Part 2

Thus the railroad, the merchant, and the cowboy, without this purpose in view, are effecting a change which is slowly closing, leaf by leaf, the record of the religious beliefs and practices of the pueblo Indian. With the Sia this record book is being more rapidly closed, but from a different cause. It is not due to the Christianizing of these Indians, for they have nothing of Protestantism among them, and though professedly Catholic, they await only the departure of the priest to return to their secret ceremonials. The Catholic priest baptizes the infant, but the child has previously received the baptismal rite of its ancestors. The Catholic priest marries the betrothed, but they have been previously united according to their ancestral rites. The Romish priest holds mass that the dead may enter heaven, but prayers have already been offered that the soul may be received by Sûś-sĭs-tin-na-ko (their creator) into the lower world whence it came. As an entirety these people are devotees to their religion and its observances, and yet with but few exceptions, they go through their rituals, having but vague understanding of their origin or meaning. Each shadow on the dial brings nearer to a close the lives of those upon whose minds are graven the traditions, mythology, and folklore as indelibly as are the pictographs and monochromes upon the rocky walls.

An aged theurgist whose lore was unquestioned, in fact he was regarded as their oracle (Pl. V), passed away during the summer of 1890. Great were the lamentations that the keeper of their traditions slept, and with him slept much that they would never hear again. There are, now, but five men from whom any connected account of their cosmogony and mythology may be gleaned, and they are no longer young. Two of these men are not natives of Sia, but were adopted into the tribe when young children. One is a Tusayan; the other a San Felipe Indian. The former is the present governor, amiable, brave, and determined, and while deploring that his people have no understanding of American civilization, he stands second only to the oracle in his knowledge of lore of the Sia. The San Felipe Indian is a like character, and if Sia possessed a few more such men there might yet be a future for that pueblo.

While the mythology and cult practices differ in each pueblo there is still a striking analogy between them, the Zuñi and Tusayan furnishing the richer field for the ethnographer, their religion and sociology being virtually free from Catholic influence.

The Indian official is possessed of a character so penetrating, so diplomatic, cunning, and reticent that it is only through the most friendly relations and by a protracted stay that anything can be learned of the myths, legends, and rites with which the lives of these people are so thoroughly imbued and which they so zealously guard.

The theurgists of the several cult societies, upon learning that the object of the writer’s second visit to Sia was similar to that of the previous one, graciously received her in their ceremonials, revealing the secrets more precious to them than life itself. When unable to give such information as she sought they would bring forth their oracle (the aged theurgist) whose old wrinkled face brightened with intelligent interest as he related without hesitancy that which was requested.

The form of government of all the pueblos is much the same, they being civil organizations divided into several departments, with an official head for each department.

With the Sia (and likewise with the other pueblos) the ti´ämoni, by virtue of his priestly office, is ex officio chief executive and legislator; the war priest (he and his vicar being the earthly representatives of the twin war heroes) having immediate control and direction of the military and of tribal hunts. Secret cult societies concerning the Indians’ relations to anthropomorphic and zoomorphic beings are controlled each by a particular theurgist. The war chief, the local governor, and the magistrate as well as the ti´ämoni and theurgists have each a vicar who assists in the official and religious duties.

While the Zuñi priesthood for rain consists of a plurality of priests and a priestess, the priest of the north being the arch ruler, the Sia have but one such priest. With the Zuñi the arch-ruler holds his office through maternal inheritance; with the Sia it is a life appointment. The ti´ämoni of Sia is chosen alternately from three clans—corn, coyote, and a species of cane. Though the first priest was selected by the mother Ût´sĕt, who directed that the office should always be filled by a member of the corn clan, he in time caused dissatisfaction by his action towards infants (see cosmogony), and upon his death the people concluded to choose a ti´ämoni from the coyote clan, but he proved not to have a good heart, for the cloud people refused to send rain and the earth became dry. The third one was appointed from the cane clan, but he, too, causing criticism, the Sia determined they would be obedient to the command of their mother Ût´sĕt, and returned to the corn clan in selecting their fourth ti´ämoni, but his reign brought disappointment. The next ruler was chosen from the coyote clan, and proved more satisfactory; but the people, deciding it was best not to confine the selection of their ti´ämoni to the one clan, appointed the sixth from the cane clan, and since that time this office has been filled alternately from the corn, coyote, and cane clans until the latter became extinct. The present ti´ämoni’s clan is the coyote, and that of his vicar, the corn. Their future appointments will necessarily come from these two clans, as practically they are reduced to these.

The ti´ämoni and vicar are appointed by the two war priests, the vicar succeeding to the office of ti´ämoni.

