CHAPTER XI.

THE JOURNAL OF GALLEGO--PREFATORY REMARKS.

A CONSIDERABLE interest was aroused in the minds of geographers, rather more than a century ago, by the recent discoveries of French and English navigators in that portion of the Western Pacific in which the Solomon Islands are now known to lie. M. M. Buache and Fleurieu (pages 263-265) endeavoured to show that the islands there discovered were none other than the mysterious Islands of Solomon discovered two centuries before by the Spaniards, the existence of which had been long treated as a myth, and in fact, had almost been forgotten. This view was opposed by Mr. Dalrymple, one of the foremost of the English geographers; and it laboured under the serious disadvantage that the only existing narrative of this Spanish voyage, on which such a conclusion could be based, was a very brief and imperfect account incorporated by Dr. Figueroa[201] in a work that was published at Madrid nearly half a century after the return of the voyagers to Peru. There were some reasons for believing that Hernando Gallego, the chief pilot of the expedition, had kept a journal of the voyage;[202] but the geographical writers of the close of last century failed to have access to such an account, and its existence was doubted by some of them. The only other account, worthy of the name, that was known to these writers was one included by Herrera in his “Descripcion de las Indias Occidentales,” a work which was published at Madrid about the year 1601, or more than thirty years after the Spanish voyagers had returned to Peru. But this account was a somewhat vague, general description of the Solomon Islands, which, although it contained a few additional particulars, was of little service to the cartographer.

[201] Hechos de Don Garcia Hurtado de Mendoza, Quarto Marques de Canete; por el Doctor Christoval Suarez de Figueroa. Madrid, 1613. _Vide_ Note I. of the Geographical Appendix.

[202] A MS. journal of Gallego was referred to by Penelo as occurring in the Barcia Library. (Dalrymple’s Hist. Coll. Voy. and Disc.: p. 96.)

It appears to have been only in the second quarter of the present century that the existence of a journal written by Gallego became known to geographers. It may seem at first sight difficult to explain the reason of this narrative being so long unknown; but its author tells us in his prologue that it was through fear he did not publish it; and from other circumstances, referred to in the succeeding pages, it may be inferred that pressure was brought to bear on him, and that the journal was intentionally withheld in order to keep Drake, who had recently appeared in the South Sea, in ignorance of the position of these islands. The journal has for this reason always remained in manuscript. The original manuscript was a few years since in the possession of Mr. Amhurst. There is a copy in the library of the British Museum, which was purchased of M. Fr. Michelena y Roiss in 1848;[203] and it is a translation of this copy that is given in great part in the following pages. In undertaking this translation, I have been greatly assisted by my acquaintance with these islands; and I have thus been able to avoid the pitfalls into which the somewhat careless copyist might have led me.

[203] The British Museum Reference number is 17,623; and the title is as follows: “Descubrimiento de las Islas Salomon en el Mar del Sur: 1566,” by Hernando Gallego, native of Corunna.

If M. M. Buache and Fleurieu could have had access to this journal of Gallego, they would have been saved much laborious criticism, both on their own part and on the part of others. That they were able to employ the scanty data, furnished by Figueroa, for the identification of the lost Isles of Solomon with the recent discoveries of their own day, is an accomplishment concerning which any adulation on my part would be both unnecessary and unbecoming. Even with the comparative wealth of materials which the journal of Gallego affords, as contrasted with the account of Figueroa, all that remained to be done was to fill in the rude outline originally sketched by the French geographers.

The story of the gradual identification of the Isles of Solomon forms an interesting and instructive episode in the history of geographical discovery. In the sketch which I have given, I have, so to speak, raked up the ashes of a controversy which burnt itself out some generations ago; but the labour expended in its preparation will not have been unprofitable, if I have been successful in placing before my readers a clear and connected account of how the Isles of Solomon were discovered, lost, and found.

THE JOURNAL OF GALLEGO.

We find in the prologue, with which Gallego commences his account of this voyage, an explanation not only of the principal object of the expedition, but also of the motive which led the Spanish navigator to draw up his narrative. It was for the propagation of the Christian faith amongst the peoples of the unknown islands of the West that this expedition was dispatched from the shores of Peru; and it was to guide the missionary to the field of his labour that the chief pilot drew up his relation of the voyage.

“I understand it to be incumbent”--thus Gallego writes--“on the men who follow the nautical profession, and have had the good fortune, in some degree, to take precedence of their fellows, to give an account of their success. And there are many reasons why it is necessary that from the ignorant these things should not be concealed. But for me, Christian piety affords the principal inducement; and especially since it moved the mind of that most Christian and most Catholic monarch, Don Philip, to write to his Governor, the most illustrious Lope Garcia de Castro, that he should convert every infidel to Christ. Imbued with this feeling, I have made it my first object, by means of this relation and of the additions made by me to the sea-chart, to enable the missionaries, who are to guide the infidels into the vineyard of the Lord, to know where these places will be found and to learn how to navigate these seas exposed to the fury of the winds, and how all dangers and enemies may be avoided. This is my design, unless I am otherwise convinced. Let the curious accept this brief discourse. It is from fear that its author has not wished to print it. This is my object: such is my desire. Receive, reader, this token of esteem, and be steadfast in God. Farewell!”

Before proceeding with the journal of Gallego, it is necessary for me to remark that I have relegated to an appendix much of that which is of interest to the geographical student. The reason is an obvious one and needs no further reference, since the narrative often takes the character of a sea-log, and the geographical and critical points involved are necessarily only of special interest.

The Governor, Lope Garcia de Castro, gave orders for the equipment of two ships of the fleet for the discovery of certain islands and a continent (tierra firme) concerning which His Catholic Majesty D. Philip II. had summoned a number of persons versed in mathematics in order to deliberate on the plan to be followed. After selecting the vessels, he nominated as General in command of the expedition his nephew, Alvaro de Mendana; as Commander of the troops (maestre de campo), Pedro de Ortega Valencia; as the Royal Ensign, D. Fernando Enriquez; and lastly, as Chief-Pilot--to quote the words of the journal--“myself, the said Hernando Gallego.”

The number of all that embarked on this voyage, including, besides the soldiers and sailors, four Franciscan friars and the servants, was a hundred. The preparations were made with such alacrity and willingness that the ships were fitted out with a dispatch that seemed scarcely credible; and on the 19th day of Nov., 1566,[204] being Wednesday, the day of St. Isabel, the two ships sailed from Callao, the port of the City of Kings, which is situated, as Gallego remarks, in 12½° S. lat. Shaping their course to the south-west, they had not to allow for the variation of the compass, since the needle pointed direct to the pole; and reference is here made in the journal to the circumstance that in Spain, more particularly in the city of Seville, the needle varied one point to the north-west. Steering in the same southerly and westerly direction until the 27th of the same month, they reached the latitude of 15½°, being by their reckoning 57 leagues[205] due west from the “morro de Uacaxique,” which was in the same latitude.[206] They now shaped their course west, following along the parallel of 15¾°, because “the Lord President had said that in the latitude of 15°, at a distance of 600 leagues from Peru, there were many rich islands.” With the wind “a long time in the south-east,” they accomplished a usual daily run of from 20 to 30 leagues. By the third of December, they were by their reckoning in the meridian of the bay of Fego,[207] which is stated by Gallego to be situated in 16° north of the equinoctial and 546 leagues due north of their position. On the 7th of the same month, the Chief-Pilot recorded his observation that the needle showed no variation from the pole and that it neither dipped nor tilted up.

[204] _Vide_ Note II. of Geographical Appendix.

[205] Spanish leagues, 17½ to a degree, all through the narrative.

[206] I have not been able to find this name in any maps or charts.

[207] In the maps I have examined there is no bay of this name given.

“At this time,” he writes, “I inquired of the pilots as to our position; but I only provoked their obstinacy: and we went on our voyage sailing across the ocean to discover land. We noticed the flight of the birds that passed us in the morning and evening, and whence they came, and whither they went towards the setting sun. All this was no certain guide, as some flew north and others south; and there was nothing to justify our pursuing the flying-fish which abounded in those seas.” It is right that I should here allude to the importance attached by the voyagers of this period to the flight of birds which had often guided them to the discovery of new lands. It was for this reason, it will be remembered, that Columbus swerved from his westerly course when approaching the American Continent.

Gallego soon began to lose confidence in the opinion of the Lord President, because pursuing their course along the same parallel of 15¾° they failed to observe any signs of land. On the 12th of December, being in the meridian of the harbour of La Navidad (a port on the Pacific coast of Mexico, in lat. 19° 12′ N., long. 104° 46′ W.), there was a consultation between Gallego and the other pilots, when their latitudes were found to agree, but the dead reckoning of the pilots was greater. At length, on the 16th of the month, it was resolved by the Chief-Pilot to leave this parallel and head more to the northward, as they were now 620 leagues rather more than less from Peru and there were no signs of their approaching land.

Accordingly the course was altered; and for four days they ran west-by-north reaching the latitude of 13¾°, and accomplishing 166 leagues. During the 20th and 21st of December they steered north-west for 65 leagues, keeping a good look-out for land, but to no purpose. On the 22nd, after steering to the north-west-by-west for 30 leagues, they reached the parallel of 11°. They then coursed north-west until the 26th, which was St. Stephen’s Day, having gone by their reckoning 95 leagues and attaining, as their observations showed, a latitude rather under nine degrees (nueve grados escasos). It is worthy of note that in the daily record, which was at this time kept by Gallego of the course and distance and of the latitude obtained by observation, it usually happens that the computed latitude is considerably less than that observed.[208] In this journal, however, the latitudes are all those of observation except where it is otherwise mentioned. During the 27th and 28th of December they stood to the west-north-west for 60 leagues; and on the two following days they steered west-by-north for 62 leagues, reaching the latitude of 6¼°. It is here recorded that the needle was deflected a third of a point to the north-west. On the last day of the year they sailed 30 leagues to the west, experiencing strong currents.

[208] This circumstance was, probably, due to a strong southerly drift.

Hitherto no signs of land had been observed, and, in consequence, symptoms of uneasiness showed themselves amongst the crews. As they sailed along, they were led in their imaginations to believe that they were always on the point of making the land; but no land appeared. “The pilots told me,” writes Gallego in his journal, “that I was the only person who was not disheartened after having sailed so many leagues without seeing land: and when I told them that they would suffer no ill and that, with the favour of God, they would see the land at the end of January, they all kept silent and made no reply.”

The 1st of January, 1567, found the Spanish voyagers steering west along the parallel of 6¼°; and in accordance with the opinions of his fellow pilots, Gallego kept this course until the 7th, traversing in the time about 125 leagues.[209] They now experienced unsettled weather, the wind shifting to the north and subsequently to the north-east. Although steering west-by-south, they did not change their latitude as much as they expected; and, on the 10th, after accomplishing 30 leagues on this course during the past three days they found their latitude in 6½°. During the 11th and 12th with a very favourable wind they sailed 55 leagues to the west on the same parallel. Heavy rain-squalls here overtook them; and they ran along under easy sail.

[209] For one day, Saturday the 3rd, there is no record in the Journal of the distance run. To allow for this omission, I have taken 18 leagues as being the average daily run during this week.

“On this day,” writes Gallego, “they signalled from the “Almiranta” (the general’s ship) to ask where the land should be. I replied that it lay, in my opinion, 300 leagues away; and that at all events we should not sight it until the end of the month. At this time some of the people began to doubt whether we should ever see the land. But I always told them that, if God was with them, it would be His pleasure that they should not suffer ill.” During the 13th they steered west 25 leagues and found themselves in the parallel of 6°. On the following day they ran in the same direction for 30 leagues, experiencing much rain and varying winds. Their water supply was failing, and the minds of many were the more depressed; for these reasons they ran on with eased sheets and did not shorten sail.

But the long-expected land was near, and I will permit Gallego for the time to tell his own story. “On the Thursday the 15th of January, we had heavy showers of rain and such thunder and lightning as we had not seen in all the voyage. We were distant from the land of Peru, on the course which we had steered, 1450 leagues. In the following[210] morning we ran with a light wind 15 leagues south-west-by-west, and were in the latitude of 6½°. A seaman went to the top and discovered land in the shape of a small island, which appeared on the port hand to the south-west-by-west. We were about six leagues from it, because being a low island it could not be seen at a greater distance. Keeping away, we reached it at sunset. This island is low and level. It has many reefs around it, and has quite a bay of the sea in the middle of it. After we had arrived, I found the latitude to be 6¾°. We were eager to send a boat in; but, however, it was thought best to await the arrival of the ‘Almiranta’ which was much behind us.

[210] The word “following” has been added by me, since from the subsequent remarks of Gallego, it is evident that this land was sighted on the 16th.

“In the meantime seven canoes full of people started from the island. Some turned back to the shore and the remainder came off to the ship. But when they saw so many persons, they returned to the beach and made great bonfires. That night they put up flags, seemingly for the protection of the island. We were not able to determine whether they were mats of palm-leaves or of cotton, they were bleached so white.[211] The people in the canoes were naked and of a tawny hue. When the ‘Almiranta’ arrived, we agreed that no boats should land until the next day, as it was then evening. And when it dawned, it blew so strong from the north-west that we drifted a quarter of a league to leeward of the island. I wished to reach it, but could not, as the wind was so strong that we could carry no sails. I advised that, if we beat up to reach the island with the wind so strong and contrary, the ships might be broken in pieces (on the reefs); that it would not be wise to run the risk of losing all our lives for an island so small; and that seeing that the island was inhabited, the rest could not be far away. Although being so near to this island, we could not get bottom with 200 fathoms.”

[211] Mats of very fine quality are manufactured in many of the Pacific islands.

The decision of Gallego naturally caused much discontent amongst the crews. “The soldiers murmured”--thus the Journal continues--“because they were unwilling to leave this island, notwithstanding that they would run the chance of losing their lives. Being weary of the voyage, they took no pains to conceal their displeasure. But I cheered them and consoled them with the assurance that they would meet with no misfortune, and that with the grace of God, I would give them more land than they would be able to people; for this island (as I pointed out to them) was not more than five or six leagues in size. I gave it the name of the Isle of Jesus, because we arrived at it on the day after that which we accounted the 15th of January.”[212]

[212] It is scarcely possible to identify this island with any of the islands marked in the latest Admiralty charts. _Vide_ Note III. of the Geographical Appendix.

