turn in the autumn. Stuyvesant had become tired of the many complaints which came from the South River. Twice he had determined to go there, but each time he had been hindered. In the spring of 1651 he again had in mind to proceed in person to Fort Nassau, but urgent duties once more detained him. He knew that the forces at the disposal of Printz were small and his resources limited. It was therefore likely that a single ship would be able to restore the balance of power to the Dutch, check “the insolence” of the Swedes and prevent merchants from trading in the river without a permit from the Dutch West India Company or from Stuyvesant. Accordingly a vessel was sent to the South River in the beginning of May. “On May 8,” says Printz, “a ship with cannon and people well armed arrived here from New Amsterdam. The vessel placed itself half a mile (about 3½ English miles) below our Fort Christina, closing the river so that no ship could proceed unmolested either up or down.” But Governor Printz was not daunted. He made ready his little yacht, and ordered it with people, cannon and ammunition down the river to meet the Dutch. It seems that the captain had been instructed by Stuyvesant not to provoke or begin hostilities, for when the Swedish yacht appeared “he tried no hostility against” it, but withdrew his ship, and returned to Manhattan. “And thus,” says Printz, “we secured the river open again.”

It was now clear to Stuyvesant that effective measures must be taken and a large force must be employed, if he were to be able to cope with the active and alert governor of New Sweden. He at once began to prepare a new expedition. He did it all on his own authority, however, without even advising the directors about it, and the preparations were conducted so secretly that Printz was unaware of his danger before the Dutch approached. Stuyvesant marched across the country with 120 men, and arrived at Fort Nassau on June 25, where eleven ships (four well armed), which had sailed around the coast, met him. To impress the Swedes with his strength he cruised with his little fleet up and down the river, “drumming and cannonading.” Against such a force Printz could accomplish nothing. He manned his yacht with thirty men, and followed the Dutch, but he “did not dare to attempt anything” of a hostile character. Governor Stuyvesant sent letters and messengers to Printz, claiming the entire river by first possession and discovery and certain lands by purchase, effected years before the Swedes arrived. Printz in turn answered these protests, and presented arguments for the Swedish claims.

In the meantime Stuyvesant arranged several conferences with the Indians, and gained their good will through gifts and promises. He also obtained title to the land on the west side of the Delaware from Minquas Kill down to the Bay. The chief Peminacka, “as the present and ceding proprietor,” speaking for the other chiefs, presented the land as a free gift; his only stipulation being that “whenever anything was the matter with his gun, it should be repaired for nothing, and when he came empty among the Dutch they should remember [to give] him some maize.” As this land had been bought by the Swedes, Printz at once called a conference of the Indians, who formerly owned it, and disproved the Dutch title. Protests and copies of deeds were thereupon sent to Governor Stuyvesant, but he paid no heed to these papers. Having ordered the force, which came across the country, on board his little fleet, he sailed down the river to a convenient spot on the west bank between Christina and Elfsborg, and landed 200 men there. The erection of a fort was immediately begun on a peninsula near the present New Castle. The stronghold was completed about August 1. It was about 210 feet long and about half as wide. 12 pieces of ordnance were placed on its bulwarks, and it was well provided with ammunition. It was called _Fort Casimir_, for what reason is not quite clear. Fort Nassau was demolished, and its cannon were taken to the new fort. Fort Casimir commanded the river, and from now on all traders were compelled to pay duty to the Dutch. Two warships were also stationed in the Delaware to aid the garrison in enforcing Stuyvesant’s decrees. During his stay Governor Stuyvesant broke down “Her Royal Majesty’s arms and pole, made prizes of Virginian barks, and compelled the English to pay duty or recognition on the goods they had sold to the Swedes for four years” past.

When the directors of the Dutch West India Company heard of Stuyvesant’s expedition, they were greatly surprised, and expressed concern about the consequences. “God grant,” they wrote, “that what your Honor has done may turn out for the best. We cannot express our opinion of it, before we have ... heard how the complaints of the Swedish governor will be received by the Queen.” The directors had made some overtures about fixing the boundaries on the South River by a treaty with Sweden, but no definite action seems to have been taken.