The present ti´ämoni entered his office without having filled the subordinate place, his predecessor, a very aged man, and the vicar, likewise old, having died about the same time. When the selection of a younger brother or vicar has been made, the vicar to the war priest calls upon the incoming ruler, who accompanies him to the house of the appointee to fill the office of vicar to the ti´ämoni. The younger war priest, followed by the ti´ämoni elect, who precedes the vicar, goes to the ancestral official chamber of the ti´ämoni, where the elder war priest, the theurgists of the several cult societies, with their vicars, have assembled to be present at the installation of the ti´ämoni. The war priest arises to meet the party, and, with the ti´ämoni immediately before him he says: “This man is now our priest; he is now our father and our mother for all time;” and then addressing the ti´ämoni he continues: “You are no more to work in the fields or to bring wood, the theurgists of the cult and all your other children will labor for you, our ti´ämoni, for all years to come; you are not to work, but to be to us as our father and our mother.” “Good! good!” is repeated by the theurgists. The war priest then presents the ti´ämoni with the ensign of his office—a slender staff, crooked at the end and supposed to be the same which was presented to the first ruler by the mother Ût´sĕt—the crook being symbolic of longevity. Upon receiving the crook the ti´ämoni draws the sacred breath from it and the war priest embraces him and sprinkles the cane with meal with a prayer that the thoughts and heart of Ût´sĕt may be conveyed from the staff to the newly-chosen ruler (Ût´sĕt upon presenting this cane to the first ti´ämoni of this world, gave with it all her thoughts and her heart), and now he, too, draws from the cane the sacred breath. The theurgists rise in a body, each one embracing the ti´ämoni and sprinkling meal upon the staff, at the same time drawing from it the sacred breath. The civil authorities next, and then the populace, including the women and children, repeat the embracing, the sprinkling of meal, and the drawing of the sacred breath.

The following day all the members of the pueblo, including the children, collect wood for the ti´ämoni, depositing it by the side of his dwelling.

The Sia are much chagrined that their present ti´ämoni (who is a young man) participates in the hunts, works in the fields, and is ever ready to join in a pleasure ride over the hills. This is not the tribal custom; the ti´ämoni may have a supervision over his herds and fields, but his mind is supposed to be absorbed with religion and the interests of his people, and he never leaves his village for a distance, excepting to make pilgrimages to the shrines or other of their Meccas. This young ruler is a vain fellow, having but little concern for the welfare of his people, but he is most punctilious in his claim to the honors due him.

The theurgists hold office for life, each vicar succeeding to the function of his theurgist, who in turn appoints, with the approbation of the ti´ämoni, the member whom he thinks best fitted to fill the position of vicar.

For the selection of the civil and subordinate military officers the ti´ämoni meets with his vicar, and the war priest and vicar in the official chamber of the ti´ämoni, in the month of December, to discuss the several appointments to be made; that of war chief and his assistant, the governor and lieutenant-governor, the magistrate and his deputy. After the names have been decided upon the theurgists of the secret cult societies are notified and they join the ti´ämoni and his associates, when they are informed of the decision and their concurrence requested. This is always given, the consultation with the theurgists being but a matter of courtesy. The populace then assemble, when announcement is made of the names of the new appointees. These appointments are annual; the same party, however, may serve any number of terms.

The war chief performs minor duties which would otherwise fall to the war priest. It is the duty of the war chief to patrol the town during the meetings of the cult societies and to surround the village with mounted guardsmen at the time of a dance of the Ka´-ᵗsu-na. A Mexican, especially, must not look upon one of these anthropomorphic beings. The war chief also directs the hunt under the instruction of the war priest and vicar. It is not obligatory that he participate in the hunt; his vicar, as his representative or other self, may lead the huntsmen. The governor sees that the civil laws are executed, he looking after the more important matters, leaving the minor cases in the hands of the magistrate. He designates the duties of his people for the coming day by crying his commands in the plaza at sunset.

Wizards and witches are tried and punished by the war priest; and it has been but a few years since a man and his wife suffered death for practicing this diabolical craft. Their child, a boy of some twelve years, Fig. 3, is a pauper who at times begs from door to door, and at other times he is taken into some family and made use of until they grow tired of dispensing their charity. The observations of the writer led her to believe that the boy earned all that he received. Socially, held in contempt by his elders, he seems a favorite with the children, though this unfortunate is seldom allowed the joy of childish sport. He is, however, a member of one of the most important cult societies (the knife) belonging to its several divisions.

