Part 9

King John, after the victory of Aljubarrota had firmly seated him on the throne, felt it necessary to give Portugal such an interval of peace after the great efforts of the Castilian wars, as King Diniz had given it after the cessation of the wars against the Moors. This peace was secured by a wise foreign policy, of which the key-notes were, a close alliance with England, and systematic non-interference with the affairs of Spain. He had seen the value of the assistance of England in the final throes of his struggle with Castile, and the English monarchs on their side felt the advantage of having such an ally as Portugal to act as a thorn in the side of Castile, should the Spaniards come to the help of the French. The statesmanlike idea of Henry II. of England when he supported the proposal of the Count of Flanders for the hand of the daughter of Affonso Henriques, that this marriage should cement an unwritten alliance of England, Flanders, and Portugal, against France, Scotland, and Castile, seems to have been in the minds of the English statesmen of the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries. Just as Scotland afforded a convenient base of operations, whether military or political, for France against England, so did Portugal give a similar position for the English to act from against Castile, and the subsequent history of Portugal shows how generously and wisely England treated her southern ally. The people of the two nations gladly supported the political ideas of their monarchs and rulers. Each country could supply what the other wanted. From Portugal, the English merchants could obtain fruits and wines, which found a ready market, and the Londoners, not satisfied with supplying the home demand only, distributed these products of the south among the countries of the north, and notably in those lying round the Baltic Sea, Sweden, Denmark, Pomerania, and Lithuania. On the other hand, the Portuguese had no manufactures, and gladly took in exchange for the productions of their fertile soil, the cloth not only of the English looms, but of those of Flanders, in which the London merchants dealt.

This alliance was maintained in spite of dynastic changes and political revolutions in the two countries. In 1389 the name of the King of Portugal was introduced into the Treaty of Paris as an ally of the King of England; in 1398 Richard II. sent a body of English archers, under Edmund Arnold of Dartmouth, to assist in repelling the incursion made into Portugal by the son of Ines de Castro and some Spanish knights; and in 1400 John I. recognized his brother-in-law, Henry of Lancaster, as Henry IV. of England, and was created by him a Knight of the Garter, being the first foreign sovereign to receive that honour. In 1403 Henry IV. solemnly ratified the Treaty of Windsor, and in the following year the illegitimate daughter of John I., by Ines Pires, was promised in marriage to Thomas, Earl of Arundel, one of the leaders of the English nobility. This marriage was regarded as a further bond of alliance, and was celebrated in 1405 in England with the greatest splendour. Equally friendly relations were maintained with Henry V. and with the rulers of England during the minority of Henry VI.; Henry V. sent provisions and troops for the expedition to Ceuta in 1415, and in 1428 a strong force of 144 lances was sent to join the King of Portugal. This English alliance was the key-note of the policy of John I., and it was maintained without a breach from the arrival of John of Gaunt in 1386 until the death of the great Portuguese monarch in 1433.

The internal government of King John I. was hampered in one respect to such an extent as to vitiate the effect of his great administrative reforms. It will be remembered that he was elected to the crown by the Cortes, and followed to the field of Aljubarrota by all classes of the Portuguese people. Yet for some reason he would not trust in the people who loved him, but believing he owed his success to the nobles who had supported him, he began his reign by making extensive grants of lands and privileges to his principal supporters of noble birth. It would perhaps be too much to expect the political knowledge of a statesman in the nineteenth century from a king in the fourteenth, but it seems to posterity that King John greatly over-estimated the assistance of his nobles, and that he over-rewarded them by granting them nearly the whole of the old royal estates of the kings of Portugal. It may be believed that he feared the secession of his nobles to the Castilian party, and that he thought they could take their vassals with them, but whatever may have been the reason, he gave them such enormous grants as to seriously weaken the royal power. These grants however did not impoverish the treasury, which was filled more by the proceeds of the customs duties, a source of income, which his wise commercial policy increased, than by rents from landed estates. So wealthy did he become that he left his mark on the country in his great buildings; besides the magnificent convent of Batalha on the field of Aljubarrota, he constructed no less than four palaces at Cintra, Almeirim, Cezimbra, and Lisbon. The last-mentioned city was his favourite place of residence; under his fostering care it became the official capital of Portugal instead of Coimbra, and soon surpassed the wealth of Oporto as a commercial city. The citizens of Lisbon regarded him much as the citizens of London did Edward IV. a century later; they never forgot his gallant conduct in the great siege, and were at all times ready to obey him and to pay him a fair tithe of their wealth. In one respect especially did King John gratify the aspirations of the religious section of the people of Lisbon, by obtaining the sanction of the Pope to erect the bishopric of Lisbon into an archbishopric.

