did. My opinion is of no value on such a point; but I am

disposed to agree with Mr. Hirtzel that "versus valde Vergilianos, ab optimis codicibus omissos, iniuria obleverunt Tucca et Varius." They are certainly in keeping with the picture of Aeneas' _impotentia_ which is generally suggested in Book ii. If it should be argued that this _impotentia_, _i.e._ want of self-control, is only put into the mouth of Aeneas in order to heighten the effect of his stirring narrative, it will be well to remember the remonstrances of Venus, which make such a hypothesis impossible.

[890] _Op. cit._ p. 231.

[891] _Vergils epische Technik_, p. 113 foll.

[892] The original story was, that unable to escape from an enforced marriage with Iarbas, she killed herself to mark her unflinching faithfulness to her first husband Sicharbas. Servius quotes Varro as stating that it was not Dido, but Anna who committed suicide for love of Aeneas (on _Aen._ iv. 682); and as Varro died before the Aeneid was begun, this may be taken as proving that Virgil's version of the love-story was not his own invention. But it is quite possible that Servius here only means that Varro's version differed in this point from that which the poet soon afterwards adopted; it may be that the story in the poem is thus practically his own.

[893] _Op. cit._ p. 116.

[894] _Ancient Lives of Vergil_, Clarendon Press, 1879.

[895] The critics have, I think, been weaker in dealing with the fifth book than with any of the others. Prof. Tyrrell is too violent in his contempt for it to admit of quotation here. Heinze has some good and acute remarks on Virgil's motive in placing the book where it is, but seems to me to miss the real importance of it (_op. cit._ 140 foll.). Even Boissier, whose delightful account of the scenery of Eryx should be read by every one who would appreciate this book (_op. cit._ p. 232), goes so far as to say that it is the one book with which we feel we might easily dispense so far as the story is concerned.

[896] _Roman Festivals_, p. 307.

[897] _Op. cit._ p. 270.

[898] _Commentary on Dante's Divina Commedia_, pp. 615 foll. I am indebted for this reference to Stewart's _Myths of Plato_, p. 367.

[899] Nettleship remarked most truly that there is no better way of appreciating the heroic Aeneas of these last books than by studying carefully the early part of the eleventh.

LECTURE XIX

THE AUGUSTAN REVIVAL

It is a long descent from the inspiring idealism of Virgil to the cool, tactical attempt of Augustus to revive the outward forms of the old religion. It seems strange that two men so different in character and upbringing should have been working in the same years in the same direction, yet on planes so far apart. How far the two were directly connected in their work we cannot know for certain. It is said that the subject of the Aeneid was suggested to Virgil by Augustus, and it is quite possible that this may be true; but it by no means follows from this that the inspiration of the poem came from any other source but Virgil's own thought and feeling. We also know that Augustus from the first appreciated the Aeneid, and that he saved it for all time; but it is by no means clear that it inspired him in his efforts towards moral and religious regeneration. Perhaps the truth is that both were moved by the wave of mingled depression and hope that swept over Italy for some years after the death of Julius, and that each used his experience in his own way and according to his opportunities. They had at least this in common, that they utilised the past to encourage the present age, and that by filling old forms and names with new meaning they set men's minds upon thinking of the future.[900]

Yet the revival of the State religion by Augustus is at once the most remarkable event in the history of the Roman religion, and one almost unique in religious history. I have repeatedly spoken of that State religion as hypnotised or paralysed, meaning that the belief in the efficacy of the old cults had passed away among the educated classes, that the mongrel city populace had long been accustomed to scoff at the old deities, and that the outward practice of religion had been allowed to decay. To us, then, it may seem almost impossible that the practice, and to some extent also the belief, should be capable of resuscitation at the will of a single individual, even if that individual represented the best interests and the collective wisdom of the State. For it is impossible to deny that this resuscitation was real; that both _pax deorum_ and _ius divinum_ became once more terms of force and meaning. Beset as it was by at least three formidable enemies, which tended to destroy it even while they fed on it, like parasites in the animal or vegetable world feeding on their hosts,--the rationalising philosophy of syncretism, the worship of the Caesars, and the new Oriental cults,--the old religion continued to exist for at least three centuries in outward form, and to some extent in popular belief.

