CHAPTER V.

BULGARIA.

Country and People—The building up of the Bulgarian State—Relations with Russia—German Influence—Alexander of Battenberg—King Ferdinand—Bulgaria’s Immediate Duty.

Although it is asserted on historical grounds that the Bulgarians are a mixed race, and merely “Slavicized” by the influence of neighbouring Slav races, they certainly ought to be included in the great Slav family. In many ways they have always held aloof from the Slav Ideal, and emphatically preferred to stand alone, but, nevertheless, they have done great service to the Slav cause in the past, and often fought for it with true enthusiasm. In the early days of Christianity the Bulgarians also did much for Slav culture through the Bogumili—(a sect of reformers which will be dealt with in the Chapter on the Southern Slavs)—who spread religious enlightenment, and through the old Bulgarian tongue laid the foundation of the other Slav languages. The Bulgarians, who were once masters of a great Empire, and enjoyed worldwide importance under Simeon the Great, had to share the age-long tragedy of all the Eastern Slavs, and it speaks volumes for their national character that they emerged from Turkish bondage as a strong, self-reliant people. Whoever knows the Bulgarians well, cannot fail to respect them, even if they do not inspire great affection. I believe as a race they are not affectionate—they prefer to command respect. The gentle, dreamy, love-craving element in the character of the other Slavs is quite absent in them, and even their fire and enthusiasm is not a matter of sentiment, but a practical necessity—almost a matter of mathematical calculation. Industrious and thrifty as no other Slav nation, cold-blooded and calculating, they have justly been called the “Slav Japanese.” Their type is very interesting and differs considerably from that of the other Slavs. Almost without exception the men are handsome and strongly built, whereas the appearance of the women is spoilt by their wide cheek-bones and thick-set build. Like most of the Slav peoples they are mainly farmers and cattle-breeders, and as the country is fertile, they make quite a good income out of their exports of grain, field-produce and cattle.

Although Bulgarian intellectual life springs from the people, and the Bulgarians are essentially a democratic nation, it is necessary to distinguish between the educated classes and the common people. The Bulgarian peasant is an exceedingly good fellow; physically very active, mentally rather stolid, he pursues his calling in a calm deliberate way, and is not easily ruffled. His food is most simple; he takes practically no alcohol and, owing to his temperate mode of life, lives to a very great age. The entire population numbers about four millions and shows a greater percentage of centenarians than any other nation. The Bulgarians are very fond of music and dancing, but they have no music or poetry of their own, and what they do possess has been borrowed from the Turks or other Orientals. The traveller may often come upon the genuine Nautch dance in a Bulgarian village, and will hear songs sung to purely Turkish melodies. If the Bulgarians have any advantage over the other Slavs, it is in the beauty of their unadulterated Orthodox faith. The people are narrowly religious, and up to now their religion represents the zenith of their culture. In this respect they resemble the Russians and all the Slavs who have retained the Slavo-Orthodox faith. It is superfluous to enlarge on the fighting qualities of the Bulgarians—Kirkilisse, Lule Burgas, and Adrianople have given ample proof of these.

The educated classes are distinct from the people in two ways: they are free-thinkers and quarrelsome. Religion is cultivated among them as a fashion, and the churches have become mere rendezvous, as in Paris, Berlin and Vienna. But, in spite of all this, one must admit that the educated classes of Bulgaria are excellent social organizers, though politically and intellectually they are not particularly brilliant. The amount achieved in social matters by these men in the short time that has elapsed since the emancipation is marvellous. Bulgaria in this respect has become a truly modern state. This bright side is, however, eclipsed by the countless blunders they have committed in other respects. The worst of these is their headstrong blindness in the political administration. Bulgarian politics have degenerated into a devastating party-system, and are largely responsible for the tragical happenings of recent years, in which the whole country, and more especially the innocent mass of the people have been involved. The chief characteristic of the educated Bulgarian is his distrust of everyone; he does not confine this distrust to strangers, but extends it even to his King and his own party leader.