As the Spanish voyagers were now approaching the scene of their future discoveries, their course becomes of peculiar interest to the historical geographer.[213] Continuing their voyage on the 17th of January, they had before them a long and tedious passage, having to contend with contrary winds and being swept north and south in turns by the currents. On the 23rd, they were in the latitude of 6°, and on the 28th in 5½°. At length on Sunday the 1st of February, when they were according to their reckoning 165 leagues from the Isle of Jesus, they discovered two leagues away[214] some banks of reefs with some islets in the middle of them. “These shoals”--as described by Gallego--“ran obliquely from north-east to south-west. We were not able”--so he writes--“to get their extremity within our range of sight; but as far as we could see them they extended more than fifteen leagues. We gave them the name of ‘Los Bajos de la Candelaria,’ because we saw them on Candlemas Eve: and I took the latitude near them, when we lay east and west with their centre, and found it to be 6¼°.” On referring to the present Admiralty charts, it will be noticed that the name “Candelaria Reef,” is applied to an atoll lying about eighty miles to the north of the large island of Isabel in the Solomon Group and named “El Roncador” by Maurelle the Spanish navigator in 1781. Now, seeing that this atoll is not more than six miles across, it cannot possibly be identical with the extensive reefs which are above described by Gallego under the name of the Candelaria Shoals. As shown in the appendix,[215] it is highly probable that these shoals are the same with those which lie about 35 miles to the north of the Roncador Reef, where they constitute an atoll fifty miles in width which was discovered by the Dutch navigators Le Maire and Schouten in 1616, and was named “Ontong Java” by Tasman in 1643.

[213] I would direct the nautical reader to Note V. of the Geographical Appendix which refers to Gallego’s observations of latitude in this group. He will thus be saved some confusion in comparing the Spanish latitudes with those of the present charts.

[214] Thus the distance of these shoals from the Isle of Jesus would be probably about 167 leagues in all. Figueroa gives the distance as 160 leagues.

[215] _Vide_ Note IV. of the Geographical Appendix.

Leaving these shoals, they steered south-west, expecting to sight land, which could not have been, in the opinion of Gallego, more than fifty leagues distant. During the night, however, they had to heave-to on account of the heavy weather; and on the following day, which was the day of our Lady of Candlemas, they experienced the same weather and were obliged to take in all sail. During the next day, which was the 4th of February, the weather improved; and steering at first west-by-north they subsequently stood to the south-west; and as night approached they shortened sail, in the event of there being other reefs and shoals such as those they had already passed. The prevailing winds had been north-west; but on the following day the wind went round to the west and fell very light. For four days they had been unable to take observations on account of the thick weather. On the 5th,[216] their latitude was found in 7° 8′, from which Gallego inferred that in those four days they had drifted fifteen leagues to the south-by-west. They now made sail and headed north.[217] (?)

[216] There is apparently an error in the journal with reference to this date, since the 6th is omitted altogether.

[217] The subsequent remarks relative to the course show that there is here an error in the M.S., or in the original journal.

“This day,” writes Gallego, “was Saturday, the 7th of February, and the 80th day since we set out from Callao, the port of the City of the Kings. In the morning I ordered a seaman to go aloft to the top and scan the south for land, because there seemed to me to be in that quarter an elevated mass; and the seaman reported land. The land soon became visible to us; and a signal of our discovery was made to the ‘Almiranta’ which was half a league from the ‘Capitana’ (Gallego’s vessel). Every one received the news with feelings of great joy and gratitude for the favour which God had granted them through the intercession of the Blessed Virgin, the Glorious Mother of God, whom we all believed to be our mediator; and the ‘Te Deum laudamus’ was sung.”

They were distant from the land, when they first saw it, about 15 leagues. It is described in the journal as “very high.” Turning the ships’ heads in that direction, after they had gone 3 or 4 leagues, they discovered much more land belonging to the same island which appeared to be a continent. They did not get up to it until the evening of the next day, which was Sunday the 8th of February.

“Shortly after we arrived,” continues Gallego in his narrative, “many large and small canoes came off to see us, displaying signs of amity. But they did not dare to come alongside the vessels; and as we approached the land, they kept away. However the General threw them some coloured caps, and being thus assured they came alongside the ship. The boat was launched, and in it went Juan Enriquez with eight musketeers and target-men (rodeleros) to see if they could find a port to anchor in, and also to search for the place whence the canoes had come. The rest of the natives became more confident, and some of them came on board the ship. As they behaved well, we gave them things to eat and drink; and they remained on board until it began to grow dark, when they got into their canoes and went ashore. And those who had gone away in the boat, seeing that it was getting dusk, returned without having found any port. As soon as it was dark we stood out to sea, and the natives in the canoes returned to their homes. They told us that for the sake of friendship we should have gone with them, and that they would have entertained us and given us plenty to eat.

“We stood to windward that night with a light wind; and the currents carried us more than three leagues to the west-north-west, bringing us over some reefs on which we might have been lost as the sea was breaking around them. Finding ourselves in seven fathoms of water, we at once made course to stand clear of them. We remained under easy canvas until it dawned, when we saw that the currents had carried us right upon the shoals; and as the sea broke around us, we made more sail. I hailed the ‘Almiranta’ to make the best of her way out of her position among the shoals; and we accordingly stood away until we found a sufficient depth.”

Juan Enriquez was now dispatched in the boat to find a harbour for the ships; but he was deterred by the sight of all the reefs and returned to the ship. He was ordered by the General to go back again and carry out his search, and “I told him”--adds Gallego--“that it was necessary for the safety of the ships that he should find a port without delay.” The position of the Spanish vessels was a truly critical one; and only those who have been similarly situated in a sailing ship in unsurveyed waters, studded with unknown coral reefs, can realise how anxious the moment was.

“Committing ourselves to God”--thus Gallego writes--“I sent a man aloft to the fore-top, and placed another on the bowsprit, and I told them to notice where the shoals were white. The sounding-lead was kept in hand; and in the event of our having to go about or to anchor, we stood by the sheets and bowlines and had the anchor cleared. I steered for the place where we found seven fathoms of water, as it seemed to me that we should not find a less depth. The boat had not yet reached the shore, so I determined to sound and I got twelve fathoms with a clear bottom; and farther on it was deeper and also clear of rocks. Although it was mid-day, a star appeared to us over the entrance of the reef. Taking it as a guide and as a good omen, we were cheered in spirit and became more hopeful. As we proceeded, the water deepened little by little: and I informed the General that we were already clear of the reefs . . . I signalled to the ‘Almiranta’ to follow us. As we neared the harbour where the boat had gone, they signalled to us that they had found a good anchorage. Presently we entered the harbour with the star over the bow, and we anchored, the ‘Almiranta’ entering shortly afterwards. At the entrance of the port is a rock (or islet), in size larger than the ship.

“It was the day of Santa Polonia, the 9th of February. The harbour, which is in the latitude of 7° 50′, we named the port of Santa Isabel del Estrella; and we named the island, Santa Isabel. The Indians called the island Camba; and their cacique is named Billebanarra. This harbour lies nearly in the middle of the north coast of the island, and is 26 leagues north-east and south-west from the reefs.[218] Having disembarked with the other captains, I took possession of the island in the name of His Majesty. A cross was erected: and I chose a convenient place for building a brigantine.”

[218] The reefs, here referred to, are evidently the Candelaria Shoals. This bearing of the harbour with these shoals does not warrant the position which has been assigned to Estrella Bay in the present Admiralty Chart, its position there being due south of these reefs.

On the following day, Gallego landed with the carpenters; and they began with all diligence to fell the trees and to saw the planks for the construction of the brigantine. Meanwhile the General had sent Pedro Sarmiento with thirty men into the interior. They penetrated about five leagues, and met with some Indians, one of whom they took as a hostage. This native was treated kindly by the General; and he was set at liberty in order that he might carry a favourable account to the other natives of the island. During this incursion, a soldier had been struck by an arrow, but received no hurt. Shortly afterwards, a larger force was dispatched under Pedro de Ortega to explore the interior. The expedition included 52 persons, and comprised 35 soldiers, with some seamen and negroes. They were absent seven days from the ship; and from the account of Gallego, we may infer that but little discretion was employed in their dealings with the natives. They burned “many temples dedicated to the worship of snakes, toads, and other insects;” and, as the result of such proceedings, two soldiers were wounded, one of whom subsequently died of tetanus. His name was Alonzo Martin, and he bore the character of a good soldier.

“These people,” writes the Chief Pilot, “are tawny and have crisp hair. They go naked, wearing only short aprons of palm leaves. They have as food some maizes or roots which they call _benaus_ and plenty of fish. They are, in my opinion, a clean race, and I am certain that they eat human flesh.” On the 15th of March, whilst the Spaniards were at mass on shore, a fleet of fourteen canoes arrived at the place where the brigantine was being built. The cacique, who was in command, sent the General a present of a quarter of a boy, including the arm and hand, together with some roots (benaus), which he requested him to accept. In order that the natives should understand that the Spaniards did not eat human flesh, the General ordered it to be buried in their presence, at which they were abashed and hung their heads, and returned to an islet which was situated at the entrance of the harbour. This cacique, who is termed in the Journal the Taurique Meta, lived at a place fifteen leagues from the harbour to the west-by-north. Pedro de Ortega, with the two pilots, Pedro Roanges and Juan Enriquez, were sent with thirty soldiers and four Indians to visit the place where this taurique lived. They were absent four days, and effected nothing except the capture of four Indians, two of whom they retained as hostages in order to compel the natives to bring them provisions.

On the 4th of April, the brigantine was launched, and the rigging was set up. It having been resolved that she should proceed on a voyage to discover the other islands and harbours, Gallego, Ortega, with 18 soldiers[219] and 12 sailors, embarked on board; and on the 7th of April they left the port. Following the coast along to the south-east, they came to two islets, lying six leagues away from the port of Santa Isabel de la Estrella, and situated, according to an observation of Gallego, exactly in the latitude of 8°. On these islets were many palms which were deemed to be palmettos and cocoa-nut trees. “This land,” as the Chief Pilot remarks, “trends south-east and north-west. The needle stood a point to the north-east and there remained. Proceeding on our cruise, we saw many islets in the same direction . . . .[220] 5 leagues from where we had started; and we anchored at an islet in which we found a canoe and three houses. We landed 7 soldiers; and they went up towards the houses in search of the Indians, who, however, carried off their canoe. On reaching the houses, the soldiers found a quantity of provisions, which they brought on board the brigantine. Continuing our voyage along the coast, 17 canoes came out to us. In them came an exceedingly daring Indian, who, calling himself the cacique Babalay, held his bow towards us, and signified to us that we should go with him, and that, if we should not wish to go, he would carry us by force and would kill us. On account of his audacity, the “maestre de campo” ordered them to fire and knocked him down with a shot; and when those in the canoes saw him fall, they all fled to the shore. Shortly afterwards, I tacked towards the shore in order to make a port, as the wind was strong. In a little time we came to an anchor, and I found by observation that the latitude was 8⅙°. . . .[221]” Leaving this anchorage, they stood out to sea, with the wind in the north-north-west; and in a short time they kept away and followed the coast along to the south-east-by-east.

[219] According to the MS. in this passage, only 10 soldiers embarked; but on one occasion during the cruise it is stated that 18 soldiers were landed (_vide_ p. 207), a number which agrees with that given by Figueroa.

[220] The words omitted here are in the Spanish: “hasta la provincia de Vallas.”

[221] Reference is here made to the fact that the coast ran north-west-by-west with the island of Meta, which was seven (?) leagues distant. This island of Meta was probably a small coast island on which the chief of that name lived.

“And as we sailed on,” continues Gallego, “the mast sprung and nearly fell on us. Seeing what had happened, I ordered the sails to be secured and the tackle to be brought to the weather side, and in this manner the mast was “stayed.” When the night overtook us we were without knowledge of any port, having much thick weather with wind and rain. Guided by the phosphorescence of the sea we skirted the reefs; and when I saw that the reefs did not make the sea phosphorescent, I weathered the point and entered a good harbour at the fourth hour of the night, where, much to our ease, we passed (the remainder of) the night.[222] This port is 6 leagues from where we set out, and is in a great bay. It is capacious and has 7 or 8 inhabited islands. The next day I disembarked the people to get water and wood; and we saw coming to the beach more than a hundred Indians, carrying their bows and arrows and clubs with which they are accustomed to fight. The ‘maestre de campo’ ordered those on shore to embark, fearing some ambuscade. Soon the Indians arrived but they did nothing, and a canoe came. Seeing that they made no attack, the ‘maestre de campo’ ordered four soldiers to go ashore and fire three or four shots to frighten them; and when this was done and the Indians saw it, they shot their arrows and took to flight. Thus passed the 12th of April.

[222] To find in a dark night and in thick weather an opening in a line of coral-reef on an unknown coast, is an undertaking fraught with the greatest hazard, even for a ship possessing steam power. The only available guide is that which was followed by this clear-headed navigator; but it is one which, as it depends on the luminosity of the sea, can only be of occasional service. When the sea has been unusually phosphorescent, each roller, as it breaks on the weather-edge of the reef, is marked by a disconnected line of light, reminding one of the straggling fire of a line of musketry. I once saw this phenomenon splendidly exhibited on the coast of Japan, the sea-surface being crowded with myriads of “Noctilucæ.”

“Whilst in this bay we saw to seaward a very large island which lies east and west with this bay. This island is called in the language of those Indians, Malaita. The west extreme of this island lies east and west with the point of Meta.[223] This island lies with the shoals of Candelaria north-west-by-west and south-east-by-east 52 leagues;[224] and the extremity of this island of Malaita is in 8°; it is distant from the island of Santa Isabel 14 leagues; it has 5 or 6 islets at the extremity, which are, each of them, 2 leagues in circuit. There are two islets in the middle, between the two large islands. The name of the Isle of Ramos suggested itself for this Island of Malaita, because it was discovered on Palm Sunday (Domingo de Ramos).[225]

[223] The point of Meta is probably near the place where the chief of that name lived. _Vide_ page 203.