VI.

The Dutch were now masters on the Delaware. The two warships undoubtedly returned to New Amsterdam before the winter set in; but Printz had not a sufficient force to regain what the Dutch had taken and his instruction cautioned him to begin no hostility. He made the best of the situation, however, concentrated his forces, and awaited new arrivals from Sweden. Fort New Elfsborg was abandoned and left to decay, as it was no longer the key to the river. The garrisons of Mölndal and New Korsholm were also withdrawn. The Indians fell off from the Swedes on account of the activities of Stuyvesant. The beaver trade was monopolized by the Dutch, and the trade with foreign merchants was poor. The settlers were dissatisfied, and there were few on whom Printz could depend in an emergency. “For three years and nine months” the governor had had “absolutely no orders nor assistance” from the mother country, and he was becoming nervous about the situation. On the first of August he made reports, imploring the government and the company to send new cargoes by the following spring. But the spring of 1652 passed, bringing neither ship nor succor from Europe.

Printz, however, made use of every means at his command. The carpenters were kept busy, mending the forts and building boats, when they were not employed in the erection of houses. A sloop had been built at the wharf of Christina for which sails were brought over on the _Swan_ in 1648. It was used by Printz on official business, and the expenses connected with its construction and rigging out were charged to the admiralty. The governor had requested the company to station a vessel in the river, which could be used for various purposes; but his letters were not even answered. Consequently he determined to build a ship himself and in August, 1652, he wrote that “the ship was ready on the river except for sails, tackle, cannon and crew, that were too expensive to hire and buy here.” The vessel was of about 200 tons burden, a large boat for that time, and it seems that Printz intended to use her in defending the river, as well as for preying on Spanish commerce.

Heavy rains did damage to the grain in 1652, and “the troubles were daily increasing,” “but the freemen had bread enough.” On August 30 Printz again wrote to the authorities in Sweden. The Indian trade was ruined, since the Swedes had no cargoes to sell; the savages showed signs of unrest; the Hollanders pressed hard upon the settlement, and the foreigners expressed the opinion that the government at Stockholm had entirely forsaken its people in the wilderness. Printz was ill and unable to exert his former energy. The Swedes themselves were dissatisfied, and many deserted. In April and again in July the following year Printz dispatched new letters and reports. Supplies and people must be sent, he says, or “the labor and expense which has been applied on this well begun work will come to nought.” To emphasize the urgency of his needs he also sent his son Gustaf Printz to the fatherland.

In the autumn the situation reached a crisis, and a “revolt” arose against Governor Printz. Several colonists, who had real or imaginary grievances against the governor, presented a written supplication of eleven articles, signed by twenty-two settlers. The document states that the colonists were “at no hour or time secure as to life and property”; it complained that the settlers were prohibited from trading with either the savages or Christians, although the governor never neglected an opportunity of traffic with these parties; the governor was charged with and accused of passing judgment in his own favor against the opinions of the jury; he was accused of forbidding the colonists from grinding their flour at the mill, and of withholding from them the use of the “fish-waters, the trees in the woods, the grass on the ground and the land to plant on, from which they had their nourishment.” On account of these and other troubles the petitioners said they “were obliged to send two men to Her Royal Majesty and the Honorable Company in the mother country to ascertain if they were entirely neglected ... and what they should do, since they were not able to seek their sustenance in this country.” The petition kindled the wrath of the governor. Anders Jönsson, who appears to have been the leader of the opposition, was arrested, tried and “executed on a charge of treachery on August 1, 1653.” Rev. Lock was also involved in the disturbance, but for some reason his freedom and office were not interfered with.

Two days after the execution of Anders Jönsson, the governor replied to the charges. The petitioners were addressed as rebels, and their petition was answered point for point. Only the fur trade with the savages was prohibited and only two islands belonging to the place of the governor’s residence were set aside for Printz (“and this was done ... before Kingsessing was colonized,” hence they had no right to complain); “everyone had liberty to grind on the mill for toll, but at certain times only, since the miller dared not remain at the mill continually on account of the savages.” Printz also denied all other charges, referring to the documents, minutes and judgments for a justification of his acts; and he was very willing to have two men go to Sweden, “the sooner the better.”