Hitherto intellectual Bulgaria has created but little, and that little is quite out of proportion to the achievements of some other much smaller Slav nations. Bulgarian art and literature are merely poor reproductions of foreign originals and by no means express the strength and vitality of the people. Of all their poets Ivan Vasoff, Hristoff, and Aleko Konstantinoff alone have understood anything of the soul of the people, and only their work will live. In art we seek in vain for anything purely Bulgarian. But there is one thing of the greatest value that the educated Bulgarians have done for their nation, and for this they deserve a true crown of laurels. I am referring to the organization of the Macedonian bands during the last half-century. Their perseverance and heroism call for the greatest admiration.

The country owned by the Bulgarians is one of the most beautiful inhabited by Slavs. Only Dalmatia and Bosnia can compare with it, and whoever has once been there will never forget it. It is the land of the great Balkans in all their wild beauty—the land of the Kazanlik Valley with its vast glorious rose-fields; the Vratza Gorge with its romantic cliffs, dark primeval forests, and hills covered with lilac; the Black Sea, and the beautiful shores of Varna and Burgas, and above all tower the snow-capped summits of the Vitosha. Everywhere, and in everything, dwells a throbbing life, full of variety and contrast, beautiful as the men of Bulgaria and rugged as their women.

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Bulgaria was freed from the Turkish yoke in 1878. The work of emancipation was carried out by Russia with the help of Bulgarian bands and many volunteers from all the Slav countries. By the peace of San Stefano Bulgaria was _de jure_ declared mistress of the entire territories from the Black Sea to Silistria, and along the Danube as far as Vidin in the north, from Vidin along the Morava _via_ Ochrida as far as Yanina in the west, from Yanina _via_ Salonika to Kavala in the south, and in a straight line from Kavala to Varna in the east. _De facto_ she was only given independent jurisdiction over such territories as she possessed up to the first Balkan war. The complete liberation of Bulgaria was by no means achieved by the emancipation, and she continued to remain under Turkish suzerainty.

The first task after the emancipation was to reconstruct the country on the lines of a modern European state, and to infuse new life into it after so many centuries of Turkish misrule. Education was represented solely by the priests and the schoolmasters, who had laboured for the enlightenment of the people even before the emancipation. Of course, there were a few Bulgarians who possessed a European education, and had graduated at European universities, and upon these devolved the task of solving the problems of the newly-created state. There were however so few of them that, at the beginning, many men of culture were imported from other Slav countries, chiefly from Russia, Croatia and Bohemia. The military administration was entrusted to Russia, who established garrisons of her own in Bulgaria and undertook to create the Bulgarian army. Considering the transitionary stage of the country at the time, it was inevitable that the Russian military authorities should obtain considerable influence over the civil administration also, and that Bulgarian affairs fell under Russian influence from the very beginning.

Prince Alexander of Battenberg, the first Bulgarian ruler, came to the throne under similar conditions as King Carol to the throne of Roumania. He was confronted with a super-human task, and Bulgarian history can never deny the great service he rendered the country. He came with a definite mission and set to work with the greatest possible zeal. He devoted his attention chiefly to the education of the people and to the army, and he found his most energetic ally in the people themselves. The prompt efficiency of the school system would have done credit to many a more modern state. The Bulgarians are intelligent, persevering, and fond of learning, and popular education made immense strides. At the present day the percentage of adult Bulgarians who cannot read and write is exceedingly small compared to most other countries—it is 2-1/2 per cent. of the adult population. The national system of compulsory education affected the very poorest peasants as well as the better classes. Before the foundation of secondary schools in the country large numbers of young men were sent to foreign secondary schools and universities, and every year yielded its quota of well-equipped youths capable of providing the motive power for the machinery of the State. Similar purposeful energy characterized the military organization, with the intention of forming an independent, purely Bulgarian army. For, in spite of his great admiration for Russia and the Tsar Liberator, Prince Alexander felt that dependence upon Russia—more especially a military dependence—would render his country a vassal _de facto_ of Russia, no less than it was _de jure_ already the vassal of Turkey. He therefore strove to render the Russian military administration superfluous in Bulgaria by building up an efficient home army.