We must remember the tenacious conservatism of the Roman mind: the emotional stimulus of the age of depression and despair which preceded this revival: and the conscientious care with which the successors of Augustus, Tiberius in particular, carried out his religious policy.[901] Then as we become more familiar with the Corpus of inscriptions and the writings of the early Christian fathers, we begin to appreciate the fact that the natural and inherited religion of a people cannot altogether die, and that to describe this old Roman religion as _dead_ is to use too strong a word. The votive inscriptions of the Empire show us overwhelming proof of surviving belief in the great deities of the olden time, and of the care taken of their temples. Antoninus Pius is honoured "ob insignem erga caerimonias publicas curam et religionem."[902] Marcus Aurelius himself did not hesitate in times of public distress to put in action the whole apparatus of the old religion.[903] Constantius in A.D. 329 was shown round the temples when he visited Rome for the first time, and in spite of his Christianity took a curious interest in them.[904] That the private worship, too, went on into the fourth century we know from the Theodosian code, where in the interest of Christianity the worship of Lares Penates and Genius is strictly forbidden.[905] Again, the constant ridicule with which the Christian writers speak of the _minutiae_ of the heathen worship makes it quite plain that they knew it as actually existing, and not merely from books like those of Varro. They do not so much attack the Oriental religions of their time as the genuine old Roman cults; more especially is this the case with St. Augustine, from whose _de Civitate Dei_ we have learnt so much about the latter. The very necessity under which the leaders of Christianity found themselves of suiting their own religious character, and in some ways even their own ceremonies, to the habits and prejudices of the pagans, tells the same story. But the question how far Latin Christianity was indebted to the religion of the Romans must be postponed to my last lecture; I have said enough to indicate in which direction we must go for evidence that the work of Augustus was not in vain, that it gave fresh stimulus to a plant that still had some life in it.

If, then, the Augustan revival was not a mere sham, but had its measure of real success, how are we to account for this? I think the explanation is not really difficult, if we bring to bear upon the problem what we have learnt from the beginning about the religious experience of the Romans. Let us note that Augustus troubled himself little about the later political developments of religion, which we have lately been examining,--about pontifices, augurs, and Sibylline books; these institutions, which had been so much used in the republican period for political and party purposes, it was rather his interest to keep in the background. But in one way or another he must have grasped the fundamental idea of the old Roman worship, that the prosperity and the fertility of man, and of his flocks and herds and crops on the farm, and the prosperity and fertility of the citizen within the city itself, equally depended on the dutiful attention (_pietas_) paid to the divine beings who had taken up their abode in farm or city.[906] The best expression of this idea in words is _pax deorum_,--the right relation between man and the various manifestations of the Power,--and the machinery by which it was secured was the _ius divinum_.[907] We shall not be far wrong if we say that it was Augustus' aim to re-establish the _pax_ by means of the _ius_; but if we wished to explain the matter to some one who has not been trained in these technical terms, it would be better to say that he appealed to a deeply-rooted idea in the popular mind,--the idea that unless the divine inhabitants were properly and continually propitiated, they would not do their part in supporting the human inhabitants in all their doings and interests. This popular conviction he deliberately determined to use as his chief political lever.

