The Scientific Monthly, October to December, 1915
Chapter 25
Another difficulty afterwards encountered was the scarcity of material susceptible to infection, for, although several men had expressed a willingness to be inoculated, when the time came; they all preferred the "infected clothing" experiment to the stings of our mosquitoes. We then thought best to secure lately landed Spaniards, to whom the probable outcome of the test might be explained and their consent obtained for a monetary consideration. Our method was as follows; as soon as a load of immigrants arrived, I would go to Tiscornia, the Immigration Station across the Bay of Havana, and hire eight or ten men, as day laborers, to work in our camp. Once brought in, they were bountifully fed, housed under tents, slept under mosquito-bars and their only work was to pick up loose stones from the grounds, during eight hours of the day, with plenty of rest between. In the meantime, as the days of observation passed, I carefully questioned them as to their antecedents, family history and the diseases which they might have suffered; those who had lived in Cuba or any other tropical country before were discarded at once and also those who were under age or had a family dependent upon them. When the selection was finally made, the matter of the experiment was put to them. Naturally, they all felt more or less that they were running the risk of getting yellow fever when they came to Cuba and so were not at all averse to allow themselves to be bitten by mosquitoes: they were paid one hundred dollars for this, and another equal sum if, as a result of the biting experiment, they developed yellow fever. Needless to say, no reference was made to any possible funeral expenses. A written consent was obtained from each one, so that our moral responsibility was to a certain extent lessened. Of course, only the healthiest specimens were experimented upon.
It so happened that some reporter discovered what we were about, or perhaps some invidious person misrepresented the facts; at any rate, on the twenty-first of November a Spanish newspaper appeared with flaring headlines denouncing the American doctors who were taking advantage of the poor immigrants and experimenting with them by injecting all sorts of poisons! It called upon the Spanish consul to look after his subjects. In view of this we felt that if such campaign continued, in a short time it would either make it impossible to secure subjects or cause diplomatic pressure to be exerted against the continuance of our experiments. It was thought best to "beard the lion in his den" so the three of us called upon the consul the following day. He was surprised to hear one of us address him in his own language, having taken us all for Americans on first sight, and when I explained to him our method of procedure and showed him the signed contracts with the men, being an intelligent man himself, he had no objections to offer and told us to go ahead and not bother about any howl the papers might make.
The first three cases (two of them Spaniards) which we produced came down with yellow fever within a very short period, from December 8 to 13; it will therefore not surprise the reader to know that when the fourth case developed on December 15, and was carried out of the camp to the hospital, it caused a veritable panic among the remaining Spaniards, who, renouncing the five hundred pesetas that each had in view, as Major Reed very aptly put it, "lost all interest in the progress of science and incontinentally severed their connection with Camp Lazear."
But there was a rich source to draw from, and the unexpected stampede only retarded our work for a short time. Our artificial epidemic of yellow fever was temporarily suspended while a new batch of susceptible material was brought in, observed and selected. The next case for that reason was not produced upon a Spaniard until December 30.
In the face of the negative experiments with supposedly contaminated articles, it rested with us to show how a house became infected and for this purpose the main part of the "mosquito building" was utilized.
This chamber was divided into two compartments by a double wire-screen partition, which effectually prevented mosquitoes on one side from passing to the other; of course there were no mosquitoes there to begin with, as the section of the building used for breeding and keeping them was entirely separated from the other, and there could be no communication between them.
On the morning of December 21, a jar containing fifteen hungry mosquitoes, that had previously stung cases of yellow fever, was introduced and uncovered in the larger compartment, where a bed, with all linen perfectly sterilized, was ready for occupancy. A few minutes after, Mr. Moran, dressed as though about to retire for the night, entered the room and threw himself upon the bed for half an hour; during this time two other men and Major Reed remained in the other compartment, separated from Moran only by the wire-screen partition. Seven mosquitoes were soon at work upon the young man's arms and face; he then came out, but returned in the afternoon, when five other insects bit him in less than twenty minutes. The next day, at the same hour of the afternoon, Moran entered the "mosquito building" for the third time and remained on the bed for fifteen minutes, allowing three mosquitoes to bite his hands. The room was then securely locked, but the two Americans continued to sleep in the other compartment for nearly three weeks, without experiencing any ill effects.
Promptly on Christmas morning Moran, who had not been exposed to infection except for his entrance into the "mosquito building" as described, came down with a well-marked attack of yellow fever.
The temperature in this room, where these mosquitoes had been released, was kept rather high and a vessel with water was provided, where they might lay their eggs if so inclined, but notwithstanding all these precautions, it was subsequently found that the insects had been attacked by ants, so that by the end of the month only one of the fifteen mosquitoes remained alive.