[224] “Norueste sueste quarta de leste hueste” is the bearing given in the MS. The distance of 52 leagues very closely corresponds with the distance indicated on the present chart between the west end of Malaita and Ontong Java. (_Vide_ appendix: note iv.)

[225] Through an unconscious error in the translations by Mr. Dalrymple and Capt. Burney of the account given by Figueroa, the name “Isle of Ramos” has been applied in modern charts to an islet nearly in the middle of the passage between Isabel and Malaita. For further particulars consult Note VI. of appendix.

“Coasting further along from this bay, we saw a fleet of more than seven large canoes making for the shore where there were fisheries. The canoes came on with us; and many Indians shot their arrows at us with great shouting. The ‘maestre de campo,’ on seeing their daring, ordered some muskets to be fired; and one Indian was killed and the rest took to flight. On the following day, which we made the 14th of April, running further along the coast to the east-south-east (?) we sailed nearly 6 leagues. Here the Indians came out to us in a friendly manner, bringing cocoa-nut and other things which we needed. Here we saw a hog, which was the first we had seen. The next day we went further out in quest of the point and extremity of this island, running to the south-east. From the bay to the point of the island, the coast ran north-west and south-east. There are some islets near this point; and from this point to the bay is 14 leagues. I took the latitude and found it to be barely 9°. At this point, two canoes came out to us with fighting-men, in order to question an Indian whom we had on board, one of the two we took from Meta. They shot their arrows at us; and when we fired a musket to frighten them, they fled.

“On the following day, which we reckoned the 16th of the month, being at the extremity of this island, we named it Cape Pueto;[226] and from here we discovered some islands to the south-east,[227] which are 9 leagues from this cape. Some lie north-by-west and south-by-east;[228] and others north-west and south-east. And we approached them this day with a fair wind, sailing to the south-east. We arrived at ten o’clock in the night at an island which was a league and a half in circuit; and there we anchored. It is low and beset with reefs. We sailed around it. It has many palms, is inhabited; and it was there we passed the night. When it dawned, we were desirous to land but could not on account of the numerous shoals and reefs. It was named ‘La Galera.’ Here a canoe came off to us carrying 50 men whom we perceived to be ready for battle. . . .[229] It preceded us to another large island which was a league distant. It was soon joined by many canoes both small and large; and in (one of) them came a leading taurique. He came and approached us in a friendly manner, and gave us beads (chaquiza), of the kind they wear, which resemble those that are found in Puerto-viejo.[230] The ‘maestre de campo’ gave him a good reception; and in token of peace presented him with some things which we had on board. Soon the taurique commanded the men in the canoes to take the brigantine in tow and bring us into the harbour, which they did. After we were inside, the ‘maestre de campo’ landed with 18 soldiers; and I remained with 12 on board the brigantine. The Indians soon took up their weapons, and hurled stones at us, and jeered at us because we asked for provisions. Seeing their insolence, some shots were fired at them, and two Indians were killed. Thereupon they fled, leaving their houses defenceless. This island is called in the language of the Indians, Pela.[231] And there is a chain of five islands, which lie east and west one with another. The first of these, which we came to, was at the east end, for we were pursuing our discoveries from East to West; it lies with the Cape Prieto north-west and south-east, 9 leagues from the said cape. It will be in circuit 12 leagues. It is well peopled by natives and has many huts and towns and . . . .[232] To this island we gave the name of Buena Vista from its appearance; it seemed to be very fertile, and was well-peopled; and the rest are as above mentioned. They go naked, without any covering _whatever_, and have their faces patterned (tattooed).[233] There are many inhabited islands around. I took the latitude here, and found it to be 9½° south of the equinoctial. It runs east and west.

[226] The name of this cape is spelt in three different ways in this MS., viz., Puerto, Pueto, and Prieto. The latter is that adopted in Figueroa’s account. Puerto seems to be the correct name as no reason is given in the journal for using the epithet of “black” (prieto); but the last is employed in the present chart.

[227] In the account of Figueroa this bearing is given as south-west, which, as pointed out by Pingré, Fleurieu, and Burney, is in contradiction to the other bearings, and was by all three authors replaced by that of “south-east.”

[228] “Norte sur quarta del norueste sueste.”

[229] As the meaning is obscure, I have here omitted the following: “and coming close to us” which is followed in the Spanish by “no nos dijo cosa nise movieron contra nosotros,” which I have left untranslated.

[230] A town in the province of Quito, in the kingdom of Peru.

[231] Gela is the present native name of the Florida Islands. (Codrington’s “Melanesian Languages,” p. 522, _circâ_). Consult Note VII. of the geographical appendix.

[232] “Lugares formados y juntos.” These words, which I have not translated, are to be found unaltered in Figueroa’s account, and have been rendered thus by Dalrymple “places cultivated and enclosed.”

[233] “Las caras labradas.”

“On Good Friday of this same year we went from this island to another a league distant. We found in it abundance of cocoa-nuts; and we placed a quantity on board the brigantine for our sustenance. Whilst we were at this island, a canoe came off to us with three Indians; they left us to go from there to the large island; and they offered us hogs, but we did not want them.

“On arriving at the large island, the ‘maestre de campo’ landed and came to a town which was on high-ground. Here they gave him two hogs, which he brought off with him to the ship, having met with no bad treatment; and we returned to pass the night at the islet (?). This day was Holy Saturday. On the following day, which was the Feast of the Resurrection, we skirted the south coast of the island; and from here we went to another island, which is a league from it. On our arrival, there came off to us more than 20 canoes of fighting-men, who planned taking us to their town and capturing us, and displayed much delight amongst themselves. I ordered the anchor to be weighed that we might get to a better place, because we were almost touching the shoals. When the Indians saw that we were about to shift our position, they got into their canoes in a great hurry with their bows and arrows, and clubs, and many stones; and in a very fierce manner they began to shoot their arrows and stones at us. Seeing their daring, we replied with the muskets; and many Indians were killed, and the whole were repulsed; and they rallied and came on to the attack with greater fury; but this time they suffered even more, and for the second time they were repulsed and routed. There were more than 700 Indians. We took three canoes; but afterwards we abandoned two and kept the other. Deserting their towns, they went off with many howls and cries to the higher land in the interior. Soon the ‘maestre de campo’ landed with 20 men: and he endeavoured to bring off some provisions to the brigantine, and to restore friendship with the natives; but from their dread of the muskets they would never approach; and they kept much in advance of them calling to each other by conch-shells and with drums. Seeing that there was no help for it, we set fire to a house, after having taken possession of the island in the name of His Majesty, as in the case of the other islands; and we gave it the name of ‘La Florida.’ This island is in latitude 9½° and lies east and west with the island of Buenavista. It is 25 leagues in circuit, and is a fine island in appearance, with many inhabitants, who are also naked as in the other islands; and they redden their hair, eat human flesh, and have their towns built over the water as in Mexico.[234]

[234] In the present day the natives of Florida built their houses on piles. See p. 60, of this work.

“This day we went on to other islands which are further to the east in the same latitude. The first has a circuit of 25 leagues. We had not resistance from them (the Indians); because they had already come to know that they could not overcome us, if we were prepared for them. To this island, we gave the name of San Dimas. We did not go to the remaining islands that we might not hinder ourselves. We named the one San German, and the other the Island of Guadalupe.” (_Vide_ Note VII. of the Geographical Appendix.)

“The next morning we went to another very large island which is on the south side of the five islands. In the middle of the way, or half-way between them, is an island which we named Sesarga. It is 8 leagues in circuit. This island is high and round and well-peopled; with plenty of food, _mames_ and _panales_[235] and roots and hogs [which have no grain to eat?]. In the middle of this island there is a volcano, which is continually emitting great smoke. It has a white streak which resembles a road descending from the higher parts down to the sea. This island is in latitude 9¾°. With the island of Buenavista it lies north-west and south-east (?).[236] Five leagues from this island, there came out 5 canoes; and they gave us a fish, telling us by signs that we should go with them to their island, and that they would give us hogs. The Indians went away; and we slept this night at sea.

[235] Figueroa gives for _mames_, _ynanimes_; and for _panales_, _panays_. In the first instance, “yams” are probably meant; whilst, in the second case, Burney suggests that by _panays_ the “breadfruit” may be referred to. Fleurieu hints that it may be the application of the name of the “parsnip” to some other vegetable. The “taro” is evidently here alluded to.

[236] In Note VII. of the Geographical Appendix, I have treated of the question relating to the identification of the islands which lie between Cape Prieto and the north coast of Guadalcanar, with the Spanish discoveries. In so doing, I have re-opened a discussion that excited considerable interest a century ago, but which has since, notwithstanding the efforts of Burney and Krusenstern, been almost forgotten. Those acquainted with these islands will recognise in Sesarga the present Savo.

“On the next day, which was the 19th of April, we arrived at the great island, which we had seen, and came upon a town of the Indians. There is a large river here; and there came out canoes to the brigantine, and some Indians who were swimming, and some women and boys. They gave us a rope, and towing us, carried us to the shore. When we were close to the beach, they began to throw stones at us, saying, ‘Mate,’ ‘Mate,’ meaning that they were going to kill us.[237] Some shots were fired, which killed two of them, and immediately they left us and fled. The ‘maestre de campo’ landed with 20 men, and took possession as in the case of the other islands. In the town was found, in small baskets, a large quantity of provisions, of roots, and ginger which is plentiful in this island. We put on board the brigantine what we could, including a hog. The same evening, we embarked; and we gave this island the name of Guadalcanal and to the river that of Ortega. I took the latitude, and found it to be in 10½°. With the higher part of Buenavista, it lies north and south 9 leagues, and with that of Sesarga north-west and south-east. From here we determined to return to where we had left the ships. We, therefore, started on the return voyage. Running back to the island of Santa Isabel, we passed by the island of Sesarga, which is called in the language of the Indians ‘Guali.’ Pursuing our way, we came close to Cape Prieto. We sailed along the south coast and arrived at an island, 7 leagues from Cape Prieto, which lies with the island of Sesarga north-by-west[238] 15 leagues. The taurique of this island, Beneboneja by name, called it the island of Veru. It is a league from that of Santa Isabel. The passage (entrada), which is on the south-east side of the island of Beru (Veru), has a fine harbour that is able to hold a thousand ships: it is 6 leagues in length, has a depth of 12 to 8 fathoms, is very clear (of shoals), and has an outlet to the north-west a league in length.[239] This channel[240] runs west-north-west to the cape of this island, where there is a large town which has more than 300 houses. The Indians received us in a friendly manner, giving us a hog: and because they would not give us more than a hog, we seized three canoes; and when they saw that we had taken these canoes, they ransomed them, giving for two canoes two hogs. We saw in this island some pearls that the Indians brought, which they did not hold in much esteem. They also brought us some tusks[241] that seemed to belong to some large animal, of which they have many: and they told us that we should take them and give them back their canoe. I considered that we should restore their canoe and accept these tusks: but the ‘maestre de campo’ was not willing to do so. This island is in latitude 9⅓°. We named it the island of Jorge.[242]

[237] There is here a strange coincidence. The natives in using the word “mate”--a widely spread Polynesian word for “dead”--were unconsciously making a correct use of the Spanish verb “matar,” to kill.

[238] Norueste quarta del norueste (?).

[239] This fine harbour is at present known as Thousand Ships Bay. It was visited by D’Urville, in 1838, who named his anchorage Astrolabe Harbour.

[240] The outlet to the northwest has been named Ortega Channel. It was explored by the officers of D’Urville’s expedition.

[241] Probably boar’s tusks.

[242] The St. George’s Island of the present chart.

“We continued our return journey, sailing to the west-by-north around the said island of Santa Isabel. When we were a third part from the south-south-east portion of this island, we saw two large islands. We did not go to them, because _we had not reached the extremity of the island which we should have to round_,[243] and also because the coast is beset with many reefs and shoals which we could scarcely pass through in the brigantine, it being impossible to sail through them in ships. These islands would be 6 leagues from Santa Isabel; they are in latitude 9⅓° S., as they lie east and west with the island of Veru 10 leagues. These islands, which we passed, bear east and west one with the other. The land runs much further to the west-by-north. The needle declined to the N.W.[244] I observed the sun near the river and found myself in 9° full (_9 grados largos_). In this island we saw many bats (_murcielagos_) of such a size that the wings from tip to tip measured 5 feet in expanse. This island has a breadth of 20 leagues; for I took the sun on the north side, where the ships lay, and now on the south side; and in this last I found the latitude to be 9° full (_largos_), whilst on the north side the latitude is 8° minus 8 minutes, lying north-north-east and south-south-west 20 leagues. To the two large islands, which we saw, we gave the following names, to the one San Nicolas, and to the other, which lies more to the west, the Isle of Arracises (Reefs), because there are so many reefs to pass through that it is impracticable to sail round the island.[245]

[243] The general sense of this passage italicized is here given.

[244] For N.W. read N.E. There is evidently a mistake in the MS., as Gallego previously found the needle to vary one point to the north-east, when a few leagues from Estrella Harbour (see p. 204).

[245] These two islands were probably, from their bearing with the island of Veru or St. George, the two mountainous islands in the south-east part of New Georgia, which, as observed by Gallego, runs much further to the westward. Their distance, however, from Veru, is more than double that which Gallego gives.

“After running for four days, but not through the nights, we could scarcely sail along,[246] on account of the many reefs; and we entered a passage a quarter of a league further on, but seeing that there was no outlet we had to return by the aid of the oars.[247] At this time many Indians came out against us, from among the reefs, with their bows and arrows. We made sail, and as we were proceeding in the same direction, 18 canoes full of fishermen, in each canoe 30 Indians, with their bows and arrows, came to shoot at us. We fired some shots, and so they went away and left us.

[246] _Lit._ “we were unable to sail along.”

[247] This blind passage may be the one indicated in the present chart in the vicinity of Nairn Island, an off-lying islet.

