CHAPTER VI

Tells how the Queen of Aragon went to Sicily with her sons, how Admiral Lauria won new victories, and how more of the Pope’s curses went home to roost

The connection of Majorca and its Princes with the operations of the Aragonese in Sicily was so intimate that their story would not be clear without some account of the recovery of Manfred’s kingdom for his descendants. We now come to a time when Jayme II. of Majorca was placed in a most difficult and embarrassing dilemma, owing to the position of his Continental possessions between France and Aragon.

After his return from the perilous journey to Bordeaux, Pedro III., with the concurrence of the Cortes of Aragon and Catalonia, came to a very important decision. His queen, daughter and heir of King Manfred, was to proceed to her Sicilian possessions and thus ensure the loyalty and devotion of the people who had been delivered from the tyranny of Charles of Anjou by her husband. She was to be accompanied by her two younger sons, Jayme and Federigo. The latter was quite a young boy, there being an interval of seven years between the two brothers. The eldest son, Alfonso, was to remain with his father. As a measure of State policy it was wise and judicious. But the separation was a sacrifice to duty and a cause of grief and anxiety both to En Pedro and to Queen Constance. They never saw each other again.

A fleet was fitted out at Barcelona with great care, and every known appliance for ensuring a safe voyage was brought into requisition. Even the use of compasses is mentioned by Muntaner. The discovery has usually been attributed to one Flavio Gioia of Amalfi and to the year 1302. But here we have evidence of their use a quarter of a century earlier; while at about the same time Raimundo Lulio of Majorca (I quote from a note of Antonio de Borafull) wrote these words in his work ‘De Contemplatione’: ‘Sicut acus per naturam vertitur ad septentrionem dum sit tacta a magnete.’ The ships, thus quite exceptionally provided and well manned with Catalan crossbowmen, were to be under the guidance of those trusty sea-captains, Ramon Marquet and Berenguer Mallol.

There were religious services, but En Pedro felt the parting with his beloved Constance so deeply that he could not go with her to the ship. He shut himself up alone for several hours. It was his brother Jayme, the King of Majorca, who accompanied the Queen and his two nephews to the ship and saw them safe on board. The two brothers spent that evening together, and next day the King of Majorca set out for Perpignan. Up to this time En Pedro and En Jayme were on friendly terms. After a successful voyage the Queen and her sons arrived at Palermo. They were received with extraordinary enthusiasm, and messengers with the joyful news were sent all over the island. This return to the home of her childhood, with such a reception, must have been a cause of delight for the daughter of Manfred, though not unmixed with sorrow. For one of her sisters still lingered in a dungeon at Naples, while the rest of her family had been relieved by death. A vessel was at once sent back to Barcelona with news of the safe arrival. The Queen had a wise and loyal councillor in John of Procida, and by his advice she assembled the Parliament of the kingdom at Palermo. A letter was read from Pedro III., announcing that he had sent his beloved wife to take her place as rightful Queen of Sicily. All the members swore allegiance to her and her sons amidst a scene of enthusiasm which was quite unanimous. The proceedings terminated with a blessing from the Queen and a prayer for the well-being of the representatives and of the people they represented, who returned to their homes. The Queen and her sons then proceeded by land to Messina.

In the Admiral Roger de Lauria Sicily had a defender whose invariable success since the battle of Malta had filled his enemies with dread. The young Prince En Jayme also gained a victory at sea, and reduced the two castles still held by Charles’s garrisons, Augusta and Cefalu.