As soon as this was accomplished he sent a letter of thanks to the Tsar, made a public manifesto, gave a big dinner to the Russian generals, and gratefully dismissed the Russian co-operation. Then the Russian generals had to leave Bulgaria. No one can deny that Prince Alexander showed himself manly and self-reliant in taking this decision, which was prompted by a very proper ambition. But he gave mortal offence in Russia, and from that moment he fell completely from Russian favour. The Court circles in St. Petersburg, which had been hostile to him from the beginning, now began to intrigue against him in Bulgaria, their efforts finding a ready response in the pro-Russian party. The first Serbian War in 1885 afforded splendid proof of Alexander’s military organization, but his influence was too far undermined, and even his victories failed to save him. The tide of adverse circumstances was too strong and led to the inevitable but, fortunately, bloodless _coup d’état_ in 1886. Prince Alexander was taken from his palace by night, transported over the frontier and formally deposed.

Prince Alexander left Bulgaria a well-organized State, only disturbed by internal party hatreds. The new ruler, Prince Ferdinand of Coburg, was received with divided sympathies. Already in many ways his path had been smoothed for him, but he met with far more opposition from his own people than his predecessor, whom Russia had installed. In spite of all this, the machinery of State continued in the path of progress, the constitution of the country was established on a broad liberal basis, and the army increased in importance from year to year. With iron perseverance Bulgaria steadily advanced to take her place among modern states, and even succeeded in taking the lead in the Balkan question. The proclamation of Ferdinand as King of Bulgaria put an end once and for all to the shadow of Turkish suzerainty, and since then Bulgaria has been frankly acknowledged as a strong, free and independent State.