“On the 26th of April, we reached some reefs and grounded on them. . . .[248] Some Indians came out at this time with bows and arrows; and we fired some shots, but because the Indians did not leave us, we did not repeat this. There are many islets near, both inhabited and uninhabited. The island became narrower as we arrived at a point of this island which is from the extremity 6 leagues north-west to south-east. We entered a passage separating the island from the other islets around, which are many and inhabited. This is the west part of the island; and I took the sun at its extremity and found myself in 7½°. This island is 95 leagues in length, and in circuit more than 200.[249] As we sailed on, some canoes came out to us; and on our firing some shots, they left us, because . . . (_porque nos aflirian_).

[248] The following sentence, being unintelligible to me, has not been translated, “porque en esta isla hay muchos sueños que llaman fuenos forzado volver atras para salir.”

[249] These dimensions are very greatly in excess.

“Issuing from the passage, we saw, towards the east-by-south,[250] 6 leagues away, a large island. We did not go to it, so as not to delay ourselves. We gave it the name of San Marcos.[251] It is in latitude 7¾°. This island lies with that of Santa Isabel west-by-north and east-by-south. All this people, which we have hitherto seen, are naked, and are as the Moors of Barbary, and do not confess the Lord.

[250] This bearing is evidently an error; the correct bearing is given a few lines below.

[251] The island of San Marcos is evidently the Choiseul Island of the present chart, as named by Bougainville in 1768; and the passage through which the brigantine had just passed, is that known as Manning Strait between Choiseul and Isabel.

“Sailing on to the 28th of the month, there came out to us 34 canoes in line of battle, in order to stop us. Three large canoes, which passed astern, followed us for more than 2 leagues. When we saw their determination to overhaul us (_que trahian_), we fired at them with a small cannon and some muskets. At this, they took to flight . . . (_mas que de paieia_). Although we had been away from the ships a long time and were endeavouring to return, we were delayed in arriving at them, as we were opposed by the east winds.

“Being anchored on Sunday at a small uninhabited island, we determined to send before us a canoe with nine soldiers, a sailor, and an Indian who had always accompanied us. Whilst they were coasting along, not daring to stand out to sea, they got on some reefs. Through their negligence, the canoe was broken in pieces; and by God’s mercy, the people escaped with the loss of what they carried, their muskets and ammunition being wetted. When they were all collected together, they resolved to return to the brigantine; and the Indian ran away from them, although he did not belong to that land. Having walked all that night over the stones and rocks along the coast, for fear of meeting the Indians, they came to a point where they found a cross which they had put up when they passed by there; and they worshipped it, and determined to await there the arrival of the brigantine. They put up a flag _which was seen by us as we came along_. . . .[252] We went to receive them and found them in a sorry plight (_maltratados_). Continuing our voyage, we came to where they had been wrecked amongst some reefs close to an islet, in which they had left two hogs that they carried with them. A canoe was sent for them (the hogs) and they were taken. Near here we anchored, because there was much wind. As the weather was fine and the wind was off the land, we went inside the reefs, looking out for our ships all that day and part of the night. We made sail the next day at dawn, and arrived at the port of Santa Isabel de la Estrella, where we found the ships, to the no small satisfaction of both those on board and of ourselves.[253]

[252] “Visto por losque en el veniamos soyechamos lo que podia ser.”

[253] From the context it may be inferred that the brigantine completed the circuit of the island of Isabel. Figueroa, in his narrative, expressly states that the brigantine turned the west end of the island, and encountered head easterly winds in her return to the ships. Figueroa also tells us that during the absence of the brigantine some of the men in the ships had died of sickness; but Gallego does not refer to this circumstance.

“The same day on which we arrived at Santa Isabel de la Estrella, I told the General that it was necessary to refit the ships, and that soon afterwards we should proceed further on to follow up what we had begun. Accordingly, on the 8th of the said month, we left the port of Santa Isabel de la Estrella, on our way out, passing by some reefs which are at the entrance of the harbour. We sailed on until the end of two days. The brigantine, being unable to keep up with the ships, drifted towards the land, so much so that at dawn she was nearly out of sight, although there came in her the pilot Gregorio Gonzalez with some of the soldiers and sailors who had (previously) gone in her. Being afraid of losing her, I made signals to her to go about and make a reach to seaward. I deemed that unless one of the ships turned back to take her in tow, we should lose her. Seeing that, on account of the many reefs, she was so essential to us for the exploration of those islands, and had been built by us after so much labour and through my diligence, I left the ‘Almiranta’ to go on, and turned back in the ‘Capitana’ to get her. We kept the sounding-lead in hand for fear of the reefs; and about 6 leagues out to sea (_seis leguas de la mar_) I found myself in 6 fathoms. I went about immediately, and it pleased God that we found deeper water. We found the brigantine in the hours of the night; and we took her in tow with no little labour, going after the ‘Almiranta’ which had followed the course I had advised in order to avoid the many reefs existing here, and leaving behind in her course the islands of Veru and Flores,[254] and many others which were discovered in the brigantine, without touching at them. At the end of four days, we saw the ‘Almiranta’ right ahead of us, not having yet found a port.

[254] The island of Florida is probably thus referred to.

“On Tuesday, the 12th of May, we arrived at a port in the island of Guadalcanal, to which we had gone from Santa Isabel; but we were not able to arrive at the river of Ortega which lay two leagues to windward of where we were. This day, the wind blew so hard from the east that our cable parted and we lost an anchor. On the following morning I went in a boat to find a good anchorage, for we were anchored on an (open) coast; and I went a league from here to the rear of an islet which was close to this island of Guadalcanal; and having sounded everywhere I found that it was clear (of shoals) and afforded a good anchorage for the ships, since it had a large river which was named by us Rio Gallego. It is in latitude 10° 8′. From here I returned to the ships, and brought them to this port which we named Puerto de la Cruz.[255]

[255] The position of this harbour is shown on the present chart; but it is placed too much to the eastward; since, from the narrative, it is apparent that it lies near Sesarga, which is the present Savo.

“This same day, the General landed with all the soldiers and self; and he took possession of this island in the name of His Majesty as in the case of the other islands. A cross was erected on a little eminence that was there; and we all paid our adoration. Some Indians, who stood near to look on, commenced to discharge their arrows; and some shots were fired at them, by which two Indians were killed; and so they left us and fled, and we embarked for that night.

“On the following morning, when we intended to land to say mass, we noticed that the Indians had pulled up the cross and had carried it off. On account of their audacity, the General ordered the soldiers to get themselves ready to go in search of the cross and to put it in its place: and whilst they were going ashore in the boat, we saw the Indians return and endeavour to set it up. When it was in its place, they went away; but it appeared that they had not thrust it in sufficiently, and it fell. Presently, the same men attempted to erect it; but, from fear of us, they did not stop to set it up quite straight and fled; and herewith our people reached the shore and disembarked. The General sent Pedro Sarmiento with some soldiers to look at the cross; whilst he himself remained on the beach with the rest of the people. On reaching there, they found that the cross was not upright; and they placed it as it was at first. Pedro Sarmiento then returned, and they all embarked and came back to the ships.

“In order not to lose time, I gave the order to repair the brigantine, as she was very leaky. She was repaired accordingly; and then it was determined that Don Fernando Henriquez, the chief-ensign (alferez general), and I, the said Hernan Gallego, should go in the brigantine with 30 soldiers and sailors to discover the remaining lands of the same island of Guadalcanal. On the 19th of May, we sailed in the brigantine along the coast of the said island which is named, in the language of the natives, Sabo.[256] And on the same day, the General sent Andres Nuñez with 30 soldiers to see what the land possessed, and to endeavour to make a search in cracks or broken ground, because the miners, who understood it, said that it was a land for gold. And so they carried out this object in an excursion of 7 days. Whilst they were endeavouring to make a trial of the ground in a large river, so many natives crowded around them that they had to give it up, because they would not suffer them to do it. By a sign which they gave, they said that there was gold. They have . . . .[257]; and here were found the first hens of Castile. They brought back two young hens and a cock, which they all received with much satisfaction, understanding that they would discover better land.” (These birds were evidently the “bush-hens,” _Megapodiidæ_, of these islands.)

[256] The name of Savo is at the present day given to the volcanic island, named by the Spaniards, Sesarga, which lies off the north-west coast of Guadalcanar: Savuli is the name of a village at the west end of Guadalcanar (_vide_ map in Dr. Codrington’s “Melanesian Languages”).

[257] “muchas guacanaras en este entrada.”

“Those in the brigantine, as they sailed along the coast of this island from the south-east to the north-west,[258] saw many villages near a river that was nigh to the ships. We passed a league further on, and after another league came to the river of Ortega. All this coast is full of villages; yet we did not stop to have seen more of it. Going further along the coast, we came to a river and anchored in it; and we resolved to land to see the people who were there. More than 200 Indians came out to meet us in a friendly manner, with their bows in their hands and the clubs with which they fight. They gave us some plantains (_platanos_) which abound here. After we had seen this, the people embarked; however, they threw some stones at us as we were embarking. We were from the ships 12 leagues. Proceeding on our course to the south-east, we saw in another river a large population of natives, and we named it Rio de San Bernardino because it was that same day. It is in the latitude of 10⅓°, and bears . . . .[259] There is a very high round hill here. This river is 4 leagues from where we started from, as I have said.[260]

[258] A perplexing error. Read instead, N.W. to S.E. Figueroa gives the course as E.S.E.

[259] “Nor norueste suhueste” (an impossible bearing).

[260] The sense of this sentence is not intelligible to me.

“We continued coasting along this same island; and two leagues from this river, we came to a great village on the bank of a small river. Don Fernando landed, and took a canoe which he found in the river, and also some roots, that they call “mames” (yams) and others, “names,” which they found in cases. We told the natives to give us some hogs, and they should have their canoe back. They said that they would give them to us with the intention of detaining us whilst they collected their numbers. Thereupon they began to play their instruments for the battle. By the time we were embarked, more than 600 ruffians (_gandules_) had assembled. Coming to the beach with their bows and arrows, and clubs, and stones, they began to shoot; but no musket was fired at them, although they did not cease from shooting at us. Some took to the water and swam off to the brigantine endeavouring to cajole us with fair words, asking us for the canoe and promising us a hog. They tried to take it from astern: and when we observed this, we threatened them and they went ashore.

“The Indians then brought on a pole a bundle of dry grass in imitation of a hog; and they placed it on the beach. Some came off to the brigantine and said that there was the hog, that we should go for it, and should give back the canoe. We saw the deceit that they intended; and when they perceived that we understood what it was and did not go for it, they threw stones at us and rushed into the sea, swimming with their weapons in their hands. Withal, we did not wish to harm them until we saw their boldness, and that they were coming to the brigantine to shoot at us with their arrows. To frighten them, some shots were fired high in the air, which did not wound any one; and so we went further along the coast, whilst they returned to the shore and followed us until we arrived off another large river, with many people as numerous as themselves, whom they joined.

“On the 22nd of May, we named this river Santa Elena. There is much level ground here which is covered with palms and cocoa-nut trees. This island has a very lofty _cordillera_ in its interior and many ravines from which these rivers issue; whilst between the mountains and the sea there are eight leagues of level country. In the mouth of the river there are many sandbanks; but we did not anchor there, and sailed a long way from the coast to double a point of reefs, where we anchored. The wind blew so strong from the south-east that we ran much risk when seeking shelter to leeward of the shoals that run out from the river. Here I anchored, and although there was much wind, it was fine weather at sea.

“The Indians, who were more than a thousand in number, swam out to us with their bows and arrows; and they dived and plunged beneath the water to lay hold of our anchor and carry the brigantine ashore. Seeing their determined perseverance, we fired some shots, and having killed some, we ceased firing; and they made for the shore, where they raised some mounds of sand for their protection. As we were short of water, we were compelled to get more; and when we headed towards the shore, a great number of the natives assembled together to menace us lest we should take up a position in the rear of their works, from which they defended themselves. We loaded a small cannon with small shot, and discharged it against their mound-works, by which some were wounded and one killed. Seeing that they could not hold the works, they left the beach and withdrew to the mountain slope.

“And we found a place to get water in the canoe that we had; but it was brackish; and I told them that unless they brought sweeter water they should not come on board the brigantine. The Indians said that they would fetch it in the earthen jars which were given them for it; and taking them, the Indians went and brought it sweet and put it on board the brigantine. Soon they all came on board, and they did not follow us any more. Continuing our voyage along the same coast for another 6 leagues, we anchored off a great town, which was more than three leagues in extent (_mas de tres leguas de poblacion_), whence there came out to us more than 3,000 (!) Indians, who gave us a hog and many cocoa-nuts; and they filled the earthen jars with water and brought it off in their canoes, and they came on board the brigantine to visit us without arms. Close to the shore there are two inhabited islets lying about half a league to sea; and further on to the north-west of these two islets, there is another islet of sand. Soon we steered our course to the south-east, following the trend of the coast for two leagues. There are two other islets, and another of sand, near them, which were not inhabited.

“On the 24th of May we sailed further along; and there came off to us 18 canoes, which accompanied us until sunset. When they were about to go, they menaced us with their bows; and on some shots being fired to disperse them, they quickly left us. Accordingly, we kept our course until the extremity of this island, which runs from north-west to south-east. We went to look for a port for the ships in case it should be needed; and we found at the point of this promontory many islets with shoals between them. Among them is a large island with a good port. We were in want of water, and two canoes that accompanied us showed us where to get it, with the intention of luring us there and killing us; for they came with their weapons. They were joined by 30 other canoes, one of them carrying 30 Indian warriors. Arriving whilst we were watering, they landed, and having got plenty of stones and arrows and spears, some went to attack the brigantine, whilst the others went to attack those who were getting water on shore. When we saw their determined daring, shots were fired by which some were killed and many wounded; and so they fled, leaving behind two canoes empty, and carrying off the rest. The large canoe was much injured, and in their precipitation they threw themselves into the sea; but we took the canoe with four Indians, two wounded and two unharmed. We landed them, and treating them well, gave them their liberty and restored their canoe. And so they went away; and I kept a boy that I took here. I found the latitude to be in 10¾°. On the south-south-east side of the point, the coast trends from north-east to south-west, but from this point we could not see the end of it. The port is 40 leagues from where we left the ships.[261]

[261] The description of this part, its situation, and relative position to the adjoining coasts of Malaita and St. Christoval, as stated below, all point to its identity with Marau Sound. In the Geographical Appendix reference is made to the discrepancies in the distances and latitudes of Gallego.