The admiral was ready to sail from Messina in June 1284 with forty armed galleys, besides smaller vessels. With this force he gained one of his most brilliant victories. He shaped a course for Naples, and formed in line of battle about two bow-shots from the mole, as a defiance and a challenge. Charles of Anjou was intriguing at Rome, but his eldest son and heir was in Naples, and ready to accept the challenge. His followers were not equally willing. The name of Roger de Lauria was one of dread, and the Neapolitans held back. The younger Charles was furious. He embarked himself, and shame obliged his officers to follow. A fleet of thirty-eight galleys and many smaller vessels was got ready, and came forth to encounter the terrible Roger de Lauria. A battle raged in the Bay of Naples from nine in the morning until dusk, but as usual victory attended on the banners of the admiral of Aragon. The Prince’s galley was surrounded and boarded by En Roger himself, to whom Charles, after a long and brave resistance, was forced to surrender. The admiral said to the usurper’s son: ‘You must do two things. If not, be sure that the death of Conradin will be avenged.’ The Prince answered that he would do anything to save his own life. ‘The first thing,’ continued the admiral, ‘is that you order the daughter of King Manfred to be released from her prison and brought safely on board my galley.’ This demand was complied with. The long-imprisoned princess was taken from the Castel del Novo and brought safely on board the flagship, where the admiral joyfully received the sister of his Queen, kneeling before her and treating her with all honour and respect. ‘The second thing,’ continued he to Charles, ‘is that you deliver up to me the town and castle of Ischia.’ This also was done.

The victorious fleet then returned to Messina with the released princess and the captive prince. Never had there been seen such rejoicings in Messina as greeted the admiral on his return. The Queen and her sons went on board the galley to receive their long-imprisoned relation. It was a most affecting scene. The two sisters embraced each other, weeping for joy mingled with sorrow. Since they had seen each other their father Manfred and their cousin Conradin had been killed; their mother and all the rest of their family had died in prison. The crowd of spectators was equally moved when the sisters, with the young princes, walked together from the landing-stage to the palace. Charles was sent to the castle of Matagrifone.

The Sicilian Parliament met at Messina soon afterwards and decreed the death of the younger Charles, as a reprisal for the death of Conradin. He would certainly have been executed if the young Prince En Jayme had not interfered, preferring the more generous course of returning good for evil. Charles was confined for some time in the castle of Cefalu, and eventually removed, by order of King Pedro, to a prison at Barcelona.

The Pope’s curses kept coming home to roost, but this failed to divert him from his vindictive course. His _protégé_, Charles of Anjou, was at Rome when the disastrous news arrived, and must have felt that retribution was overtaking him. The usurper hurried back to Naples, but died at Foggio on January 7, 1283. The Pope was furious, and was more liberal than ever with his curses. He placed the kingdom of Aragon under an interdict, decreed the dethronement of En Pedro, declared a crusade against him, made Charles of Valois, the younger son of France, King of Aragon, ordering him to be crowned, and called upon the King of France to attack Aragon with all his forces by land and sea. He further absolved Philip of France from keeping his oaths and treaties made with his brother-in-law of Aragon. A papal Legate was to accompany the invading army.

En Pedro sent an embassy to Rome, consisting of grave and learned counsellors. In a dignified speech their spokesman remonstrated with the Pope and his cardinals. They were, however, obdurate, and all the answer they would give was that the Holy See could do no wrong. Finally the ambassadors made a solemn appeal from an unjust vicegerent to St. Peter himself and to God, who would defend the right, and so departed.

En Pedro prepared to defend his country, confident in the loyalty of his people and the justice of his cause. He had an interview with his nephew Sancho, the usurping King of Castille, who promised to give him all the assistance in his power. He also discussed the situation with his brother of Majorca. They were several days together at Gerona. The position was a most difficult one. If Jayme opposed the advance of the French army through his Continental dominions their permanent loss to the house of Aragon would be inevitable. If he offered no opposition he would be giving an advantage to his brother’s enemy. The brothers chose what appeared to be the least of two evils. En Jayme was to allow the French army to march across his territories, and to avoid any action which would furnish a pretext for their annexation.