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In the course of years Bulgarian relations with Russia have passed through many phases, especially during the reign of King Ferdinand. As a rule the will of Russia was decisive, but her general influence always depended on home politics and varied with the party in power. Enthusiasm for Russia and antagonism against Russian influence were alternately the order of the day. Only the people of Bulgaria remained constant in their confidence and affection for Russia; they could never forget whose hand had set them free, and even political changes could not shake them. Certain political circles took the emancipation from Russia as their party cry and hoped to make the country great _outside_ the Russian protectorate. They desired to translate their motto “Bulgaria for the Bulgarians” into an absolute fact. This party was founded by the notorious Stambuloff, and whenever they came into power they insisted on regarding not only Russia as the national enemy, but also the Bulgarian _people_ who were in sympathy with Russia, and they did their utmost to tyrannize the people out of this “disease.” In fighting for this idea they coined the party catchword—“Greater Bulgaria” in the hope of bribing the people by promises of Macedonia, Serbia, Greece, and even Constantinople as future tit-bits. This particular party knew very well that Russia would never allow the Slav equilibrium in the Balkans to be upset, and, as it was not over Slavonic in its sympathies, it waged a bitter opposition against the Russian protectorate, under which all the Balkan Slav nations stand to benefit equally. In opposition to Stambuloff’s party there arose another, founded by Karaveloff, the greatest of Bulgarian patriots, who fought with all the enthusiasm of which grateful hearts are capable. Karaveloff saw clearly that Bulgaria would be too weak to stand alone for a very long time to come, and that the Russian protectorate was a strong guarantee against foreign hostile influence. After Karaveloff’s death his ideas found enthusiastic partisans in Czankoff, Radoslavoff and Daneff in spite of minor tactical party differences. Stambuloff’s violent death—he was assassinated in the open street—put an end to the _régime_ of his party for many years, and brought the moderate pro-Russian parties into power. But Bulgaria was deeply injured by his policy. He bequeathed a legacy of discord and hatred at home and provoked Russia’s displeasure abroad. The new pro-Russian Government did its utmost to heal the breach, and succeeded in improving relations with Russia, but Stambuloff’s partisans agitated in every possible way for the re-instatement of the radical anti-Russian party. In Dushan Petkoff and Evlogij Genadieff they had energetic leaders, who pursued their goal with all the characteristic Bulgarian tenacity and a ruthless persistence that was positively Asiatic. After Ferdinand had established a personal _régime_ in Bulgaria, they realized that the turn of fortune’s wheel no longer depended on the temper of the nation or the strength of a party, but on the _will of the ruler_, and they were content to bide their time. _Among the people they had no following whatsoever._ But whichever party is in power by the will of the ruler is assured of a majority in the Parliament. Elections are invariably manipulated by terroristic pressure from the authorities. There is no difference except that, whereas the pro-Russian parties are content to employ demagogic means, the Stambulovists have had recourse to bloodshed. At last the Stambulovists were successful; they came into power in 1902—(in accordance with the wish of the highest power in the land)—and established a reign of terror equal to that of Stambuloff himself in its cruelty, but breaking all previous records as regards corruption. The Stambulovists commanded a crushing majority in the Sobranye (Parliament) and pursued a policy of secret provocations against Russia and the nation. General Ratsho Petroff, a personal favourite of King Ferdinand and an absolute nonentity, was the Premier; but the actual dictator and leader of the Stambulovist party was Dushan Petkoff, Minister of the Interior. Once more the policy of the Government took an anti-Russian trend, but in the meantime the nation had developed and steadfastly pursued a different policy. To be sure, under compulsion they had given the Government a _majority_ but not their heart, and this heart now belonged to Russia more than ever. This sentiment found expression in various violent demonstrations; it culminated in the assassination of Petkoff (likewise in the open street) and in the abuse showered upon King Ferdinand as he drove to the opening of the National Theatre at Sofia. From that point Bulgarian policy took a totally new turn, and for a time it seemed as if the Slav renaissance had really taken root and Bulgaria had at last found herself. The Balkan Alliance before the war certainly seemed strong evidence of it.