It is hardly necessary to detail here how seven other men were subjected to the sting of our infected mosquitoes, of which number five developed the disease, but it may be interesting to note that two of these men had been previously exposed in the "infected clothing building" without their becoming infected, showing that they were susceptible to yellow fever after all.
The evidence so far seemed to show that the mosquito could only be infected by sucking blood of a yellow-fever patient during the first three days of the disease; to prove that the parasite was present in the circulating blood at that time we therefore injected some of this fluid taken from a different case each time, under the skin of five men: four of these suffered an attack of yellow fever as the result of the injection. The other one, a Spaniard, could not be infected either by the injection of blood or the application of mosquitoes which were known to be infected, showing that he had a natural immunity or, more likely, that he had had yellow fever at some previous time.
While selecting the Spaniards, it was often ascertained that they had been in Cuba before, as soldiers in the Spanish army usually, and the natural conclusion was that they had undergone infection; it was very seldom that any escaped during the Spanish control of the island.
Thus terminated our experiments with mosquitoes which, though necessarily performed on human beings, fortunately did not cause a single death; on the other hand, they served to revolutionize all standard methods of sanitation with regard to yellow fever. They showed the uselessness of disinfection of clothing and how easily an epidemic can be stamped out in a community by simply protecting the sick from the sting of the mosquitoes and by the extensive and wholesale destruction of these insects which, added to the suppression of their breeding places, if thoroughly carried out, are the only measures necessary to forever rid a country of this scourge.
Besides keeping a sharp lookout against the importation of yellow fever cases, these are the simple rules that have kept the Panama Canal free and prevented the slaughter of hundreds of foreigners, so generally expected every year, in former times.
Since we made our demonstration in 1901, our work has been corroborated by various commissions appointed for the purpose, in Mexico, Brazil and Cuba, composed variously of Americans, French, English, Cuban, Brazilian and German investigators. Nothing has been added to our original findings; nothing has been contradicted of what we have reported, and to-day, after nearly thirteen years, the truths that we uncovered stand incontrovertible; besides, they have been the means of driving out yellow fever from Cuba, the United States (Laredo, Texas, 1903 and New Orleans, La., 1905), British Honduras and several cities of Brazil.
Of the Army Board only I remain. Lazear, as reported, died during the early part of our investigations; Reed left us in 1902 and Carroll only five years later. The reader may wonder of what benefit was it to us, this painstaking and remarkable accomplishment which has been such a blessing to humanity! See what the late Surgeon General of the U. S. Army had to say in his report (Senate Document No. 520, Sixty-first Congress, second session):
1. Major Walter Reed, surgeon, United States Army, died in Washington, D. C., from appendicitis, November 23, 1902, aged 51. His widow, Emilie Lawrence Reed, is receiving a pension of $125 a month.
2 Maj. James Carroll was promoted from first lieutenant to major by special act of Congress, March 9, 1907. He died in Washington, D C., of myocarditis, September 16, 1907. His widow, Jennie H. Carroll, since his death, has received an annuity of $125 a month, appropriated from year to year in the Army appropriation bill.
3. Dr. Jesse W. Lazear, contract surgeon, United States Army, died at Camp Columbia, Cuba, of yellow fever, September 25, 1900. His widow, Mabel M. Lazear, since his death, has received an annuity of $125 a month appropriated from year to year in the Army appropriation bill.
4. Dr. Aristides Agramonte is the only living member of the board. He is professor of bacteriology and experimental pathology in the University of Habana and has never received, either directly or indirectly, any material reward for his share in the work of the board.
It is not for me to make any comments: the above paragraphs have all the force of a plain, truthful statement of facts. Perhaps it is thought that enough reward is to be found in the contemplation of so much good derived from one's own efforts and the feeling it may produce of innermost satisfaction and in forming the belief that one had not lived in vain. In a very great measure, I know, the thought is true.
THE EVOLUTION OF THE STARS AND THE FORMATION OF THE EARTH. IV
BY WILLIAM WALLACE CAMPBELL
DIRECTOR OF THE LICK OBSERVATORY, UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA
THE PLANETESIMAL HYPOTHESIS
THE most elaborate structure yet proposed to explain the origin of the solar system is the planetesimal hypothesis by Chamberlin and Moulton. The energy which these investigators have devoted to formulating and testing this hypothesis, in the light of the principles of mechanics, has been commensurate with the importance of the subject. They postulate that the materials now composing the Sun, planets, and satellites, at one time existed as a spiral nebula, or as a great spiral swarm of discrete particles, each particle in elliptic motion about the central nucleus. The authors go further back and endeavor to account for the origin of the spiral nebula, but this phase of the subject is not vital to their hypothesis. However, it conduces to clearness in presenting their hypothesis to begin with the earlier process.