The clans (há-notc) now existing among these people are the

Yá-ka Corn Shurts-ŭn-na Coyote Tá-ñe Squash Há-mi Tobacco Ko-hai Bear Ti-ä´-mi Eagle

There is but one member of the eagle, one of the bear, and one of the squash clan, and these men are advanced in years. There is a second member of the squash clan, but he is a Tusayan by birth. The only clans that are numerically well represented are the corn and coyote. There is but one family of the tobacco clan.

The following are extinct clans:

Shi-kĕ Star T́a-wac Moon O´-sharts Sun Tä´ñe Deer Kurtz Antelope Mo´-kaitc Cougar Hĕn´-na-ti Cloud Shu´ta Crane Ha´-pan-ñi Oak Ha´-kan-ñi Fire Sha´-wi-ti Parrot Wa´pon White shell bead ᵗ´Zi-i Ant Ya´un-ñi Granite Wash´-pa Cactus

The writer could not learn that there had ever been more than twenty-one clans, and although the table shows six at the present time, it may be seen from the statement that there are virtually but two.

Marrying into the clan of either parent is in opposition to the old law; but at present there is nothing for the Sia to do but to break these laws, if they would preserve the remnant of their people, and while such marriages are looked upon with disfavor, it is “the inevitable.” The young men are watched with a jealous eye by their elders that they do not seek brides among other tribes, and though the beauty of the Sia maidens is recognized by the other pueblo people, they are rarely sought in marriage, for, according to the tribal custom, the husband makes his home with the wife; and there is little to attract the more progressive Indian of the other pueblos to Sia, where the eagerness to perpetuate a depleted race causes the Sia to rejoice over every birth, especially if it be a female child, regardless whether the child be legitimate or otherwise.

When a girl reaches puberty she informs her mother, who invites the female members of her clan to her house, where an informal feast is enjoyed. The guests congratulate the girl upon having arrived at the state of womanhood, and they say to her, “As yet you are like a child, but you will soon be united with a companion and you will help to increase your people.” The only male present is the girl’s father. The news, however, soon spreads through the village, and it is not long before offers are made to the mother for the privilege of sexual relations with the girl. The first offers are generally refused, the mother holding her virgin daughter for the highest bidder. These are not necessarily offers of marriage, but are more commonly otherwise, and are frequently made by married men.

Though the Sia are monogamists, it is common for the married, as well as the unmarried, to live promiscuously with one another; the husband being as fond of his wife’s children as if he were sure of the paternal parentage. That these people, however, have their share of latent jealousy is evident from the secrecy observed on the part of a married man or woman to prevent the anger of the spouse. Parents are quite as fond of their daughters’ illegitimate offspring, and as proud of them as if they had been born in wedlock; and the man who marries a woman having one or more illegitimate children apparently feels the same attachment for these children as for those his wife bears him.

Some of the women recount their relations of this character with as much pride as a civilized belle would her honest offers of marriage. One of the most attractive women in Sia, though now a grandmother, once said to the writer:

When I was young I was pretty and attractive, and when I reached womanhood many offers were made to my mother for me [she did not refer to marriage, however], but my mother knowing my attractions refused several, and the first man I lived with was the richest man in the pueblo. I only lived with three men before I married, one being the present governor of the village; my eldest child is his daughter, and he thinks a great deal of her. He often makes her presents, and she always addresses him as father when his wife is not by. His wife, whom he married sometime after I ceased my relations with him, does not know that her husband once lived with me.

This woman added as an evidence of her great devotion to her husband, that since her marriage she had not lived with any other man.

These loose marriage customs doubtless arise from the fact that the Sia are now numerically few and their increase is desired, and that, as many of the clans are now extinct, it is impossible to intermarry in obedience to ancient rule.

The Sia are no exception to all the North American aborigines with whom the writer is acquainted, the man being the active party in matrimonial aspirations. If a woman has not before been married, and is young, the man speaks to her parents before breathing a word of his admiration to the girl. If his desire meets with approbation, the following day he makes known to the girl his wish for her. The girl usually answers in the affirmative if it be the will of her parents. Some two months are consumed in the preparations for the wedding. Moccasins, blankets, a dress, a belt, and other parts of the wardrobe are prepared by the groom and the clans of his paternal and maternal parents. The clans of the father and mother of the girl make great preparations for the feast, which occurs after the marriage. The groom goes alone to the house of the girl, his parents having preceded him, and carries his gifts wrapped in a blanket. The girl’s mother sits to her right, and to the right of this parent the groom’s mother sits; there is space for the groom on the left of the girl, and beyond, the groom’s father sits, and next to him the girl’s father. When the groom enters the room the girl advances to meet him and receives the bundle; her mother then comes forward and taking it deposits it in some part of the same room, when the girl returns to her seat and the groom sits beside her. The girl’s father is the first to speak, and says to the couple, “You must now be as one, your hearts must be as one heart, you must speak no bad words, and one must live for the other; and remember, your two hearts must now be as one heart.” The groom’s father then repeats about the same, then the girl’s mother, and the mother of the groom speak in turn. After the marriage, which is strictly private, all the invited guests assemble and enjoy a feast, the elaborateness of the feast depending upon the wealth and prominence of the family.

