ill. It was not indeed expected that he would have lived long enough to

reach England. His dropsy was becoming not only troublesome but dangerous.[15]

[15] Sir James did reach England, but died shortly afterwards. He expired in January 1812, aged 62.

Sir James was succeeded in the administration of the government of Canada by Mr. Dunn.

The Canadians had, during the administration of Governor Craig, earnestly pursued Junius' advice to the English nation. They had never, under the most trying circumstances, suffered any invasion of their political constitution to pass by, without a determined and persevering resistance. They practically exhibited their belief in the doctrine that, one precedent creates another; that precedents soon accumulate and constitute law; that what was yesterday fact becomes to-day doctrine; that examples are supposed to justify the most dangerous measures, and that where they do not suit exactly, the defect is supplied by analogy. They felt confident that the laws which were to protect their civil rights were to grow out of their constitution, and that with it the country was to fall or flourish. They believed in the right of the people to choose their own representatives. They were sensibly impressed with the idea that the liberty of the press is the palladium of the civil, political, and religious rights of a British subject, and that the right of juries to return a general verdict, in all cases whatsoever, is an essential part of the British constitution, not to be controlled, or limited, by the judges, nor in any shape to be questionable by the legislature. And they believed that the power of the King, Lords, and Commons, was not an arbitrary power, but one which they themselves could regulate. In a word, they believed that, whatever form of government might be necessary for the maintenance of order, and for putting all men on an equality in the eye of the law, the people themselves were the source of all power, and they acted accordingly.

Mr. Peel, (afterwards Sir Robert Peel,) Under Secretary of State, condemned the conduct of Sir James Craig, as Governor of Canada. Mr. Ryland, himself, informed Sir James, by letter, from London, whither he had been sent with despatches, that when he observed to Mr. Peel that Sir James Craig had all the English inhabitants with him, and, consequently, all the commercial interest of the country, Mr. Peel remarked that the Canadians were much more _numerous_, and he repeated the same remark more than once, in a way that indicated a fear of doing anything that might clash with the prejudices of the _more numerous_ part of the community. And when Mr. Ryland ventured to suggest that the decided approbation of the Governor's conduct could not fail to have a _desirable_ effect on the minds of the Canadians, and that the best way of expressing such approbation, was by suspending the constitution, as Sir James Craig had recommended, Mr. Peel thought that a reunion of the provinces would be better than a suspension of the constitution of Lower Canada. Lord Liverpool thought that it was not very necessary to imprison the editors of the _Canadien_. He quietly asked if they could not have been brought over to the government? Mr. Ryland said that it was not possible, that Mr. Bedard's motive for opposing the government, was possibly to obtain office, but he had acted in such a way as to make that impossible. At dinner with the Earl of Liverpool, at Coombe Wood, Mr. Ryland seems to have had a combing from Mr. Peel. He writes to Sir James Craig that, in a conversation with Mr. Peel, before dinner, concerning the state of things in Canada, he was mortified to find that he had but an imperfect idea of the subject. He expressed himself as though he had thought that Sir James Craig had dissolved the House of Assembly on account of their having passed a bill for excluding the judges. He endeavored to give Mr. Peel a clear and correct conception of these matters, but God knew with what success! He recollected Governor Craig's advice, and kept his temper, but it was really very provoking to see men of fine endowments and excellent natural understanding, too inattentive to make themselves masters of a very important subject, which had been placed before them, in an intelligible manner. When Mr. Peel asked him if the English members of the House were always with the government, Mr. Ryland said that in every case of importance, with the exception of Mr. James Stuart, formerly Solicitor-General, the English members always supported the views of the government. And, indeed, the Attorney-General of England, Sir Vicary Gibbs, reported against the despotic intentions of Sir James Craig, and, at the suggestion of his secretary, further expressed his official opinion that the paper published in the _Canadien_, and upon which the proceedings of the Executive Council of Canada had been founded, was not such as to fix upon the publishers, the charge of treasonable practices, and that it was only the apprehensions that had been in Canada entertained, of the effects of the publication of the paper in the _Canadien_, that might have made it excusable to resort to means, not strictly justifiable in law, for suppressing anticipated mischief. The truth was simply that a stupid old man, filled with the most violent prejudices, against change of any sort, had been sent to govern a new and rapidly rising country, and knew not how success was to be obtained. His mind was full of conspiracies, rebellions, and revolutions, and nothing else. When he retired to rest, and had drawn the curtains of his bed, there sat upon him, night after night, three horrible spectres:--the Rebellion in Ireland, the Reign of Terror in France, and the American revolution. He slept only to dream of foul conspiracies, and he was dreaming how they best could be avoided, when in broad daylight he was most awake.

Upper Canada had not yet become sufficiently populous to require much legislation. Indeed, the legislature of that province hardly transacted any business more important than now devolves upon some insignificant county municipality. There was as yet no party. There were as yet no grievances. Parliament was annually assembled by Governor Gore, rather because it was a rule to which he was bound to attend, than because it was required. He met his parliament again, on the 1st of February, 1811, and business having been rapidly transacted, the royal assent was given to nine Acts, relative to the erection and repair of roads and bridges, to the licensing of petty chapmen, to the payment of parliamentary contingencies, to the regulation of duties, to the further regulation of the proceedings of sheriffs, in the sale of goods and chattels, taken by them in execution, to assessments, to bills of exchange, and to the raising and training of the militia.

On the 30th of September, in the same year, Lieutenant-Governor Francis Gore resigned the government into the hands of Major-General, Sir Isaac Brocke, and returned to England, Mr. Dunn, having, on the 14th of the same month, been relieved of the government of Lower Canada, by Lieutenant-General Sir George Prevost, Baronet, the Lieutenant-Governor of Nova Scotia, and now appointed Governor General of British North America, in consideration as well of his administrative ability, as of his distinguished reputation as an officer in the army. No sooner had Sir George arrived at Quebec, than he set out on a tour of military observation. War was now more than ever imminent. Another difficulty had occurred at sea. A British sloop of war, the _Little Belt_, had been fired into by the American frigate, _President_, and, in the rencontre which followed, had suffered greatly in her men and rigging. The British Orders in Council had not been rescinded, American commerce was crippled, the revenue was falling off, and there was that general quarrelsomeness of spirit which, sooner or later, must be satisfied, pervading the middle States of the American Union. Congress was assembled by proclamation, on the 5th of November, and the President of the United States indicated future events by a shadow in his opening "Message." Mr. Madison found that he must "add" that the period had arrived which claimed from the legislative guardians of the national rights, a system of more ample provision for maintaining them. There was full evidence of the hostile inflexibility of Great Britain. She had trampled on rights, which no independent nation could relinquish, and Congress would feel the duty of putting the United States into an armour and an attitude, demanded by the crisis, and corresponding with the national spirit and expectation. Congress did as they were recommended to do. Bills were passed having reference to probable hostilities, one of which authorized the President to raise, with as little delay as possible, twenty-five thousand men.

In Canada every man held his breath for a time.