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Bulgaria’s relations with Serbia have varied quite as much as those with Russia, but with the difference that in these ups and downs the nation has always been undivided. Bulgarian distrust of Serbia dates from the beginning of the political independence of the former. Instead of trying to settle their differences in a brotherly spirit, and to eliminate the Macedonian bone of contention by fixing the spheres of interests, both parties—especially Bulgaria—worked themselves up into a fever of enmity which could only be mutually detrimental. Actual frontier collisions added fuel to the fire, and the situation grew steadily worse. It is safe to say that there was never any love lost between the Serbs and the Bulgarians, even if political opportunism at times dictated a more friendly attitude. Many discerning Bulgarian politicians have often tried to promote a more cordial and neighbourly understanding between the two states for the sake of the Slav cause and the common good, and their Serbian colleagues loyally supported them in this. But their work was always undone by the distrustful attitude of Bulgaria, which was even increased by foreign influence. In 1885 the nation entered into the war with Serbia with unanimous enthusiasm and a bloodthirsty spite almost inconceivable between brother nations. The war was fierce, and fate favoured Bulgaria; but, instead of being content with their success, and exhibiting a victor’s finest quality—humanity, the Bulgarians only grew increasingly bitter in their hatred towards Serbia, and showed it in offensive taunts. After their defeat the Serbs obviously could not feel very friendly towards their neighbours, but I do not believe they hated them in their souls. But from one cause or another it was impossible to find the way to friendship. The Bulgarians declared that their differences with Serbia were by no means settled in this war, and that the Macedonian question would have to be decided beyond dispute. Thus the war was continued, unfortunately not only with the pen, but also with arms, for the Serbian and Bulgarian bands in Macedonia waged war upon each other more fiercely than upon the Turks. Matters went from bad to worse for both nations, and especially for the Slav cause in the Balkans. Russia exerted all her influence to reconcile the two, but with no result beyond promises of amendment. Several influential Slav personages were equally unsuccessful until the youth of the Southern Slavs entered the lists with a new plan of campaign, and attacked the problem from _the standpoint of Southern Slav Culture_. The authors and artists of Croatia and Slavonia, who had long stood in friendly relations with Serbia, made it their business to include the Bulgarians in the cause of Southern Slav Culture. As the intellectual youth of Bulgaria was at that time passing through a phase of national regeneration and desired to widen their horizon, these efforts fell on fruitful soil. Soon afterwards joint exhibitions of Southern Slav artists were arranged in Belgrade, Sofia, and Zagreb, and in each case an Authors’ Congress was held simultaneously. By these meetings and mutual intercourse many sharp corners were smoothed away, and many points of difference were abolished, chiefly by the help of the Croats. Serbs and Bulgarians meeting eye to eye at last realized that they were brothers, sharing a common future. The Exhibition in Belgrade coincided with the coronation of King Peter, and we witnessed the unexpected spectacle of Bulgarians acclaiming the King with as much enthusiasm as the Serbs. Those were the days of brotherhood and fellowship. The representatives of Bulgarian art and literature took their mission seriously and sincerely, proving true apostles of peace and friendship between the two peoples. They reaped considerable success, for the tide of mutual enmity subsided, and when King Peter came to Sofia on an official visit he met with a reception that expressed not merely the pomp and circumstance of a Court but the heartfelt cordiality of a friendly people. It must not be forgotten that in this _rapprochement_ good service was rendered by those politicians of both countries who persistently did their best to improve mutual relations. Chief among these is the Serbian statesman, Nikola Pašić. He cultivated this mutual friendship so successfully that it culminated in the Balkan Alliance, which would have proved a lasting blessing to the whole of the Balkans if it had not been broken by the attack of Bregalnica. Yet the collapse of the Alliance was not due to Bulgaria, but to other extraneous influences.

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I have briefly touched upon Bulgarian relations with Russia and Serbia in order to give a brief sketch of the only too frequent mistakes made by Bulgaria’s official Government. The Bulgarians possess many excellent qualities, and, as a nation, have a distinct claim on our respect; but they have one drawback: they are not independent in politics, and their policy is not the outcome of the requirements of the times,—as a rule it is not even suited to them, but is merely the mouthpiece of foreign influences. Whenever these influences were Russian they at least did not clash with the interests of the people or do any particular harm. But, unfortunately, Bulgarian policy has to a great extent followed in Germany’s footsteps, and for a long time German influence—especially in recent years—has made alarming progress in Bulgaria. The first to fall a victim to this influence were Stambuloff and his followers who had made so free with the motto “Bulgaria for the Bulgarians.” And, in proportion to the vehemence with which they pursued their corrupt policy, they imported the German element into Bulgaria. Intellectually it would be quite impossible to Germanize the Bulgarians, but, as regards their political economy and foreign policy they fell more and more under German ascendancy. The Eastern expansive policy of Germany and Austria-Hungary, finding the doors fast closed in Serbia, was content for the moment to ignore an obdurate opponent, and insinuated itself into Bulgaria as being free from the infection of “fantastic Slav ideals.” In King Ferdinand, as a German prince, German propaganda found a distinct well-wisher. The Bulgarian stock market was controlled by German trade, Austria-Hungary and Germany founded branch banks and business houses in Bulgaria. German and Austrian Ambassadors could always command the ear of the Foreign Office. And Germany bestowed her favour or disfavour in proportion to the pro-German or pro-Russian sympathies of the Government. In face of this tide of Germanism all honest Bulgarian politicians are confronted with a herculean task, if the country is to be saved from becoming simply a vassal state to Germany. In the events which preceded the second Balkan War their labours appeared to have borne fruit, and Germany and Austria were suddenly confronted with a fact they had never even contemplated—an alliance between Bulgarians and the detested Serbs, and even a military convention between these two _against_ Austria. But their amazement was only a thing of the moment—German influence redoubled its efforts, and the second Balkan War was due to its machinations.