But the answer did not satisfy the petitioners, who were silenced only for the time being. In a later document presented the following year, the old charges against Governor Printz were repeated and new ones were put forth. The freemen, says the complaint, were set to work on his plantations; they built his houses and made planks, which he appropriated for his own use without remuneration; they were compelled to harvest his grain before their own, and their sleds were taken from them in harvest time, so that their grain was spoiled by the rain. “Thus,” continues the charge, “we have been treated more contrary to law than according to law. For example Clemet the Finn had a handmill together with Anders, Johan and Måns, the Finn. [Later] Clemet bought the mill from the other Finns; and, when he got the mill, he went after it and fetched it to himself in his house. As this [had happened] he immediately made it known to the governor. Then, when Clemet came to church, on a common day of prayer, the governor called Clemet to himself before the sermon, and asked him why he had taken the mill? Clemet answered: ‘the mill is mine.’ Then the governor said, ‘you rascal, shall you take the mill without asking me?’ With this he seized Clemet, struck him firstly in the hall and followed him with blows and strikes until he fell down, and yet further he struck him on the ground, so that he lost his health through it. In addition he threw him into the church, and the day after he let him be brought into the chest [prison] at Christina, where he lay for eight days. When he had recovered somewhat he [the governor] took him out and let him do work for some weeks.” Such and other equally grave or graver charges were laid against Printz, but we must make allowance. That some of the charges were true goes without saying, but the majority were undoubtedly unfounded. Acrelius gives the correct view when he says “that it is probable that the Swedes, after they came to this _Canaan_ and got a taste of an unknown good, tired of such labor as was nothing more than was usual at home, and thus conceived an unmerited hatred to their governor.”[18]

Printz discharged his office as governor with no small ability, but he was at a great disadvantage on account of inadequate and insufficient assistance. He petitioned several times for “a learned and able man who could administer justice and attend to the law business.” Very intricate cases came up and “it was difficult ... for one and the same person to appear in court as a plaintiff as well as a judge.” But Printz waited in vain for an assistant, and did his best under the circumstances. His government was at times harsh and probably tyrannical, but it required a strong hand to manage the rough and unruly element. The majority of the colonists were peaceful and law abiding, but there were those who had little regard for order and law. In 1650 Printz reported that he had not thirty men under his charge whom he could trust, and some time earlier Papegoja wrote that “it was very hard for him to remain here, for he received only rebuke and ingratitude for everything he did; and besides the soldiers cherished secret hatred towards him, and if they could find a small fault in him, they would likely murder him.” Papegoja’s plaints are undoubtedly exaggerated, but go far to prove that we must not take the accusations against Printz _too_ literally. Very serious charges were similarly made against Stuyvesant, Kieft and other governors of New Netherland, often without foundation.

Governor Printz, however, was finding his position quite untenable in the autumn of 1653, and at last determined to go to Sweden in person to present the needs of his settlement. Elaborate preparations were made for his departure. Indian chiefs were called to Printz Hall about the end of September. Speeches were made, small gifts were distributed among the savages, promises of friendship were renewed, and Printz gave the aborigines assurances that large supplies would arrive within a few months, for he went himself to the fatherland. When all arrangements had been completed, the people were assembled in the church for farewell services, after which Governor Printz formally delivered his authority to Johan Papegoja, promising the colonists to “present himself there in person or send over a ship with a cargo” within ten months from October 1. About the beginning of October he went to New Amsterdam with his wife and four daughters, and there he took passage on a Dutch vessel, hoping to be in Sweden in about two months. Henrick Huygen and about twenty-five settlers and soldiers also left the colony with Printz.

After the departure of Printz several Swedes applied for permission to remove to New Netherland, but Stuyvesant did not dare to accept them, before he had been advised about it by the directors of the company. Accordingly he wrote to Holland for instructions. The directors replied that they “could not see why it should be refused and denied ... for the influx of free persons ... should be promoted by all resolute and honest means.” Nevertheless it was left to Stuyvesant’s judgment to do what he saw fit.