It is not to be wondered at that King John loved to live in Lisbon, and watch the daily passage up and down the Tagus of the ships, which were making his capital a great commercial centre, when it is remembered how slight was his actual power over the greater part of his kingdom. The other cities were indeed fairly well governed owing to their possession of ancient charters from kings, bishops, or lords, granting them a system of municipal self-government, but the country districts were ruled by the strictest feudal law and custom, and the king was powerless to interfere. Now was to be seen the harm done by the monarchs who had conquered the Alemtejo and the Algarves from the Mohammedans by the distribution of their conquests in estates among the military orders and private individuals. The result was the division of these provinces into enormous feudal counties and lordships, dangerously large to be the properties of subjects in such a small kingdom as Portugal. The condition of the Beira was a little better, and the two northern provinces of the Entre Minho e Douro and the Tras-os-Montes, were, as they are still, the homes of the sturdy Portuguese peasantry, who gave to the Portuguese armies and fleets their bravest and stoutest soldiers and sailors. Bitterly did John the Great repent the mistake he had made by his large grants to the Portuguese nobility, and his consequent inability to correct the most crying evils of the feudal system. He had, however, at the beginning of his reign, some wise and able counsellors, in the Holy Constable, in Lourenço, the brave Archbishop of Braga, and in his great chancellor, João das Regras. With the help of the latter he managed to get some valuable laws passed in the Cortes affecting criminal procedure and jurisdiction, by means of which he somewhat controlled the feudal methods of holding courts of justice without much offending the great nobility, but he dared go no further in this direction, and had to allow many abuses, inherent in the feudal system, to continue to exist. In every other respect his administration was extremely good; his cities grew in wealth; his navy increased in number of ships; his sailors became famous for their daring; and in minor points many reforms were made, such, for instance, as introducing the use of the Portuguese language into the law courts, and changing the era from that of Augustus to that of Christ, which made the date of the year consonant with that of the rest of Christendom.

In such labours passed the first thirty years after the battle of Aljubarrota, and Portugal and its great king became renowned throughout Europe. During this period, a new generation grew up, the sons of the men of Aljubarrota and Trancoso, and the young nobility burned to prove themselves worthy sons of their brave fathers. In their aspirations they were headed by the princes of Portugal. The union of the old royal family of Portugal as represented by King John, with the blood of the English Plantagenets in the person of his queen, Philippa of Lancaster, produced the five famous princes, whose names stand out conspicuously in the history of the fifteenth century. The three elder sons of John and Philippa, Dom Duarte or Edward, Dom Pedro, and Dom Henry, were in 1414 respectively 23, 22, and 20 years of age; they longed to win their knightly spurs, and to show themselves worthy cousins of Henry V. of England. The King of Portugal did not wish to check their ardour; he felt the need of occupying the energies of his youthful nobility; and as there were no enemies at home, he acquiesced in the desire of his sons to attack the old enemies of Portugal, the Moors, in Morocco. By such an expedition against the Mohammedans the young princes would show themselves crusaders, and would find adversaries worthy of their swords, without arousing the jealous watchfulness of the King of Castile. Ceuta was the city of Africa selected for attack, not only because it was the chief port of the Moors in the north-western corner of Africa and threatened the south of Spain, but also because it was the headquarters of the numerous corsairs and pirates, who preyed upon the already growing traffic of Portugal with the west coast of Africa, and at times made descents upon the Portuguese province of the Algarves. The expedition sailed from Lisbon in 1415; the three princes were followed by the flower of the Portuguese chivalry, and accompanied by their two boy brothers, Dom John, who was but fifteen, and Dom Ferdinand not yet thirteen; from her deathbed the Queen sent her blessing, and in the month of June the expedition safely disembarked on the African coast. The Moors fought bravely on their native soil, and it was not until 24th of August that the city of Ceuta was stormed, after a siege, in which the sons of John the Great showed themselves to be gallant soldiers and prudent leaders. This conquest was of importance in two ways; it was the first conquest made by the Portuguese outside the limits of their own country, and was therefore a proof of their energy and the expansion of their power; but, on the other hand, it pointed in a false direction, and was the first of a series of African expeditions, which were not profitable to the country, even when successful, and which terminated in the great disaster associated with the name of Dom Sebastian.