Philip (_le Hardi_) can hardly have had any heart in the enterprise which was forced upon him by the Pope. His eldest son, who had a strong feeling of regard and admiration for his uncle En Pedro, openly disapproved. When his younger brother, Charles of Valois, talked of himself as King of Aragon, Philip said to him: ‘You, little brother, are not fit to take the place of our uncle. You are scarcely fit to be king of what is under your cap. You will never be King of Aragon.’ There was an angry quarrel, and their father had to separate them. But Charles got the name of King Cap, ‘_le roi du chapeau_.’ Nevertheless, it was generally believed that little Aragon would have no chance against the whole power of France, and that the campaign could have but one result, and would be over in a few weeks. The oriflamme was unfurled, and a great army, led by the King of France and accompanied by the Cardinal Legate, advanced to the Catalonian frontier. A formidable fleet was also equipped, to overpower the naval forces of Aragon and to keep up the supplies for the army in the bay of Rosas. In April 1285 King Philip encamped with his army at Perpignan. The French were constantly harassed by night attacks from the Aragonese; and at last, after a fortnight of hesitation, Philip determined to attempt a passage into Catalonia by the hill of Panisars. Here he was attacked on all sides, suffering very serious losses. Then young Philip turned to his brother and said: ‘See now, pretty brother, how glad your subjects are to see you!’ His father overheard the sneer and was very angry. ‘Hold your tongue, Philip. They will be made to repent what they are doing.’ ‘Ah, Sire,’ answered his son, ‘I mourn for your honour and for the evil that is being done you. The Pope and cardinals have brought this upon you, and have made my brother king of the wind, while they take their pleasure, caring little for the danger and evil with which you are menaced.’ The King was silent, for he knew very well that his son had merely spoken the truth. But it was too late to repent and turn back.

Following the advice of some monks, Philip got possession of another pass, known as the ‘Collado de Masona,’ and his army was thus enabled to invade Catalonia. The little town of Peralada was taken after a brave resistance, and siege was laid to the city of Gerona. But the French army was harassed by incessant attacks, and was entirely dependent for supplies on the navy which guarded the transports conveying provisions from Marseilles and Cette to the bay of Rosas. Here was the weak point.

En Pedro received information from the gallant sea-captains Marquet and Malliol, who were ever on the watch, that the French King had 160 galleys; that his admiral kept sixty well-armed in the port of San Felio; that another fifty cruised between San Felio and the bay of Rosas; while twenty-five plied between those ports and Marseilles with provisions. Another twenty-five remained in the bay of Rosas, under the command of a brave knight, M. de Lodève. The proposal of the Catalan captains was to watch for an opportunity when the other cruisers were out of sight, and to fall upon the twenty-five French galleys in Rosas Bay at early dawn. The King approved of their daring scheme, and at the same time he sent to Sicily for the Admiral Roger de Lauria to come with sixty galleys and attack the rest of the French fleet.

Marquet and Malliol set out on their enterprise with eleven galleys and two small vessels. But never were crews better disciplined or more carefully trained. They made sail for the Cape of Creus, where they ascertained that the twenty-five French galleys were in Rosas Bay. As soon as the Catalans came in sight, M. de Lodève sent fifteen galleys to dispute their entrance into the bay; while he intended to manœuvre with the rest so as to cut off their retreat, that none might escape. Marquet and Malliol formed in close order to prevent the enemy from dividing their line, and ran on with a view of boarding. Their trust was in their crossbowmen. The Catalans considered that no one was a crossbowman unless he was so familiar with every part of his weapon that he could make it or repair it. Each man carried a box containing all the tools necessary; and the Catalans were so constantly trained in the use of the crossbow that no other people could compete with them.

The Catalan captains manœuvred so as to secure the greatest advantage for their special weapon. Every shot told; while the French, with swords and lances, were unable to return the attack, being shot down when they attempted to board. When the French decks were nearly cleared, Marquet and Malliol ordered the trumpets to be sounded as a signal for his galleys to separate under oars and attack the enemy on their broadsides. Then began an unequal combat, the Catalans boarding at the sword’s point, while the French had already suffered so severely as only to be able to offer a feeble resistance. The whole of the twenty-five galleys were captured, with a loss of upwards of four thousand on the part of the French, and of barely a hundred on the Catalan side. This naval battle was a combination of consummate seamanship with consummate gunnery practice, the one of little avail without the other.