“We left this port with some difficulty as it lies among the reefs. We saw to the south-east-by-east an island 7 leagues away;[262] but we did not go to it, as we were going to the island of Malaita, as the Indians name it, which lies with the island of Guadalcanal, and with the point where we had been, north-east-by-east. We sailed to the north-east-by-east for 16 leagues, and arrived at a good harbour which has many reefs at the entrance. There came out 25 canoes with warriors who discharged their arrows. Some shots were fired at them, which killed some and wounded others. This port, which is on the south-south-west coast, is in the latitude of 10¼°; and the name, Escondido, was given to it, because it is almost enclosed by reefs.[263] In this island we found apples of some size, oranges, a metal that seemed to be a base kind of gold, and, besides, pearl-shell, with which they inlay the club they use in battle, being the one they usually carry. These natives, like the rest, go _completely_ naked. In the name of His Majesty we took possession of this island, to which we gave the name of the Isle of Ramos.” (_Vide_ Note VI., Geographical Appendix.)

[262] This island is evidently St. Christoval.

[263] Future visitors to the southern portion of Malaita will doubtless be able to identify this port with some anchorage on the west coast to the northward of the Maramasiki Passage. In so doing they should not forget the usual error of Gallego’s latitudes (Note V. of the Geographical Appendix).

“Leaving this port, we sailed to the south-east for four leagues, and discovered an entrance to a harbour resembling a river dividing the lands from each other.[264] We could not see the end of it; and on account of the strong current we were unable to enter. We accordingly passed on another four leagues, where we found a good port: and in it I took the latitude, and found it to be 10⅓° south of the equinoctial. It has an islet at the entrance which should be left close on the starboard hand in entering the port. Two hundred Indians came out and attacked us. To this port we gave the name of La Asuncion, because we entered it on that day.[265] This day we sailed out and proceeded further along the coast to the south-east. Close to the extremity of the island, we put into a _small bay_,[266] where they discharged some arrows at us, and on our firing some shots they left us. Quitting the small bay, we sailed as far as the end of the island which is in 10¼°.[267] It lies north-east and south-east with the isle of Jesus, which is the first island we saw, and lies in 7°. [With the other end of Malaita, which is to the north-east, and lies east and west with Meta in 8°, it is 85 leagues. There is another point in 7°, with which the Isle of Jesus lies north-east-by-north 135 leagues.[268]]

[264] This is without a doubt the Maramasiki Passage which cuts through the south-eastern portion of Malaita.

[265] Port Asuncion may, perhaps, be the large bay of Su Paina.

[266] _Caleta_ in the Spanish. This anchorage may, perhaps, be identified with Su Oroha or with one of the inlets or coves nearer to Cape Zélée, such as Te Oroha or Te Waina. (“Pacific Islands:” vol. I.; “Western Groups:” p. 61, 62; “Admiralty publication,” 1885.)

[267] This latitude is not consistent with that given above for the port of Escondido, which, according to the journal, lies more than half a degree to the north-west.

[268] I have endeavoured unsuccessfully to get at the meaning of the two sentences enclosed in brackets.

“This island of Malaita has a length of 114 leagues. We did not go to the north side, and for that reason we cannot say what is its breadth. The island of Guadalcanal is very large. I do not estimate its size, because it is a great land and half a year is needed to sail along its shores.[269] That we sailed along its length on the north side for 130 leagues and did not reach the end, shows its great size. Moreover, on the east[270] side of the extremity, the coast trended to the west, where I saw a great number of fine towns.[271]

[269] “_Para andallæ es menester medio anno._”

[270] This should be “west.”

[271] See Note VIII. in Geographical Appendix for remarks on the exaggerated ideas as to the size of this island.

“From the extremity of this island of Malaita we saw another island, which lies east and west from this cape 8 leagues, to which we went, arriving in the night. We anchored in front of a town on the coast, which has a small river; and whilst we were anchoring, two canoes came off to see us, but they soon returned. At dawn we sent the people on shore to get water: and the natives came out peacefully with their women and their sons. They are all naked like the others. The women carry in their hands some things like fans, which they sometimes place before them. When the water was procured, we asked for a hog, and they brought it; and placing it so that we should see it, they returned and carried it off. But we did not injure them in any way; and accordingly embarked and proceeded out to sail round the island. When the natives saw that we were going, most of them came out in their canoes with their bows and arrows in pursuit of us. The first man who was about to aim, we knocked over with a shot. At this, they turned and fled; and we pursued them as far as the port, capturing some canoes that had intended to take us. A friendly Indian, whom we carried with us, climbed a palm tree and saw how the Indians came in regular bodies bearing their shields. We went to arms, and sent three soldiers to see in what force the people were. They came in their canoes in two or three divisions to attack the brigantine: and we began to bring our musketry into action, killing two Indians and an Indian woman. They soon retired; and our men who were on the shore having embarked in the brigantine, we went on in pursuit of our quest. The island is named Uraba[272] in the language of the Indians. We gave it the name of La Treguada because they led us into a treacherous truce.[273] This island is in latitude 10½°. It is well peopled, and has plenty of provisions of their kind. Although small, it has an area of 25 leagues. There is communication with the neighbouring islands, and with a cape that lies to the north-west. It trends north-west and south-east until the middle of the island, where we found these 10°, and the other . . . . . (_milad_) trends north-north-west until the end of the island.

[272] The reader will have already inferred that the island of Uraba is the Ulaua of the present chart, and will have noticed that the name of the island has remained the same during the last three centuries. It is the Ulawa of the present natives, and the Contrarieté of Surville.

[273] One must judge Gallego in the spirit of his times. Humane as he really was, we cannot free him from his share in this unfortunate conflict with the natives of Ulaua: and the name of La Treguada had been better never bestowed. The next navigator who visited this island was Surville in 1769; who, following up his previous proceedings at Port Praslin in Isabel, repelled its inhabitants with grape shot.

“To the south-by-west of the point of the island there are low islands, with many shoals around them, which are three leagues distant from this island of La Treguada, to which we went and obtained water. They are inhabited; and we gave them the name of Las Tres Marias. They trend west-by-north and east-by-south.[274]

[274] These three islands are without doubt identical with the three small islands which are named the Three Sisters in the present chart. Surville, the French navigator, who saw them in 1769, gave them the name of Les Trois Sœurs, which they still retain. At the present day they are uninhabited, and any water that could be obtained would be of a very doubtful quality. Fleurieu hints at the identity of Les Trois Sœurs and Las Tres Marias.

“There is another island which lies three leagues from Las Tres Marias. It is low, and the inhabitants are like those around. We named it the island of San Juan, and found in it a good harbour. We took possession of it in the name of His Majesty, as in the case of the other islands. It is 6 leagues in circuit; and is in latitude 10⅔°.[275]

[275] The San Juan of Gallego is evidently the island now known as Ugi. There is no apparent reference in this journal to the small adjacent island of Biu.

“We went thence to another great island,[276] which lies north and south with it, 2 leagues away. Before we arrived, 93 canoes with warriors came out to us and . . . . .[277] We took an Indian chief and placed him below the deck. He seized a sword, and defending himself attempted to escape, until at last the sword was taken from him and he was bound. We sent the people on shore, intending to take possession; but so many natives attacked them that we were not able to do so, and we returned to the island of San Juan. I offered to Don Fernando to take possession of it before dawn; and it was done. In the island of San Juan, they ransomed the Indian, and gave us for him three hogs, to which he added some beads. As a sign of friendliness, Don Fernando Henriquez embraced him.

[276] Apparently this is the island named Santiago below. It is without doubt St. Christoval.

[277] “y tuvimos gran guasavara.”

“On the following day, which was the 2nd of June, we arrived at dawn off the island of Santiago.[278] More than 50 canoes came out to us; and they planned to carry us off to their towns. It was necessary to fire some shots in order that they should quit us; and they left us and returned. Possession was taken of this island in the name of His Majesty; and we did no injury to the people. This island is 40 leagues in length on its north side: and it is narrow, and in part mountainous, and is well peopled. The Indians of this island go naked and eat human flesh. Its eastern extremity is in latitude 10¾°; and lies north-west and south-east with the island of Treguada 12 leagues. The south-east extremity lies north-west and south-east 18 leagues with the island of Malaita.

[278] The reader will now require to use some caution in following this part of the narrative, since Gallego seems to have fallen into much confusion respecting the island of St. Christoval. The name of Santiago was evidently applied by him to the north side of the island west of the prominent headlong of Cape Keibeck, which he might easily have taken for the extremity of the island. The name of San Urban was in all probability given to the peninsula of Cape Surville, which, as I have myself remarked while off the St. Christoval coast, has the appearance of a detached island when first seen, in approaching it from the northward and westward. This deceptive appearance, when viewed from a distance, is due to the circumstance that the neck of the peninsula of Cape Surville is raised but a few feet above the level of the sea, and is in consequence below the horizon when this cape is first sighted. The distance of San Urban from Guadalcanal, as given above, is inconsistent with the rest of the journal; and for 4 leagues, 40 leagues was evidently intended, the omission of the cipher being probably a clerical error. The name of St. Christoval was subsequently given, as shown further on in the narrative, when the Spanish ships visited the south coast of this island.

“When we were all embarked to proceed further on, a violent north-east wind overtook us, and drove us to the extremity of Santiago, whence we saw a large island to the south-east that trended westward. It was 18 leagues distant. It is in latitude 10½° south of the equinoctial; and is 4 leagues distant from the island of Guadalcanal. We gave it the name of the island of San Urban.

“On account of the sickness of myself and of some of the soldiers, we did not proceed further: and, keeping away to leeward, we arrived at the island of Guadalcanal. We landed at a town where the Indians gave us . . . . . .[279] when we intended to get water, and where we set free the three Indians in the canoe; and they gave us a hog and _panales_. But they were in great fear of us, and leaving us they returned to the town. Beads were given to them as a sign of friendship. Leaving there, we continued our cruise to return to the ships, and touched at some places where we had been before, the natives receiving us in a friendly manner, and giving us what they had, because they were much afraid of the muskets we carried. We sailed further on to a port, where, during our previous stay, we had been received peacefully. We got water there; and they gave us a hog and almost filled the brigantine with _panoes_, which is the food they eat. It is a very good harbour for the ships, and lies under the shelter of an island. There are many inhabitants.

[279] “La Guacanara.”

“We continued our return cruise, intending to explore a river where we had been before. Sailing into the port to obtain provisions, we arrived close off a town which the Indians abandoned when they saw us. We found there, many _panoes_ and _ñames_ (yams) with which we loaded the brigantine. I tried to catch a tame white parrot, which the Indians had together with many others of various hues. When the Indians saw that we did no harm, they all assembled, and came and gave us a hog to induce us to go. Presently we sailed on to another river, on the bank of which there is a large town; we anchored in it. The Indians began to make fires, and to cast the fire in the air;[280] it was a thing we had not seen in any other part.

[280] “hechar por lo alto.”

“On the next day, which was the 6th of June, the Feast of the Holy Ghost, we reached the ships, and found them all very sad. It appeared that on the Day of the Ascension, the steward with four soldiers and five negroes were sent on shore for water. As on previous occasions, they were sent because the cacique of that tribe was a friend and used to come off to the ships to give us cocoa-nuts, whilst his men used to fetch the water in the earthen jars, and because we trusted them for the friendly manner in which they behaved in their dealings with us. This day, however, when they were gone for the water, it seemed that the boat got aground because they had not taken care to keep her afloat as she was being filled. At this moment, the Indians rushed out from ambush with their weapons and were upon them; and they did not leave a single soul alive except a negro of mine who escaped. All the rest they hewed to pieces, cutting off their heads, and arms, and legs, tearing out their tongues, and supping up their brains[281] with great ferocity. The negro who escaped took to the water to swim off to an islet that was near. However, they swam in pursuit, and with a cutlass, which he carried in his hand, he defended himself from them in such a manner that they left him, and he reached the islet. From there he began to make signs, and to shout out to those in the ships, which they perceived; and as quickly as possible the General went ashore to see what had happened. When he reached there, the ill tidings were told. The Indians retired to the hills. In a short time, the dead Christians were recovered; and they buried them in the place where they used to say mass, the soldiers in one grave, and the negroes in another. Of the negroes, one belonged to the King, two to ourselves, and one to the boatswain. It was a thing to hear their shouting, and the noise that the Indians made with their drums. It appeared to be a general assembling day with them, because more than 40,000 Indians[282] had gathered together for this purpose. When our people had buried the dead, they embarked in the ships, being in great grief with what had occurred.

[281] The New Ireland cannibals of the present day are fond of a composition of sago, cocoa-nut, and human brains. (“The Western Pacific and New Guinea.” London 1886: p. 58: by H. H. Romilly.)

[282] This is either an exaggerated statement, or it is an error in transcribing.

“As I understand, the cause of the Indians coming to attack us was this. The cacique came off to the ‘Capitana’ to entreat that our people would give him back a boy belonging to his tribe, whom they had taken. He offered a hog for him; but they would not give him up. On the following day, the cacique brought a hog off to the ship, and said that, if they gave him the boy who was a kinsman of his, he would give them the hog. But they would not give him up, and took the hog by force. When the cacique saw how he had been treated, he went away and did not return to the ships again. In a few days, the disaster happened.