The conquest of Ceuta completed, the elder princes devoted their extraordinary powers of mind and body to pursuits worthy of the cousins of Henry V. of England. Dom Edward, so named after his great-grandfather, Edward III. of England, the eldest son, married Donna Leonora of Aragon, and helped his father in the duties of government. He proved an apt pupil of João das Regras, the chancellor, and, after devoting much time to legal studies, he drew up the first code of Portuguese law. Dom Pedro, the next brother, who was created by his father Duke of Coimbra after the storming of Ceuta, travelled all over Europe, enjoying in turn the hospitality of Henry V. of England, of the Emperor, and of the Pope, and astonishing those monarchs by his abilities. He proved his valour by fighting beside the Teutonic knights against the Lithuanians, in the extreme east of civilised Europe, and his literary taste by his enlightened patronage of men of letters in all parts of the continent. In 1428 he ended his travels, and settling at Lisbon, he married Donna Isabel, the daughter of the Count of Urgel, and assisted his father and elder brother in the duties of government, taking special interest in the progress of literature, and co-operating in all the various schemes for the development of Portugal. The third brother, Dom Henry, created by his father, Duke of Viseu, and appointed Master of the Order of Christ, and governor of the kingdom of the Algarves, has left his mark on the history of the world as Prince Henry “the Navigator.” This prince refused all the offers of the Pope, the Emperor, and of Henry V., to visit their courts, and established himself in 1418 at Sagre in order to devote himself and his wealth to the cause of discovering a continuous route by sea to India, which should bring the trade of Asia and its profits to the Portuguese. His efforts and the discoveries he superintended form the subject of a separate chapter, but it must be remembered that in all his efforts he was seconded by his father and elder brothers. The fourth brother, Dom John, Master of the Order of Santiago, married his niece Isabel, daughter of the Count of Barcellos, and became eventually third Constable of Portugal. The fifth brother, Dom Ferdinand, who earned the title of the “Constant Prince” in after years, was Master of the Order of S. Benedict of Aviz, as his father had been before his elevation to the throne; his piety was so well known, that he was requested to enter the Church, and promised a cardinal’s hat by the Pope, but he refused the honour, longing rather for the glory of a crusader than the influence of an ecclesiastic, and winning in the end a martyr’s crown. Their sister, Isabel, was as famous for her beauty, as her brothers for their valour, wisdom, and piety, and was married to Philip “the Good” of Burgundy, the founder of the Order of the Golden Fleece. To mar the unity of this illustrious and gifted family, there existed a half brother Affonso, the son of King John by Ines Pires, born before the marriage with Philippa of Lancaster, who was jealous of his legitimate brothers, and ultimately proved the evil genius of their destiny. This son was regarded with special favour by his father, who brought about his marriage with Donna Beatrice Pereira, daughter and heiress of the Holy Constable, and created him Count of Barcellos.

The latter years of King John “the Great’s” fortunate reign of nearly half a century were marked not only by the discoveries of Prince Henry “the Navigator,” but by the development of Portuguese into a literary language by many talented authors. Mention has been made of the poetry of the Portuguese troubadours, who sang in the reign of Diniz, and of the first Portuguese epic on the battle of the Salado, which foreshadowed the “Lusiads” of Camoens. But a literary language is formed not so much by its poetry as by its prose; the early poetry of Portugal differed but little from that of Gallicia, while its prose developed in an independent direction. The first Portuguese prose work of any length or importance was the famous romance of “Amadis de Gaul,” written by Vasco de Lobeira, who died in 1403. This romance gave rise to a host of imitations, and the taste for romances was further developed by the popularity of the “Prophecies of Merlin,” and the Arthurian tales, the knowledge of which came into Portugal with the English alliance. The king himself encouraged this literary revival; the “Book of the Chase,” one of the best specimens of early Portuguese prose was written for him under his superintendence, and among his sons, Dom Pedro wrote poems, and Dom Edward two excellent prose works, “Instructions in Horsemanship” and “The Faithful Councillor.” More important to notice are the works of the first great Portuguese chroniclers. Chronicles of early events in Portuguese history had been written in monasteries, and have a value of their own, but these works are little better than annals noted down year by year with no pretence to literary form. Next in order stands the anonymous “Chronica da Conquista do Algarves,” which represents the transition from the annalist to the chronicler, and in the reign of John I., under the special patronage of the monarch and his sons, the first great Portuguese chronicler, Fernan Lopes, who has been called the Froissart of Portugal, wrote his chronicles of the reigns of Pedro “the Severe” and Ferdinand “the Handsome,” and Matthew de Pisano, wrote his “Guerra de Ceuta,” a history of the famous expedition of 1415. These men were the forerunners of the great chroniclers of the fifteenth century, Azurara, Ruy de Pina, and Duarte Galvão.

After a reign, which ranks among the most glorious in Portuguese history, made famous by maritime discoveries and literary advancement, leaving behind him sons worthy and able to guide the people along the road of civilization to wealth and prosperity, John I., rightly surnamed “the Great,” died at his palace at Lisbon on August 14, 1433, having survived his wife Philippa of Lancaster nearly twenty years.