Tribal custom requires the groom to make his home with his wife’s family, the couple sleeping in the general living room with the remainder of the family; but with the more progressive pueblos, and with the Sia to a limited extent, the husband, if he be able, after a time provides a house for his family.

The Sia wear the conventional dress of the Pueblos in general. The women have their hair banged across the eyebrows, and the side locks cut even midway the cheek. The back of the hair is left long and done up in a cue, though some of the younger women, at the present time, have adopted the Mexican way of dividing their hair down the back and crossing it in a loop at the neck and wrapping it with yarn. The men cut their hair the same way across the eyebrows, their side locks being brought to the center of the chin and cut, and the back hair done up similar to the manner of the women.

The children are industrious and patient little creatures, the boys assisting their elders in farming and pastoral pursuits, and the girls performing their share of domestic duties. A marked trait is their loving-kindness and care for younger brothers and sisters. Every little girl has her own water vase as soon as she is old enough to accompany her mother to the river in the capacity of assistant water-carrier, and thus they begin at a very early age to poise the vase, Egyptian fashion, on their heads.

There is no employment in pueblo life that the women and children seem so thoroughly to enjoy as the processes of house building. (Fig. 5.) It is the woman’s prerogative to do most of this work. (Fig. 6.) Men make the adobe bricks when these are to be used. In Sia the houses are adobe and small bowlders which are gathered from the ruins among which they live. It is only occasionally that a new house is constructed. The older ones are remodeled, and these are always smoothly plastered on the exterior and interior, so that there is no evidence of a stone wall. (Pl. VI.) The men do all carpenter work, and the Sia are remarkably clever in this branch of mechanism, considering their crude implements and entire absence of foreign instruction. They also lay the heavy beams, and they sometimes assist in other work of the building. When it became known that the writer wished to have the earth hardened under and in front of her tents the entire female population appeared at the camp ready for work, and for a couple of days the winds wafted over the plain the merry chatter and laughter of young and old.

The process of laying the tent floors was the same as the Sia observe in making floors in their houses. A hoe is employed to break the earth to about eight inches in depth and to loosen all rocks that may be found (Fig. 4). The rocks are then removed and the foreign earth, a kind of clay, is brought by the girls on their backs in blankets or the square pieces of calico which hang from their shoulders (Figs. 5 and 6) and deposited over the ground which has been worked (Fig. 7). The hoe is again employed to combine the clay with the freshly broken earth (Fig. 8); this done, the space is brushed over with brush brooms and sprinkled (Fig. 9) until the earth is thoroughly saturated for several inches deep. Great care is observed in leveling the floor (Fig. 10), and extra quantities of clay must be added here and there. Then begins the stamping process (Fig. 11). When the floor is as smooth as it can be made by stamping (Pl. VII), the pounders go to work, each one with a stone flat on one side and smooth as a polishing stone. (Pl. VIII.) Many such specimens have been obtained from the ruins in the southwest. When this work is completed the floor is allowed to partially dry, when plaster made of the same clay (Fig. 12), which has been long and carefully worked, is spread over the floor with the hand, and when done the whole looks as smooth as a cement floor, but it is not so durable, such floors requiring frequent renovation. The floor may be improved, however, by a coating of beef’s or goat’s blood, and this process is usually adopted in the houses (Fig. 13), little ones watching their elders at work inside the tent.

Two men only are possessors of herds of sheep, but a few cattle are owned individually by many of the Sia.

The cattle are not herded collectively, but by each individual owner. Sometimes the boys of different families go together to herd their stock, but it receives no attention whatever from the officials of the village so long as it is unmolested by strangers.

The Sia own about 150 horses, but seldom or never use them as beasts of burden. They are kept in pasture during the week, and every Saturday the war chief designates the six houses which are to furnish herders for the round-up. Should the head of the house have a son sufficiently large the son may be sent in his place. Only such houses are selected as own horses. The herdsmen start out Saturday morning; their return depends upon their success in rounding up the animals, but they usually get back Sunday morning.