“On the day after this unfortunate event, the General ordered Pedro Sarmiento to land with as many men as he could muster to inflict punishment. He burned many towns, and killed more than 20 Indians. Then he returned to give account of what he had done. Each day that they landed they endeavoured to punish them the more. On a subsequent occasion, because no more Indians were seen whom they could punish, the General ordered Pedro Sarmiento to proceed to a point that lay to the south-east a league and a half from the ships. For he considered that all the Indians had been concerned in the treachery and in the death of the Christians. Having embarked 50 soldiers in two boats, Pedro Sarmiento went there, but he found no Indians as they had fled to the hills. After he had burned all the buildings and habitations that he could find, he turned back on his way to the ships. Some Indians, who came out from a point, followed him slowly; and our people lay in ambush and killed three or four Indians, the rest escaping in flight. They then returned to the boats, and embarking came back to the ships. An Indian, whom we took, informed us of those who were concerned in the death of our men. He said that the leader was a taurique, named Nobolo, who lived on the bank of the river that lay a league to the east of the Rio Gallego; and that with him there were many others who had collected together for that object and with the said result.

“On Wednesday, the 9th of June, the men of the ‘Almiranta’ were engaged in making a top-mast on the islet close to where the ships were anchored. Some musketeers and targeteers (_rodeleros_), who were eight in number, were in guard of the carpenter’s party. As it happened, the Indians were then preparing for another attack; and more than 300 of them lay in ambush, ready for the assault. About 10 Indians crossed over to the islet with bows and arrows concealed; and they brought a hog, intending to beguile our men by occupying their attention in talking, whilst the other Indian warriors should be arriving. When I saw the Indians crossing over and this canoe heading for the islet where our people were making the top-mast, I ordered some musketeers into the boat; and accompanied by Pedro Sarmiento, we steered so that the islet concealed us from those in the canoe. Approaching the islet, we passed between it and the main island and came close up with the canoe which had only one Indian on board, the others having thrown themselves into the sea. The canoe was captured together with the hog which they had brought to deceive us. When we had joined the party who were making the top-mast, we returned to the ships after having killed those who came in the canoe. This was the most effective attack that was made, for the Indians went away much discouraged.

“On the 12th of the same month of June, the General took the brigantine and a boat with nearly all the people, in order to inflict further punishment at a river which lay a league to the east of the place where the ships were anchored; and I accompanied him. An hour before the dawn we arrived close to the river; and we were about to conceal ourselves and fall upon the Indians, when we were seen by their sentinels and they went to arms. I remained with four musketeers in charge of the brigantine and the boat in the mouth of the river, so as not to allow any canoe to escape. The General on arriving at the town, which had more than 200 houses, found it deserted. He set fire to it; and then we returned to the ships.

“The next day, which was Sunday the 13th of June, we made sail during the night and proceeded in the ships to follow up the discoveries of the brigantine. When we had sailed about 8 leagues to the south-east, we anchored because the wind was contrary. The General landed here to get some provisions for the sick, of whom there were many. In a short time he returned to the ships, when we made sail with the land-breeze. Now died the pilot, Paladin, an experienced seaman. We lost sight of the brigantine, as she went ahead of us: and we did not see her until we found her anchored in a port off an islet that lay half a league to windward of where we had anchored in the brigantine during our voyage of discovery. There were many inhabitants here; and they came off to us as friends. On account of it being Corpus Christi Day, we remained here all the day. Mass was said at the islet which is close to the anchorage. We watered the ships there. The Indians gave us of their own free will two hogs and many cocoa-nuts and _ñames_ (yams). The cacique of this tribe was named Meso, and the town was called Urare. This people is at war with the people of Feday, which is the name of the place where we were anchored. . . . . .[283]

[283] “que nos maron gente.”

“On the 18th of June, we left this port, and proceeded on our voyage, seeking the island of Santiago or San Juan,[284] which was the island that we had discovered and named. We beat to windward against a strong head wind in our endeavour to arrive at the island of Santiago; but on account of this contrary wind and the boisterous weather, we did not fetch it; and I determined to steer to the south of the island of Santiago, the wind and the contrary currents not allowing us to find a harbour. We coasted along an island, not seen in the brigantine[285], and we held on our course for fourteen days, endeavouring to reach the end of the island; but in the middle of the island, on account of the contrary wind and currents, what we gained one day we lost the next. Accordingly I went to find a port. We named this island San Christoval.[286] It was our Lord’s pleasure that after so much difficulty I should find a very good port for the ships; and on the following day I returned to the ships. We sailed to windward that night on account of the boisterous weather, which obliged us to shorten sail and lie-to[287] for the night. When it dawned, we found ourselves three leagues to leeward of the port, which we tried in vain to reach; and since we kept falling to leeward, I was compelled to take the brigantine and go in search of another anchorage, with the understanding that when I had found one, I should signal to the ships to follow the brigantine. The signal being made, I guided the ships to the brigantine, which lay outside a point of reefs that formed the harbour; and so we entered it.

[284] Gallego here seems to have forgotten that he had previously applied these two names to different islands, that of San Juan to Ugi and that of Santiago to the large island south of it, viz., the present St. Christoval (see p. 222).

[Foootnote 285: This remark is inconsistent with the previous reference to their steering south of Santiago.]

[286] I should here call attention to the circumstance that the Spaniards were navigating the south coast of this island. Further proof of this is given in succeeding pages.

[287] “Sin velas de mar a el traves.”

“It is a good and secure anchorage; and there is a town there which has eighty houses. The General landed with the captains and the soldiers to obtain provisions and to take possession of the island, in the name of His Majesty, which we did without opposition, for the Indians received us peacefully. The same evening we landed, and went in marching order to see the town, but without doing them any injury; and we returned to the ships with the agreement that on the following morning we should revisit the town to get provisions, of which we were in need.

“On the morning of the 1st of July, we all landed with the determination to obtain provisions for our present necessities; and the General entered one part of the town with the greater number of our people, whilst Pedro Sarmiento with twelve soldiers entered another part. When the Indians saw our determination, and that we entered the town in two places, they began to arouse themselves and to take up their weapons, making signs that we should embark. They held a consultation in a small hollow, where Pedro Sarmiento and his party entered. One of the headmen was seen to make incantations and invocations to the devil, which caused real terror, because it seemed as though his body was possessed of a devil. There were two other Indians, who, whilst making great contortions with their faces and violently shaking themselves, scraped up the sand with their feet and hands and threw it into the air. They then made towards the boats with loud shouting and yells of rage, and tossed the water in the air. At this, our people sounded the trumpets to assemble where the General was; for there were all the Indians with their bows and arrows and darts and clubs, which are the weapons with which they fight. They came very close to us, bending their bows and bidding us to depart. It became necessary for us to fire; and accordingly some were killed and others were wounded. Thereupon they fled and abandoned the town, in which there was a great quantity of _panaes_ and _ñames_ and many cocoa-nuts and almonds,[288] which were sufficient to load a ship. Presently we set about carrying to the boats all that we found, and nothing more was done that day. The Indians did not dare to return to the town again, and that night we embarked. This port is in 11° south latitude. It is in close proximity to the island of Santiago, to the south-east; it is narrow and mountainous, and the inhabitants are like the rest.[289]

[288] These almonds were without doubt the almond-like kernels of the fruit of a species of _Canarium_, a common article of food at the present day.

[289] This sentence refers to the island, and not to the port, judging from the context.

“After three days had passed, the General ordered that the brigantine should proceed on a voyage of discovery; and Francisco Muñoz Rico, with ten soldiers, and I, with thirteen seamen, embarked. We left this port on the 4th of July, and coasted along this island of Paubro, as it is called in the language of the natives, being that which we named San Christobal.[290] Until the middle of the island, the coast trends north-west and south-east for 20 leagues and a point nearer east and west; and the other half trends west-by-north and south-by-east. We entered a harbour, which was the first we discovered in this cruise; and there we remained for the day.

[290] This reference to the native name of _Paubro_ is interesting, since at the present day St. Christoval is largely known by the native name of _Bauro_, which is evidently the same. This is also without a doubt the “large country named _Pouro_” of which the natives of Taumaco (Duff Group) informed Quiros about forty years afterwards (_vide_ Geographical Appendix, Note XV.).

“On the following morning we left there, and proceeded further along the coast to the east-by-south. We entered a small bay, enclosed by reefs, near which were three towns. We seized two boys here. The officer in command of the soldiers went with all our people to reconnoitre the town that was a league away; and I remained behind in charge of the brigantine with no small risk, for there were only three soldiers left with me to defend it. In a few hours the people returned with two canoes that they had taken, and five sucking-pigs, and some _panaes_, and plantains, with which they embarked. We then made sail to proceed further along the coast.

“On the next day a canoe with two Indians came off to us. They were friendly, and one of them came on board the brigantine. We sailed on in order to reach a harbour, and proceeded further along the same coast, on which there were many towns, and the people of them were, as we expected, very turbulent; for a canoe preceded us, giving warning in such a manner that in all this island we were not able to capture anything. As we approached a promontory (_morro_), many Indians came out and threw stones at us with much shouting; and at the extremity of this island we discovered two small islands. The end of this island is in 11½° south of the Equinoctial. This island is a hundred leagues in circuit and seven leagues in width, and is well peopled.

“From the extremity, we went to one of the small islands which was the smallest and lay to the south side.[291] On arriving there we anchored; and there came off to us twelve Indians who came on board the brigantine and spent some time with us. On their being asked by signs what further land there was in that part, they said that there was none; but towards the west, where we pointed, they said that there was much land. We saw it, and because there was no time or opportunity we did not go to it.[292] Through the day and night we had much wind. As we were about to disembark, the natives began to throw stones at us; and when some shots were fired for our own defence, they fled. Accordingly, we landed and went to the town, where we found some hogs and a quantity of almonds and plantains. I ordered a sailor to climb a high palm to see if he could descry land to the south, or south-east, or north-west (?)[293] but no further land appeared. There came from that quarter a great swell which was a sign of their being no more land there. This island, we named, Santa Catalina; in the language of the natives it is called Aguare.[294] It is 40[295] leagues round, and it is low and level. It has many palms and is well peopled. It has many reefs. It is in latitude 11⅔°, and it lies two leagues south-east from the extremity of San Christobal.

[291] This small island was subsequently named Santa Catalina; and the circumstance of the Spaniards going to it before they visited the adjacent small island of Santa Anna, is a proof of their having coasted along the south side of St. Christoval. Then, the description of the trend of the coast (_see_ page 229) applies rather to the south than to the north coast; and this is further confirmed by the circumstance that when the Spanish ships were soon afterwards leaving the group on their return voyage to Peru, they weathered or doubled the two islands of Santa Anna and Santa Catalina. Again, no reference is made to the islands visible off the north coast, which would have been certainly referred to, even although they had previously visited them in the brigantine. I lay stress on this point as it clears up the confusion of the different names applied to St. Christoval.

[292] There is some obscurity in this passage, and in rendering it I have been guided by the account of Figueroa.

[293] “North-west” is an error, which the context indicates, even excluding other circumstances; it should be “south-west.”

[294] The present native name is Orika, or Yoriki of the Admiralty chart.

[295] An evident mistake, and one inconsistent with the context. The island is scarcely two leagues in circuit.

“On the 11th of this month, we went from this island to the other island which lies with it north-north-west and south-south-east,[296] a short league distant from it.[297] It is distant 3 leagues, east-by-south, from the end of San Christobal; and is in latitude 11° 36′. We named it Santa Anna; it is called Hapa[298] in the language of the natives. It is 7 leagues in circuit; and is a low round island with an eminence in the centre, like a castle; it is well peopled, having abundant provisions, with pigs and hens of Castile; and there is a very good port on the east side.[299]

[296] This bearing is only approximate, the magnetic bearing being nearly north and south.

[297] This distance agrees nearly with that on the chart which is about two miles. Figueroa, in his account, gives the distance as three leagues.

[298] The village, situated on the shores of Port Mary on the west coast of the island, is at present called Sapuna by its inhabitants. Allowing for the variation in the spelling of native names, we can here recognise the Hapa of the Spaniards. Oo-ah or Oa, is the name of the island.

[299] This is a good description of the appearance of this island. The port is, however, on the west side; and the circumference of the island is not half this amount.

“On arriving there, we landed the people, and the Indians commenced _to attack us_.[300] On an Indian being killed, they began to fly, and deserted the town. Our men entered the houses in search of provisions, but they found only three hogs, as all the rest had been placed in safety. At nightfall we embarked in the brigantine and stood off the land; and all the night we heard no sound except the crowing of many cocks. The next morning, which was the 13th of July, we landed the people to obtain more provisions to carry back for the sick in the ships; and when the Indians saw our people landing, they got into ambush. I was left with four soldiers in charge of the brigantine. The Indians, with loud cries, began to attack our men, discharging many darts and arrows. Their bodies were painted with red stripes, and they had branches on their heads.[301] They wounded three Spaniards and a negro of mine; and also the officer in command, Francisco Muñoz, a dart piercing the shield and arm and projecting a hand’s breadth on the other side of the shield. Rallying our men, we attacked them valiantly, killing some Indians and wounding many others, so that they abandoned the place and fled. We burned the town, and took water. From the higher ground near by we tried to discover any appearance of land; but as we saw none, we embarked on our return voyage to the ships.

[300] “A dar nos guacanara.” What “guacanara” means, I can only guess at.

[301] I cannot gather the meaning of this latter part of the sentence and have rendered it literally. The same expression occurs in the account of Figueroa.

“Sailing all this day with a fair wind, we arrived at the island of San Christobal; and that night we entered a port because there was a threatening appearance in the weather. We landed in a town that was there, and the Indians fled, discharging some arrows. A soldier was wounded in the throat, but not seriously, and he was able to swallow some food. As we wished to leave the port with the rising moon, we embarked; and we named the port La Palma.

“We continued our voyage back to the ships; and when we had sailed about 4 leagues from the port, a canoe came off to look at us and to learn what people we were. As we had need of Indians for their language, we endeavoured to take the canoe; and so we coaxed them on, and of four which came in the canoe we took three alive, and one died whilst defending himself. In the evening, we arrived at the Puerto de la Visitacion de Nuestra Senora, where the ships lay.[302] I found that, on account of bad treatment, all the Indians whom we had taken in the islands had gone.

[302] From the short description of this harbour given on page 228, it is probably not Makira Harbour on the south coast of St. Christoval; although from the time occupied by the brigantine in her return voyage along this south coast from Santa Anna to the ships, it must be in its vicinity.