M. de Lodève had sent a boat to apprise fifty French galleys cruising in the offing of the approach of the Catalans, and they made sail for Rosas Bay. The winds were light and baffling, and the Catalans, with their prizes, were only sighted after the battle was over. The French admiral could not overtake his victorious enemy, but he stationed twenty-five more galleys in Rosas Bay, and returned to San Felio.

As soon as the Admiral Roger de Lauria received his orders he left Messina with sixty-six well-armed galleys in search of the French fleet, steering for a rendezvous at the island of Cabrera. Here he received tidings from the Captains Marquet and Malliol that there were eighty-five French galleys in Rosas Bay. They informed the Admiral that they would join him, with sixteen galleys, off a cape known as Aygua Freda, near some small islets called the Formigueras.[9] Admiral Lauria ordered that each galley should have three lights ready--one in the bows, another amidships, and a third at the stern. If the French fleet approached at night, all were to be suddenly lighted, that the enemy might believe each light to be on a separate vessel. Towards dawn the French fleet approached, and all the lights suddenly appeared between the fleet and the shore. Before it was broad daylight Lauria had entirely defeated his adversary, capturing fifty-four galleys, driving fifteen on shore, and putting twenty-five Genoese auxiliaries to flight. Marquet and Malliol completed the rout by capturing the remaining French galleys in Rosas Bay, and taking or destroying all the stores and provisions for the French army. The admiral proceeded to Barcelona, having by this great naval victory obtained complete command of the sea.

There was nothing left for the great French army but an ignominious flight. The Cardinal Legate said that the Aragonese must be devils. King Philip told him that they were nothing of the kind, but brave and loyal soldiers, defending their King against an unjust invasion; and he expressed his regret that he had ever undertaken it at the Pope’s urgent call. The Cardinal remained silent. En Pedro assembled his army on the hill of Panisars to intercept the retreat. The French King raised the siege of Gerona and fell back on Peralada with the remnant of his forces. Many had died of sickness, while the losses in numerous harassing encounters had been most serious. The King of France was very ill, anxiety and regret hastening his end. Feeling that he was dying, he sent for his son, and said: ‘You were wiser than I. Had I followed your advice I should not now be on my death-bed; nor would the many brave men have been lost who have died and will die in this war. Send a message to your uncle of Aragon and ask him to allow my body to pass with yourself and your brother. For I am certain that it rests with him whether a single Frenchman shall ever return, dead or alive.’ The dying King then obtained a promise from his son that he would be a friend and protector of his brother Charles. The King died on September 30, 1285, in the house of a knight named Vilanova, about two miles from Peralada. When En Pedro received the message from the young King Philip he sent orders that the late King’s body was to be allowed to pass with its escort, and requested his brother of Majorca to meet it with a body of cavalry and protect it from attacks. For Lauria and his sailors were watching on one side, and bands of wild _almogavares_ on the other. But safety could only be assured to those who passed with the corpse and the oriflamme. The Count of Foix with five hundred horsemen went first, then the young King and his brother with the oriflamme, following their father’s body. The Cardinal Legate came close behind, careful of his own safety. He said that the rest would go to Paradise. The Aragonese could no longer be restrained, and fell furiously on the remainder of the retreating host and on the baggage. The Cardinal was so terrified that he died of fright a few days afterwards; while the King of Majorca escorted his nephew, the young King of France, with his brother Charles and the body of the late King, through his dominions.

The victorious King En Pedro, after making liberal grants to the towns of Peralada and Gerona, returned to Barcelona with his principal nobles. On the same day the Admiral Roger de Lauria arrived with the fleet, and there was great rejoicing.

This time the Pope’s curses went home to roost with a vengeance. En Pedro was firmer on his throne than ever. Sicily was safe. The Pope’s _protégé_ was in prison at Barcelona. The Pope’s King of Aragon was only king of what was under his own cap. The Pope’s machinations were scattered to the winds.