It may happen, once in a while, that two stars will collide. If the collision is a grazing one, they say, a spiral nebula will be formed. However, a fairly close approach of two stars will occur in vastly greater frequency and the effect of this approach will also be to form a spiral nebula or two such nebulae. The authors recall that our Sun is constantly ejecting materials to a considerable height to form the prominences, and that the attractions of a great star passing fairly close to our solar system would assist this process of expulsion of matter from the Sun. A great outbreak or ejection of matter would occur not only on the side of our Sun turned toward the disturbing body, but on the opposite side as well, for the same reason that tides in our oceans are raised on the side opposite the Moon as well as on the side toward the Moon. As the Sun and disturbing star proceeded in their orbits, the stream of matter leaving our Sun on the side of the disturbing body would try to follow the other star; and the stream of matter leaving the other side of the Sun would shoot out in curves essentially symmetrical with those in the first stream. As the disturbing star approached and receded the paths taken by the ejected matter would be successively along curves such as are represented by the dotted lines in Fig. 28. At any given moment the ejected matter would lie on the two heavy lines. The matter would not be moving along the heavy lines, but nearly at right angles to them, in the directions that the lighter curves are pointing. As the ejections would not be continuous, but on the contrary intermittent, because of violent pulsations of the Sun's body, there would be irregularities in the two spiral streamers. The materials drawn out of the Sun would revolve around it in elliptic orbits after the disturbing body had passed beyond the distance of effective disturbance, as illustrated in Fig. 29. The orbits of the different masses would have different sizes and different eccentricities. There would also be a wide distribution of finely-divided material between the main branches of the spiral. All of the widespread gaseous matter, hot when it left the Sun, would soon become cold, by expansion and radiation; and only the massive nuclei would remain gaseous and hot.
I see no reason to question the efficiency of this ingenious explanation of the origin of a spiral nebula: the close passage of two massive stars could, in my opinion, produce an effect resembling a spiral nebula, quite in accordance with Moulton's test calculations upon the subject. Some of the spirals have possibly been formed in this way (see Fig. 30); but that the tens of thousands of spirals known to exist in the sky have actually been produced in this manner is another question, and one which, in my opinion, is open to grave doubt. But to this point we shall return later.
There are marked advantages in starting the evolution of the solar system from a spiral nebula, aside from the fact that spirals are abundant, and therefore represent a standard product of development. The material is thinly and very irregularly distributed in a plane passing through the Sun, and the motions around the Sun are all in the same direction. The great difficulty in the Laplace hypothesis, as to the constancy of the moment of momentum, is here eliminated. There are well-defined condensations of nuclei at quite different distances from the Sun. According to this hypothesis the principal nuclei are the beginnings of the future planets. They draw into themselves the materials with which they come in contact by virtue of the crossings of the orbits of various sizes and various eccentricities. The growth of the planets is gradual, for the sweeping up and combining process must be excessively slow. The satellites are started from those smaller nuclei which happen to be moving with just the right speeds not to escape entirely the attractions of the principal nuclei, nor to fall into them. The planes of the planetary orbits and, in general, the planes of the satellite orbits should agree quite closely with each other, but they could differ and should differ from that of the Sun's equator.
The authors call attention to the fact that the Sun's equator is inclined at a small angle, 7 degrees, to the common planes of the planetary system, and Chamberlin holds this to be one of the strong points in favor of the planetesimal hypothesis. He reasons thus: the star which passed close to our Sun and drew out the planetary materials in the form of spiral streams must have moved in the plane of the spiral; that is, in the plane of our planetary system. Some of the materials would be drawn out from our Sun only a very short distance and then fall back upon the Sun. Great tidal waves would be formed on opposite sides of the Sun, and these would try to follow the disturbing body. The effect of these waves and of the materials which fall back would be to change the Sun's original rotation plane in the direction of the disturbing body's orbital plane.
Now the chance for a disturbing star's passing around our Sun in a plane making a large angle, say from 45 degrees to 90 degrees, with the Sun's equator, is much greater than for a small angle 0 degrees to 45 degrees. The chances are greatest that the angle will be 90 degrees. Only those disturbing stars which approach our Sun PRECISELY in the plane of the Sun's equator could move around the Sun in this plane. All those approaching along any line parallel to the Sun's equatorial plane, but lying outside of this plane, and all those whose directions of approach make any angle whatever with the equatorial plane, would find it impossible to move in that plane. That the angle under this hypothesis is only 7 degrees is surprising, though, as we are dealing with but a single case, we can not say, I think, that this militates either for or against the hypothesis. We are entitled to say only that unless the approach was so close as to cause disturbances in our Sun to relatively great depths, the angle referred to would have only one chance in ten or fifteen or twenty to be as small as 7 degrees. Any disturbance which succeeded in taking out of the Sun only 1/7 of 1 per cent. of its mass could scarcely succeed in shifting the axis of rotation of the remaining 99 6/7 per cent. very much, I think. If the angle were 30 degrees or 50 degrees or 80 degrees, instead of 7 degrees, the case for the planetesimal hypothesis would be somewhat stronger.