“I gave a report to the General of what we had seen and accomplished in the expedition, telling him that there was no appearance of land further (in that direction), but that all the mass of the land, which was endless, lay to the west; and that, from this, he would perceive what ought to be done. A council of the captains and pilots was held to determine what steps should be followed in the prosecution of the voyage; and it was decided to refit the ships for this purpose; this, therefore, was the result of the general consultation. The ships were accordingly refitted;[303] but on Saturday, the 7th of August, in the same year of 1568, all mustered together and made a protestation to the General and the captains with reference to the plan to be pursued. I told them briefly that because the ships were getting worm-eaten and rotten, and the rigging and cordage were not of much good, we should be determined to complete, without delay, the object for which we had come. The General, in reply, said that it would be well that the brigantine should go in search of more provisions, of which we were in want; but I pointed out that this should not be done, because all the islands that we had visited were aroused, and the provisions hidden. They asked for my opinion as to returning to Peru, whence we had come; and I told them that we should not sail to the south of the Equinoctial, as we should be lost, on account of there being many people, scanty provisions, and but little water. I also said that if we were to direct our course to positions in latitudes which we should have time to reach, we should not have time to find land to the south-south-west and south, which would be a work of difficulty; and that such a new navigation, with 1,700 leagues of sea to cross on our return voyage, did not seem prudent. I therefore gave it as my opinion that we should steer north to reach the latitude of the first land we found, because it would be necessary, in order to shape a course from Peru, to go beyond the south tropic for thirty degrees and more; and I also said that when they should venture to make the return voyage, they should carry an abundance of water and provisions, because, otherwise, they would run the risk of all perishing. And so the pilots came to my view, which satisfied the protest that had been made; and I gave my opinion in the presence of a clerk who was Antonio de Cieza. Concerning the idea of my asking to found a settlement in these islands, I said that in that matter I did not know what the General intended to do, since the instructions concerning it were in his keeping. To this opinion they all came, and were of one mind without one that did not assent.[304]

[303] Figueroa refers to the ships being heaved down in this harbour.

[304] The impression, which this interesting passage leaves on my mind, is that the Chief-Pilot prefers in his narrative to gloss over an incident which must have been full of disappointment to himself. Further on in the narrative, he writes more freely on the subject (page 237). In Note IX. of the Geographical Appendix, I have given some further remarks on this passage.

“At midnight on the following Monday, when all were asleep, the General ordered Gabriel Muñoz and myself to go with some soldiers and make an entrance into a town in order to seize some Indians for interpreters (_para lenguas_). We went with 30 men, and took an Indian with his wife and young son; and all the rest of the Indians fled. We then returned to the ships; and straightway we made preparations for prosecuting our voyage.

“On the 11th of August of the same year, we left the Puerto de Nuestra Senora, which is in 11° south of the Equinoctial, in order to follow our voyage to Peru. Sailing to windward, at the end of 7 days after we had left the port, we weathered the island of San Christobal with the two islands of Santa Catalina and Santa Anna. On the Tuesday evening, having shortened sail, we had reached the islands of Santa Catalina and Santa Anna, which lay three leagues to the north-north-west. Looking around we did not see any more land, and here a strong south-east wind overtook us; and we shaped our course to the north-east-by-east.”

In this manner the Spaniards left behind them the Isles of Salomon after a sojourn of six months in these islands; and, perhaps, a few reflections on their discoveries in this group, and on their dealings with the inhabitants, may be here apposite. They seem to have landed on, and to have taken formal possession of, almost every island of any size from Isabel eastward; they named all the large islands in the group with the exception of Bougainville; and the majority of the smaller islands also received their names. In the Geographical Appendix, I have given a list of the islands named by the Spaniards, which do not at present bear the names given them by their original discoverers.[305] It would be a graceful compliment to the memory of the gallant Gallego, who was the central figure of this expedition, if, after the lapse of more than three centuries, the Spanish names should be associated with these islands in the Admiralty charts. The reason why such islands as Choiseul, Contrarieté, Les Trois Sœurs, and the Ile du Golfe (Ugi), at present bear the names given to them by the French navigators, Bougainville and Surville, rather more than a century ago, is to be found, not in any intended act of injustice to the Spanish discoverers, but in the circumstance that the imperfect account of Figueroa,[306] which omits many of the discoveries made in the brigantine, has been the only source of information available in the construction of the Admiralty charts. Those who have written most on the history of geographical discovery in these regions, Pingré, Dalrymple, Buache, and Fleurieu a century ago, and Burney in the early part of the present century, had only the account of Figueroa at their disposal.[307] The Journal of Hernan Gallego, the existence of which was doubted, would have been invaluable to them; and although a non-professional writer, I may be pardoned when I express my admiration at the manner in which M. M. Buache and Fleurieu arrived at such correct inferences, based as they were on such scanty premises. One or two mistakes have arisen in the nomenclature of the present chart, which are due to misconceptions in the English translations of the account given by Figueroa, to wit, I may cite the instance of the Isle of Ramos. . . . . . . The additional names which the Journal of Gallego enables us to identify with existing islands are, in truth, to be found in the general description of the Salomon Islands, which Herrera incorporated in his “Descripcion de les Indias Occidentales,” which was published about 1601. But this description was, as just remarked, of a general character, and beyond confirming the suspicion that there were other accounts of Mendana’s discoveries besides the relation of Figueroa, it was but of little service to the nautical geographer.

[305] _Vide_ Note X.

[306] Translated in great part from the original in the works of Pingré, Dalrymple, Fleurieu, and Burney. (Hechos de Don G. H. de Mendoza: par Dr. C. S. de Figueroa.)

[307] Pingré’s “Mémoire sur le choix et l’état des lieux où le passage de Vénus du 3 Juin, 1769;” Dalrymple’s “Historical Collection of Voyages;” Fleurieu’s “Découvertes des François en 1768 et 1769 dans le sud-est de la Nouvelle Guinée” (also Eng. edit.); Burney’s “Chronological History of Voyages and Discoveries,” &c.

I come now to a less pleasant task, that of reviewing the character of the intercourse that prevailed between the Spaniards and the natives. It has been remarked by Commander Markham in his spirited sketch of the discoveries of Mendana, that the conduct of the Spaniards, in their intercourse with the islanders, was not otherwise than humane;[308] but I feel assured that a different opinion would have been expressed, if the writer had extended his inquiries further into the narrative of Gallego. During their six months’ sojourn in this group, the loss of the Spaniards was but trifling in comparison with the losses they inflicted on the natives. In these numerous conflicts the natives must have lost not less than a hundred killed, whilst the Spaniards lost ten of their number; but a large proportion of these unfortunate islanders fell victims to the lamentable succession of reprisals for the massacre of the watering-party at the Puerto de la Cruz, an act of retribution which the Spaniards had entirely brought upon themselves. In the great majority of instances the natives assumed the aggressive, but not in all; and although the Spaniards were often justifiably compelled to employ force in obtaining provisions, yet there was often nothing to excuse them in seizing the canoes, in cajoling natives alongside in order to capture them, or in carrying off with them from the group an unfortunate native with his wife and child. The natives kept on board the ships escaped on account of ill-treatment; and, as Gallego also writes, all the islands were aroused to such a degree by the visit of the Spaniards, that they concealed their provisions, and the ships began their return-voyage to Peru with scanty supplies of food and water. . . . . . We must, however, judge of the conduct of the first discoverers of the Solomon Islands in the spirit of the age to which they belonged. The zeal, which led them to burn the temples dedicated to the worship of snakes and toads in the interior of Isabel, was appropriate to the spirit of an age in which expeditions were fitted out for the double purpose of discovering new territories and of reclaiming the infidel. Yet, if we lay aside the religious element, I doubt very much whether the lapse of three centuries has materially raised the standard by which our dealings with savage races should be guided. The white man kidnaps; the savage revenges the outrage on the next comer; the ship-of-war in its reprisal is of necessity equally indiscriminate; and thus feuds are re-opened with no single effort at conciliation.

[308] “The Cruise of the ‘Rosario,’” 2nd edit., 1873 (p. 8).

We left the Spanish vessels when on the eve of their departure from the Isles of Salomon. Little could Mendana or Gallego have then believed that two centuries would pass away before the white man should again visit the scene of their discovery. The Chief-Pilot kept in his journal an almost daily record of the course and usually of the distance during the first portion of this return voyage; but as he was not so regular or so precise in noting the distance of each day’s run, the latitudes, which he frequently records, enable me to follow this portion of the track with some degree of confidence.[309] It was on the 18th of August that they bore away to the north-eastward (N.E. by E.) with a strong south-east wind. Experiencing rain-squalls and calms, they kept a little to the north of this course, and on the 23rd they were in latitude 7° (full _largos_), being, as they computed, 36 leagues W. by N. from the Isle of Jesus.[310] It is apparent from the Journal that Gallego expected to find more land in this vicinity, and that he would willingly have gone in search of it. But the expedition had lost heart in the enterprise, and all that they desired was to return to Peru. A look-out was kept for several days, but not a sign of land was seen; and thereupon Gallego, stifling his own desire, thus records his lament in his journal: “As in the case of the archipelago of the islands, they did not allow me to explore further where I wished. And I hold for certain that if they had allowed me to go further, I should have brought them to a very prosperous and rich land, which will be discovered at God’s pleasure by whomsoever He wills. We were not far from it now, and of its goodness I did not wish to speak, because they were all disheartened and desired to return to Peru.”

[309] I have only indicated the general course in the return voyage, as a full translation would be tedious to the reader and would occupy too much of my space.

[310] The bearing was to the southward of west, as the Isle of Jesus, according to Gallego’s own observation, was in latitude 6¾°. Three days after, when they were in latitude 5½° S., Gallego gives their distance and bearing from the Isle of Jesus as 45 leagues W. by N.

Heading north-eastward with uncertain winds, they were obliged to steer S.E. by E. for six days as the wind shifted to the north-east. Finally, they headed to the northward again, and in the last day of August they passed the 3rd parallel of south latitude. “Between 2° and 4° of south latitude,” as Gallego writes, “we met abundant signs of land, such as palm-leaf matting, burnt wood, sticks, and _rosuras_,[311] which the sea derived from the land. From these signs we knew that we were near the land, although we did not discover it. We thought that it was New Guinea,[312] because it is not in a greater latitude than 4° south of the Equinoctial.”

[311] Not translated.

[312] Gallego here adds: “Inigo Ortez de Retes discovered it (_i.e._, New Guinea) and no other: but Bernardo de la Torre did not see it: nor is there such a Cabo de Cruz (Cape of the Cross) as he says.” I have placed this interesting reference to the discovery of New Guinea in a foot-note, as it is suddenly interposed in the narrative. In Note XI. of the Geographical Appendix, the reader may learn more, if so desirous.

New Guinea, however, lay some 1200 miles away; and the Spanish vessels were in the vicinity of the Gilbert Group, which lay probably about 300 miles to the eastward. On September 5th, with shifty and contrary winds, they crossed the Equator at about the 168th meridian of longitude east of Greenwich. The course pursued, in which it would appear the Chief-Pilot had not been consulted, was the subject of a protest made to the General. Thus writes Gallego: “I said to the pilot, Juan Henriquez, that we ought to petition the General to direct our course to one place or another or to steer for one pole or the other, as we were expending our provisions and water in beating to windward. Since the General followed his own opinion and showed no desire to consult me, I made this request in the presence of Antonio de Cieza, Clerk, all of which appears more fully in the said petition, which is in the possession of the said Clerk.”

Steering to the north and subsequently to the N.E. by E., they reached the 4th parallel of north latitude on September 8th. “This day,” writes the Chief-Pilot, “I signified to the ‘Almiranta’ that they should keep a good look-out from 6° up to 11°, as we were heading for the land.” Altering their course to N.N.W., they reached the parallel of 6° on the 14th, the needle showing no declination to the north-east. On the 15th and 16th, they headed north-east, and on the 17th, steering north, they found themselves in 8°. The surmise of Gallego proved correct. In this parallel, they discovered land.

“Two hours before dawn,” as the Chief-Pilot writes, “we came upon the shoals and islands of San Bartolomeo, which trend north-west and south-east and are 15 leagues in length. The south-east extremity is in 8°, and the north-west extremity lies in 8⅔°. There are two lines of reefs with apparently channels between them. There seems to be another line about half-a-league distant. At the north-west, there are two islets, which lie one with the other east and west one league. The coast is steep-to; and we did not find any depth to anchor on the west side. There were many houses and much people and _villos_ in these islands. Between the islands, which number more than 20, a canoe was under sail, but it made for the shore. We launched the boat to go for water. They could only obtain a cock of Castile, which they brought back with them. The people fled, abandoning their houses. They came upon a chisel made from a nail, which appears to have belonged to some ships that had been there, and some pieces of rope. They did not find water, but the cocoa-nut palms were cut which showed how the inhabitants got their water.[313] These Indians drink “chicha,”[314] which is made from some fruits like pine-apples; and on this account there is an infinite number of flies. We beat to windward for three hours trying to find depth to anchor; but the water was a thousand fathoms (_estados_) deep. When the boat returned, we continued our voyage.”

[313] This probably refers to cocoa-nut palms that had been cut for making “toddy,” a practice to be found amongst the natives of the Line Islands at the present day.

[314] An Indian name for a drink prepared from maize.

Figueroa, in his scanty account, neither gives the name nor the latitude of this discovery, so that previous writers, who derived their information entirely from this source, were unable to identify these islands with those in the charts. However, with the materials afforded to me by the journal of Gallego, I have been able, after carefully following the track of the Spanish ships, to identify this discovery with the Musquillo Islands in the Ralick Chain of the Marshall Group. Having followed their course northward from the vicinity of the Gilbert Group, to which I referred above (page 237), it was evident that they were about to pass through the Marshall Islands, and that if they should sight land, I had only to compare the description of Gallego with the present chart of this group, in order to identify this discovery with one of the atolls that there exist. (_Vide_ Note XII. of the Geographical Appendix.)