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Bulgaria’s defeat in the second Balkan War has filled the nation with a burning, unquenchable hatred against Serbia. The realization of their Macedonian ambition, which had been almost within their grasp, had vanished in a bitter disappointment and plunged the heroic victors of Kirkilisse into an agony of sullen despair. When the first stupefying shock was over, the thought of revenge came uppermost, and everyone foresaw that at the next opportunity the brother nations would again fly at each other’s throats.

It would be unreasonable to deny the Bulgarian claim to part of Macedonia. If a great national problem is to be permanently and satisfactorily solved, the principal of nationality cannot be ignored. But Bulgaria exceeded the principles of nationality in her demands and aimed at a position of _supremacy_ in the Balkans. By her acquisition of Thrace it became necessary to revise the stipulations of the Alliance Treaty, and, if the Allies could have arrived at any conclusion, or accepted the arbitration of the Tsar, to-day the position of the Balkans in the present crisis would be more favourable.

The Bulgarian nation cannot be held responsible for the crime of Bregalnica. It merely played a passive part. The official perpetrator, supposed to have remained undiscovered to this day, was guided not by the will of the nation, but by orders from Vienna and Berlin, who desired to be revenged for the affront they had suffered through the Balkan Alliance. Nothing short of a despicably devastating blow aimed at all the Balkan States would suffice, and unfortunately they found a ready tool in the wild ambitions of certain Bulgarian circles. Of course, the blow was aimed at the detested Serbians, but with the relentlessness of fate it fell upon those who had hoped to profit by the Austro-German intrigue. Though Bulgaria alone suffered material loss through the war, the whole of the Balkan States have suffered morally. For their deadly enemy achieved his main object—the breaking up of the Balkan union. Such was the lamentable state of affairs in the Balkans when the present European crisis came to a head. The Austrian declaration of war upon Serbia caused a positively insane joy in Bulgaria. It was balm to the Bulgarian wounds that the great monarchy should devour their small neighbor—_their brother nation_—and not one of the heroes who had helped in the conquest of Adrianople be left alive! All this time they overlooked the fact that, when Serbia had been disposed of, their own country would have been the next dish in the menu! It was a sordid triumph, neither manly, nor _Slav_.

In their satisfaction they even forgot Russia. No one dreamt that Russia would raise her mighty hand and cry Halt! to the Austrian devourer. But when the inevitable occurred, Bulgaria suddenly found herself face to face with a problem. Russia’s word—“Serbia’s enemies are my enemies”—staggered the honest Bulgarian people, who are attached to Russia, and they began to ask themselves very seriously, “What next?” The first upshot of this was the perceptible cooling of the anti-Slav agitation; then the nation began to reflect. The _people_ and the patriotic Slavophile circles sent their best wishes, and their finest General—Ratko Dimitrieff—to fight for Russia, and the official Government proclaimed a strict neutrality. Both these facts bode well for the future. But the anti-Slav agitation has by no means lost all its power, and the Stambulovist circles, in conjunction with Austro-German emissaries, have not ceased to stir up the people and the masses against Serbia and against Russia. Which will prevail? It is difficult to make any forecast, especially if one remembers the personal _régime_ of King Ferdinand, who, in spite of the constitution of the country, reigns supreme. At the same time it would be wrong to lose hope and we must trust that in the decisive hour the _Slav_ instinct will dominate all other instincts, and thus not only assist the Slav cause, but also prove of the greatest service to civilized Europe, and above all things to Bulgaria herself.

Among Bulgarian authors we must also mention Pencho Slavejkoff (a native of Macedonia), some of whose work has been rendered into English.