A remarkable fact concerning the Sun is that the equatorial region rotates once around in a shorter time than the regions in higher latitudes require. The rotation period of the Sun's equator is about 24 days; the period at latitude 45 degrees is 28 days; and at 75 degrees, 33 days. The planetesimal hypothesis attributes this equatorial acceleration to the falling back into the Sun of the materials which had been lifted out to a short distance by the disturbing body, and to the forward-rushing tide raised in the equatorial regions by the disturbing body. This may well have occurred. However, we must remember that the same phenomenon exists certainly in Jupiter and Saturn, and quite probably in Uranus and Neptune; that is, in all the bodies in the system that are gaseous and free to show the effect. It seems to be the result of a principle which has operated throughout the solar system, not requiring, at least not directly requiring, the passage of a disturbing star. I think the most plausible explanation of this curious phenomenon is that great quantities of materials originally revolving around the Sun and around each of the planets have gradually been drawn into these bodies, by preference into their equatorial areas. Such masses of matter moving in orbits very close to these bodies must have traveled with speeds vastly higher than the surface speeds of the bodies. To illustrate, the rotational velocity of a particle now in the Sun's surface at the equator is approximately 2 km. per second. A small body revolving around the Sun close to his surface, rapidly enough to prevent its falling quickly upon the Sun, must have a velocity of more than 400 km. per second. If, now, this small body encounters some resistance it will fall into the Sun, and as it is traveling more than 200 times as rapidly as the solar materials into which it drops, it will both generate heat and accelerate the rotational velocity of the surrounding materials. In the same way the equatorial accelerations in Jupiter and Saturn can receive simple explanation. The point is not necessarily in opposition to the planetesimal hypothesis; but whatever the explanation, it ought to apply to the planet as well as to the Sun.
If the spiral nebulae have been formed in accordance with Chamberlin and Moulton's hypothesis, the secondary nuclei in them must revolve in a great variety of elliptic orbits. The orbits would intersect, and in the course of long ages the separate masses would collide and combine and the number of separate masses would constantly grow smaller. Moulton has shown that IN GENERAL the combining of two masses whose orbits intersect causes the combined mass to move in an orbit more nearly circular than the average orbit of the separate masses, and in general in orbit planes more nearly coincident with the general plane of the system. Accordingly, the major planets should move in orbits more nearly circular and more nearly in the plane of the system than do the asteroids; and so they do. If the asteroids should combine to form one planet the orbit of this planet should be much less eccentric than the average of all the present asteroid eccentricities, and the deviation of its orbit plane should be less than the average deviation of the present planes. We can not doubt that this would be the case. Mercury and Mars, the smallest planets, should have, according to this principle, the largest eccentricities and orbital inclinations of any of the major planets. This is true of the eccentricities, but Mars's orbit plane, contrarily, has a small inclination. Venus and the Earth, next in size, should have the next largest inclinations and eccentricities, but they do not; Venus's eccentricity is the smallest of all. The Earth's orbital inclination and eccentricity are both small. Jupiter and Saturn, Uranus and Neptune, should have the smallest orbital inclinations; their average inclination is about the same as for Venus and the Earth. They should likewise have the smallest eccentricities. Neptune, the smallest of the four, has an orbit nearly circular; Jupiter, Saturn and Uranus have eccentricities more than 4 times those of Venus and the Earth. Considering the four large planets as one group and the four small planets as another group, we find that the inclinations of the orbits of the two groups, per unit mass, are about equal; but the average eccentricity of the orbits of the large planets, per unit mass, is 21 times that of the orbits of the small planets.[1] The evidence, except as to the asteroids and Mercury, is not favorable to the planetesimal hypothesis, unless we make special assumptions as to the distribution of materials in the spiral nebulae.
[2] The average eccentricity of the orbits of the four inner planets (per unit mass) is 0.0221, and of the four outer planets is 0.0489.
The fact that the disturbing body drew 225 times as much matter a great distance to form the four large planets as it drew out a short distance to form the four small planets and the asteroids seems difficult of explanation on the planetesimal hypothesis. However, this distribution of matter is at present a difficulty in any of the hypotheses. The planetesimal hypothesis explains well all west to east rotations of the planets on their axes, but to make Uranus rotate nearly at right angles to the plane of the system, and Neptune in a plane inclined 135 degrees to the plane of the system, is a difficulty in any of the hypotheses, unless special assumptions are made to fit each case.