Continuing their course to the northward, they began to get short of water, and the people sickened and . . . . .[315] On the 22nd of September, they attained the latitude of 11½°, and running due north along the meridian, they reached the latitude of 19⅓° on October 2nd, when they discovered “a low islet enclosing the sea after the manner of a fishing-net, and surrounded by reefs.” “We were hove-to all that night,” . . . writes Gallego, . . . “believing that it was inhabited, and that we should be able to obtain water. But there were only sea-birds living on it; and its surface was sandy with some patches of bushes. It is probably two leagues in circuit: and is in latitude 19⅓° north of the Equinoctial. As it was the Day of San Francisco, we named it the Isle of San Francisco.”

[315] “Murieron hartos.” To avoid falling into a serious mistake, I have not translated this, more especially as Figueroa refers to no deaths on board during the voyage to Peru.

This island of San Francisco has not been identified by previous writers with any island in the present chart, as Figueroa supplied them with the latitude alone, but gave no reliable account from which they might be able to follow the previous track; nor, in fact, in the times of Burney and Krusenstern, who were the last to devote any considerable attention to the discoveries of Mendana, was this part of the Pacific sufficiently well known to enable even a confident surmise to be made. Commodore Wilkes, amongst others, has swept more than one phantom-island from this region. The track of the Spanish ships northward from the Marshall Group brought them, in fact, to a little coral-atoll, named Wake’s Island in the present chart, and lying in 19° 10′ 54″ N. lat. This is the Isle of San Francisco, which is but little altered in appearance in our own day.[316]

[316] _Vide_ Note XIII. of the Geographical Appendix for further information on this subject.

Keeping the same northerly course, they passed the limit of the tropic of Cancer on October 7th; and in another week they had reached the latitude of 30°. They now shaped their course north-east; and Gallego consulted the other pilots as to the position of the land, and as to the bearing of the Cabo de Fortunas[317] (Cape Fortune). “They told me in reply,” . . . . as the Chief Pilot informs us, . . . . “that we were already in the vicinity of land, that this cape lay, in their opinion, 70 or 80 leagues to the north-by-west, that we were much to leeward of the land, that it was not practicable to reach the cape with this wind as the coast trended north-west and south-east, and that we could not live unless we fell in with the land.”

[317] This cape is evidently referred to as on the Californian coast; I cannot identify it.

Could the Spaniards have known at this time what lay before them, the bravest heart amongst them would have quailed. Instead of being in the neighbourhood of the Californian coast whither they were steering, they had more than 3,000 miles of ocean to traverse and two long dreary months to struggle through, before they were fated to sight the land. They were destined to pass through storms, the like of which Gallego had never witnessed during his 45 years’ experience of the sea. The two ships were to be parted; and each was to pursue its solitary way in the fear that the missing ship had foundered. Such was the lot before them with sickness already amongst them, and with a failing store of water and provisions.

The Chief-Pilot thus continues his narrative--“On the 14th of this month (October), I continued to steer both ships in close company to the north-east. In the middle of the night there came a squall with a little rain. We shortened sail; and at that time the ‘Almiranta’ was to windward; but she allowed herself to fall to leeward for an hour, and when it dawned we could only see her from the top. Hoping to fall in with her, we carried only the fore-sail, and made no more sail all that day and night. We headed to the north-east until the second hour of the day; and because we did not see her, we took in all the sails. This was the 16th day of the month of October.

“Two hours after noon on Sunday the 17th, whilst we were yet hoping, we shortened sail because there was much wind from the south-east. We were driven before the gale; and as we were lying in the trough of the sea without any sails, the wind came upon us with all its fury from the north-east, such as I never beheld during the 45 years that I have been at sea, 30 of which I have served as pilot. Such boisterous weather, I have never witnessed, although I have seen storms enough. For a squall to take us when we were without sail, this was what frightened me. A sea struck us on the port side from the water-line to the middle hatch, which was battened down and caulked as I had ordered. We were deluged with water. Everything went its own way; and the soldiers and sailors were swimming about inside the ship, as they were trying to launch the boat, which was smashed and full of cables and water. The sailors were not able of themselves to do it; but God and His Blessed Mother willed that it should be done.[318] Then I ordered the sailors to unfurl a little of the sail; but before two gaskets were loosed, the fore-sail went into two thousand pieces, and only the bolt-ropes remained. For more than half-an-hour the ship was in great peril until the main-mast was cut away.[319] And soon I ordered them to make a sail of a _frecada_,[320] and of a piece of a bonnet (_boneta_); with this the ship was able to answer her helm . . . . . .[321] The weather began to clear. We were driven from our course more than 50 leagues, because the storm overtook us in latitude 32⅓°, and when it began to clear we found ourselves in 30°. When this weather came upon us we were 70 leagues south-east-by-south[322] from the Cabo de Fortunas; and when it began to clear we were 120 leagues, rather more than less.

[318] This reference to the launching of the boat, in order, I infer, to lighten the vessel, is ambiguously expressed. Figueroa, in his account, would appear to imply that the boat was merely relieved from its weight of ropes and water; but further on in his account, Gallego expressly refers to their being without a boat.

[319] Figueroa adds to this account. He says that the General gave the order to cut away the mainmast, and that it carried away a portion of the bulwarks.

[320] _Frazada_ in the account of Figueroa.

[321] “Para atras hechamos el camarote de popa a la mar.”

[322] I cannot understand this bearing.

“We headed on our course with only the fore-sails, as we had no other sails, since the sailors had lost the bonnets overboard. On the 21st of October, the wind went round to the opposite quarter, and lasted until the 29th. Coursing north-east with much wind and sea, we sailed close-hauled on one tack or the other, because it was no longer possible to sail free as the sea would engulph us. The ship did not behave well in a beam sea, for soon she shipped seas on either side, and she lost as much way as she made. On the evening of the 29th of October, the wind went round to the south-east, and there was a heavy sea. The wind was so strong that we were unable to make any sails, as they were carried away. All that night we lay in the trough of the sea with much wind and thunder and lightning, so that it seemed like the overwhelming of the world.[323] On the following morning I ordered them to clear away the sprit-sail and use it as a fore-sail, so that we might steer the ship. Before we had run for a watch to the north-east, the wind went round to the south, and with such force that it carried away the sails and we were left without any sail. We employed _las frescadas_ (blankets?) for sails, and thus we went this day. Soon the wind lessened, and we hoisted the fore-sail and coursed north-east until the next day, which was the last day of October.”

[323] Figueroa in his account states that there was always a foot and a half of water in the hold.

The “Capitana,” to which ship the narrative for a time alone refers, was now in 29° N. lat. A very strong north-east wind, lasting until November 4th, drove them to the south-east in latitude 26°. These north-easterly winds continued to prevail; and being unable to sail close to the wind, the Spaniards could not keep their latitude and were being driven from their course, to the south-east.[324] “We were,” . . . . as Gallego writes, . . . . “much wearied and suffered from hunger and thirst, as they did not allow us more than half a pint of stinking water and eight ounces of biscuit, a few very black beans, and oil; besides which there was nothing else in the ship. Many of our people were unable from weakness to eat any more food. A soldier, who had gambled with his allowance of water and had lost it, became desperate with thirst and cried out all the day. Being without a boat, we could do nothing on approaching a harbour. We resolved to trust that God would send us the means of help. He provided for us in His great mercy, and on the day of St. Isabel (November 19th) he gave us a (fair) wind, and we sailed in the latitude of 28° and up to 30°. This weather lasted until the 26th of November, and we were 125 leagues further on our voyage.”

[324] Figueroa in his account tells us that they rigged a jury-mast, making use of a top-mast for this purpose.

During the first week of December they experienced foul winds and thick weather: but on the 9th the wind went round to the south-south-east; and they reached the latitude of 31° on the 12th. Signs of the vicinity of land were now observed, such as sea-birds and a goose. A sailor leapt into the sea after a floating piece of a pine, and brought it on board, in order to bring fair weather. Rain fell, and enough water was collected for three days. At length the land was sighted by the watchful eye of Gallego. “It was the eve of our Lady the Virgin” . . . . . he writes . . . . . “and whilst standing at the side of the ship, I saw the land. Some of us, who despaired to see it, said that it could not be the land. Sailing through the night, two hours before the dawn we found ourselves close to two islets that lay a league from the mainland in latitude 30° north of the Equinoctial.[325]”

[325] Gallego here observes that the day before the land was sighted, the needle remained pointing north.

At length the Spaniards had reached the coast of Old California. “The mercy of God”--as Gallego writes--“had brought us safely through so many storms and privations that the soldiers had despaired of seeing it. Following along the coast, as it trended to the south-east, we entered a bay which resembles in form a pen for shoeing cattle (_corral de herrar ganado_). We could not see the outside point on account of its great distance. We found ourselves embayed; and it was necessary to steer west to weather this point. . . . . . We were detained three days with calms and north-west winds, as we had to beat to windward to weather this point. We named this bay _la bahia de San. tome_: it is in latitude 27¾°. At the point of this bay there are two large islets, named the Isles of Cacones.[326] We doubled the point on the 23rd of December. We beached the ship for 12 days between these islets. Having lost our boat at sea, we went ashore on a raft of casks to get water. There we made another raft of rushes and some casks, on which we carried on board 12 casks of water and many fish that we caught.”

[326] This large bay, which deeply indents the Californian peninsula, is named in the present maps the bay of Sebastian Vizcaino, after the Spaniard who surveyed this coast in 1602. Gallego’s name of San. tome, which may be a contraction for San. Bartolomeo, has, therefore, the priority of some 30 years and more. The prominent headland, which they had to double, is at present called Point Eugenio. The two _large islets_ off this point are now called Cerros and Natividad Islands.

Having obtained timber for making another boat, they continued their voyage, as the Indians were hostile. A foul wind caused them to pass by the port of Xalosco, and they “tacked to seaward to double the Cabo de Corrientes, which is in 21°, in order to reach the port of Santiago, which is 50 leagues beyond Xalosco.”

On the 24th[327] of January, 1569, they entered the port of Santiago. The Chief-Pilot tells us in his journal that he was well acquainted with this coast and with its people: this port,[328] he says, lies six leagues from Port Natividad, and is in latitude 19¼°. Before they left Santiago a joyful surprise awaited them. “On the day of St. Paul’s Conversion, three days after our arrival, the ‘Almiranta’ . . . . . hove in sight. She was much in want of water and provisions; and she carried no boat which, like ourselves, she had cast over in the great storms; and her main-mast was cut away. They did not recognize the coast. It was our Lord’s good will to bring us together in this port. God knows how glad we were to see each other. In preserving us through such great tempests, our Lord had worked a miracle . . . . . They told us what had happened during the great storms: and that when they arrived, they had only one vessel (_botija_) of water remaining . . . . . Sama, the alguacil-mayor of the city of Mexico, came with some people of the town of Colima to see who we were, and he talked with the General.”

[327] This should be the 22nd of January, as Gallego observes subsequently that the “Almiranta” arriving on the 25th came three days after them.

[328] During his passage from the Californian to the Mexican coast, Gallego seems from some observations in his journal to have been puzzled by getting a latitude of 23° 26′ before he arrived at the extremity of the Californian Peninsula. He speaks of San Lucas as being “at the end of California in the tropics;” but this observation apparently did not clear up his doubt on the matter; and in fact on first touching the Mexican coast, the number of small bays made him think that it was still the coast of California. The latitude of Cape San Lucas, the extremity of the Californian Peninsula, is 22° 52′: it is, therefore, well within the tropics.

The two ships left the port of Santiago on the 10th of March.[329] Nine days afterwards, they sailed into the port of Atapulco (Acapulco) to obtain news from Peru: but learning nothing, they left in an hour. Gallego adds that this port is the nearest to the city of Mexico, and that it lies in 17°. Proceeding along the Mexican coast, they anchored outside the port of Guatulco (lying according to Gallego in 15½°); and they sent a boat on shore to learn news of Peru and to get wine and biscuits . . . . . “All the people of the town,” . . . . . the Chief-Pilot writes . . . . . “were scared and fled into the interior, because they had heard in Mexico that we were a strange Scotch people” (_gente estrangera escoceses_).

[329] Gallego refers to an eclipse of the moon at nine in the night of the 10th of March. “At the end of an hour the moon was clear.”

Through a jealousy exhibited by the pilots of the “Almiranta” towards Gallego, the “Capitana” was left behind at this port for a day and a night, for which, says the object of their jealousy, the General was very angry with them. However, the “Capitana” arrived in the port of Caputla nine days before the other ship. The people there were at first much disturbed; but on recognising Gallego, who had been there on previous occasions, they were reassured; and they carried the news ashore that the voyagers had come from “the discovery of the islands.” On the 4th of April the “Capitana” arrived in the port of Realejo on the Nicaraguan coast, and was followed five days after by the “Almiranta”. . . . . “In this port,” . . . . . continues the Chief-Pilot . . . . . “we beached the ships and caulked the seams, and set up lower-masts and top-masts, of which we had need, in order to be able to lie up for Peru. With all our necessity in this port, neither the officials of the government nor any other persons would give or lend money to us for the repair of the ships. Perceiving that otherwise the ships would be lost, and that it was indispensable for the service of His Majesty, I lent the General all the money which I had of my own, and I received an acknowledgment for 1400 _pesos_ (dollars), with which the ships were refitted; and they were victualled for another piece of gold of 400 _pesos_: all this I lent for the service of His Majesty.

“We left this port, which is in latitude 12½°, on the 28th of May. Sailing to the Cabo de Guion (Cape Guion), we lay up thence for the coast of Peru. On the 4th of June we lost sight of the coast of Nicaragua; and on the 5th we passed to leeward of Mal Pelo Island.[330] On the morning of the 11th we were off Facames,[331] which lies four leagues below the Cabo del San Francisco (Cape San Francisco) on the coast of Peru. On the 14th we anchored in Puerto-viejo; and on the 19th we reached Point Santa Elena. On Sunday, the 26th of June,[332] Don Fernando Henriquez left with the news for Lima or the City of the Kings.”

[330] The Malpelo Island of the present charts.

[331] This is evidently Atacames, which has the position described.

[332] The two last dates are referred to as July. This is apparently a mistake, and I have, therefore, corrected it in the translation.

LAUS DEO.