Contrary to the expectation of his subjects, the reign of King Edward was but short, and it is marked only by a signal disaster. His own great qualities, and the promise he had given of being both a good and a great king when assisting his father, combined to raise the highest hopes, which were destined to be cruelly shattered. On ascending the throne he believed himself strong enough to take a step, intended to check the perpetuation of power in the hands of the feudal nobility, which had often been discussed between his father, his brother Dom Pedro, João das Regras, and himself, and in 1434 he summoned a full Cortes at Evora. He there propounded the “Lei Mental” or the provision, which was assumed to have been in the mind of King John when he made his extensive grants of land to the nobility, namely, that they could only descend in the direct male line of the original grantee, and should revert to the Crown on failure of such heirs. The law was carried by the influence of the king’s brothers, in spite of the natural opposition of the nobility, who never forgave the supporters of the measure. In other matters Edward simply followed the example of his father. He continued the English alliance, ratified the treaty of Windsor, and was made a Knight of the Garter in his father’s room; he maintained an attitude of prudent neutrality towards Castile; he encouraged the literary movement, represented by Fernan Lopes, and took an intelligent interest in the schemes and plans of his brother, Dom Henry.

But, unfortunately, the king’s life was shortened and Dom Henry’s explorations checked for a time by the fatal expedition to Tangier in 1437. This expedition was the natural sequel of the expedition to Ceuta, and was undertaken in opposition to the advice of the Pope, and of Dom Pedro. It was entirely the result of the earnest solicitations of the king’s favourite brother, Dom Ferdinand. This pious young prince burned with crusading ardour; his one longing in life was to fight the infidels, and he could not appreciate the fact that Dom Henry was doing far greater work for the world in exploring the coast of Africa, than in killing Mohammedans. The ardour of Dom Ferdinand won the day, and King Edward collected a fleet and army in the Tagus, and sailed for the coast of Africa. The object of the attack was Tangier and it was most foolishly chosen. Ceuta was on the sea coast, and the Portuguese soldiers could use their fleet as a base of operations, and could retreat to it in case of need; whereas Tangier was three miles from the coast. As might have been foretold, when King Edward with his eight thousand Portuguese soldiers formed the siege of Tangier, the Moors at once cut off his communications with the fleet, and in three days the Portuguese army was reduced to extremities. It was only by Dom Ferdinand’s willing sacrifice of himself as a hostage, that the troops were allowed to return to their ships and find their way back to Lisbon. This disaster and the captivity of his favourite brother so preyed upon King Edward’s mind that he died in 1438. His death was happier than that of Dom Ferdinand, who, after a long and cruel imprisonment, borne with such heroic patience and exemplary piety, as to win for him the title of “the Constant Prince,” died at Fez in 1443.

The noble conduct of Dom Ferdinand, who preferred death in captivity to safety purchased by the surrender of Ceuta, the only alternative which the Moors would accept, has its place also in the great epic, in which all noble deeds of Portuguese heroes are commemorated. Speaking of King Edward, Camoens says:

“Captive he saw his brother, hight Fernand, the Saint, aspiring high with purpose brave, who as a hostage in the Sara’cen’s hand, betrayed himself his ‘leaguer’d host to save. He lived for purest faith to Fatherland the life of noble Ladye sold a slave, lest bought with price of Ceita’s potent town to publick welfare be preferred his own.

Codrus, lest foemen conquer, freely chose to yield his life and, conqu’ering self, to die; Regulus, lest his hand in ought should lose, lost for all time all hopes of liberty; this, that Hispania might in peace repose, chose lifelong thrall, eterne captivity; Codrus nor Curtius with man’s awe for meed, nor loyal Decii ever dared such deed.”[8]

The successor of King Edward, his eldest son Affonso V., afterwards called “the African,” was only six years old when he ascended the throne, and his reign commenced with a dispute as to the regency. By his will, Edward had left the regency to his wife, Leonora of Aragon, but this arrangement was not at all satisfactory to the people, and a great Cortes at Torres Novas set aside the will, and appointed Dom Pedro, Duke of Coimbra, to be “defender” of the realm with all the duties of government, the Count of Arrayolos, minister of justice, and Queen Leonora, guardian of her son, the young king, with a large allowance. This arrangement shows how great the powers of the Cortes had become, and a still more important testimony to their recognized influence appears in the motion by Dom Henry, that three members of the Cortes should be annually elected to reside at the seat of government during the months in which the Cortes was not in session. This arrangement was highly unsatisfactory to the queen, who had expected to be sole regent under the terms of King Edward’s will, and, assisted by the discontented nobility, headed by the Count of Barcellos and the Archbishop of Lisbon, she attacked Dom Pedro, and endeavoured by force to overthrow the arrangements made by the Cortes of Torres Novas. The struggle was but a short one; the people of Lisbon rose _en masse_ to support the son of their favourite monarch, John I., in whom they perceived his father’s administrative ability and love for commerce, and the queen and archbishop were forced to go into exile. The result of this movement was to seat Dom Pedro firmly in power with the title of regent and the guardianship of the boy-king.