Yet the papal intrigues continued to cause trouble and dissensions.

Jayme II., the King of Majorca, was obliged, owing to the exigencies of the times, to reside in his Continental dominions. By his wife, Esclaramunda, sister of the Count of Foix, he had four sons, Jayme, Sancho, Fernando, and Felipe, and two daughters named Isabel and Sancha. Isabel was the wife of the Infante Juan Manuel, brother of the King of Castille. Sancha married King Robert of Naples. Jayme and Sancho were at Paris, detained by the King of France, practically as hostages. Fernando’s age was then about eight, the elder brothers ten and twelve.

There had been an understanding between the brothers Pedro and Jayme during the war, and communications had passed between them respecting the safe passage of the French King’s body, and on other matters. Soon after the final rout of the French strange tidings reached En Pedro from his agents in Italy. He was assured that the Pope would induce the King of France to seize Majorca, and that Jayme would be forced to give his consent, because his two sons were in the French King’s power in Paris, and Montpellier, Roussillon, and Conflent would otherwise be taken from him. En Pedro resolved to prevent this. He did not see how, in the face of these threats, his brother could refuse, and he must therefore act promptly; but he sent a letter to his brother Jayme explaining the motives of his action. The force destined for Majorca was placed under the command of the King’s eldest son, Alfonso, and consisted of knights, men-at-arms, and two thousand _almogavares_.

The King of Aragon was incensed with his nephew Sancho IV., the usurping King of Castille, because he had broken his promise and given him no help whatever in the war with France. Fernando, the eldest son of Alfonso X., had died before his father, leaving two sons, Alfonso and Fernando, known as the ‘Infantes of La Cerda.’ The next son, Sancho, had usurped the throne, and the ‘Infantes de La Cerda’ had escaped into Aragon. En Pedro was having them educated in the castle of Jativa in Valencia. He was so angry with Sancho that he contemplated setting up the eldest Infante as a claimant for the throne of Castille. Having taken leave of his son on the eve of his departure for Majorca, En Pedro commenced a journey to Jativa to see the Infantes of La Cerda. He was feeling unwell when he started, and on reaching the town of Villafranca de Panales he was in a high fever. His son was on board, but had not sailed, when he got the news. He hurried to Villafranca, but his father ordered him to return to his ship and make sail at once. Receiving his father’s blessing, the young Prince departed and embarked at the port of Salou. He landed with his forces at Porrasa, and no resistance was made to his occupation of the capital of Majorca. En Pedro was dying. He had made his will and received the Sacraments, but neither wife nor sons were at his bedside. He died on November 11, 1285, and was buried in the abbey of Santa Creus, about twenty miles from Villafranca. His great admiral, Roger de Lauria, died a few years afterwards, and his body was laid to rest near that of the King he had served so well. In 1835 a vile mob of ruffians destroyed the church and scattered the remains to the winds. By his wife Constance he left four sons and two daughters. The eldest succeeded him as Alfonso III. The second succeeded his brother as Jayme II. Federigo, the third, was King of Sicily. The fourth was Pedro. Of the daughters, Isabel was Queen of Portugal, and Violante of Naples.

Pedro III., if not equal in all respects to his father, was a great king. Fortune smiled upon him. He was happy in all relations of life. His career was one long romance. Chivalrous to recklessness, he was at the same time prudent and circumspect--a rare combination. Even in his wild gallop into imminent peril at Bordeaux he thought out every part of the enterprise down to the minutest detail. He was invariably well served, and invariably successful. This cannot be ascribed to luck. A king who succeeds in all he undertakes must have rare gifts of head and heart to plan out the details of his undertakings and to secure the sympathy and devotion of those who serve him. Pedro was thus gifted, while his administrative ability ensured the prosperity of his country. Under him Aragon became a great naval Power, and Sicily was freed from a foreign yoke.