This has, I think, been insufficiently emphasised by historians, who contemplate the work of this shrewd statesman too entirely from the political point of view. I am sure that he had learnt from his predecessors in power that reform on political lines only was without any element of stability, and that he knew that it was far more important to touch a spring in the feeling of the people, than to occupy himself, like Sulla, in mending old machinery or inventing new. If he could but induce them to believe in him as the restorer of the _pax deorum_, he knew that his work was accomplished. And I believe that we have what is practically his own word for this conviction; not in his Res Gestae, the _Monumentum Ancyranum_, which is a record of facts and of deeds only, but in the famous hymn which Horace wrote at his instance and to give expression to his ideas, for use in the Secular Games of 17 B.C., to which I am coming presently. Ferrero has lately described that hymn as a magnificent poem,[908] an opinion which to me is incomprehensible. It is neat, and embodies the necessary ideas adequately, but it is far too flat to be the genuine offspring of such a poet as Horace. To me it reads as though Augustus had written it in prose and then ordered his poet to put it into metre; and assuredly it expresses exactly what we should have expected Augustus to wish to be sung by his youthful choirs. I shall refer to it again shortly to illustrate another point; all I need say now is that he who reads it carefully and thinks about it will find there the conviction of which I have been speaking, that prosperity and fertility, whether of man, beast, or crop, depend on the Roman's attitude toward his deities; religion, morality, fertility, and public concord are the points which the astute ruler wished to be emphasised.[909] That this hymn was a really important part of the ceremony is certain from the fact that it was given to the best living poet to write, and that his name is mentioned as its author in the inscription, discovered not many years ago, which commemorated the whole performance: "CARMEN COMPOSUIT Q. HORATIUS FLACCUS."[910]

If, then, I am right, this strange movement was not merely a revival of religious ceremonies, but an appeal through them to the conscience of the people. A revival of religious _life_ it, of course, was not, for what we understand by that term had never existed at Rome; but it was an attempt to give expression, in a religious form and under State authorisation, to certain feelings and ideas not far removed in kind from those which in our own day we describe as our religious experience. Whether Augustus himself shared in these feelings and ideas it is, of course, impossible to conjecture. But as a man's religious convictions are largely the result of his own experience and of that of the society in which he lives, and as Augustus' own experience for the twenty years before he took this work in hand had been full of trial and temptation, I am disposed to guess that he was rather expressing a popular conviction which he shared himself than merely standing apart and administering a remedy. And this view seems to me to be on the whole confirmed by the tone and spirit of the great literary works of the age.

Augustus did not become pontifex maximus till the year 12 B.C., nineteen years after he had crushed Antony at Actium; he waited with scrupulous patience until the headship of the Roman religion became vacant by the death of Lepidus.[911] But this did not prevent him from pursuing his religious policy with great earnestness before that date, for he had long been a member of the pontifical college, as well as augur and quindecemvir. No sooner had he returned to Rome from Egypt than the work of temple restoration began, the outward and visible sign to all that the _pax deorum_ was to be firmly re-established. The fact of the restoration he has told us in half a dozen words in his own Res Gestae:[912] "Duo et octaginta templa deum in urbe ex decreto senatus refeci," adding that not one was neglected that needed repair. Among them was that oldest and smallest temple of Jupiter Feretrius on the Capitol to which I referred in a former lecture;[913] and his personal interest in the work is attested by Livy, who says that he himself heard Augustus tell how he had found an inscription, relating to the second _spolia opima_ dedicated there, when he went into the temple bent on the work of restoration.[914] It needs but a little historical imagination to appreciate the psychological importance of all this work. We have to think not only of the bystanders who watched, but of the very workmen themselves, rejoicing at once in new employment and in the revival of an old sense of religious duty. Little more than twenty years earlier, no workman could be found to lay a hand upon the newly-built temple of Isis, when the consul Aemilius Paulus gave orders for its destruction as a centre of _superstitio_;[915] now abundant work was provided which every man's conscience would approve. When I think of the Rome of that year 28, with all its fresh hope and confidence taking visible shape in this way, even Horace's famous lines seem cold to me (_Od._ ii. 6. 1):

delicta maiorum immeritus lues Romane, donec templa refeceris aedesque labentis deorum et foeda nigro simulacra fumo.

The restoration of the temple buildings implies also a revival of the old ritual, the _cura et caerimonia_. As to this we are very imperfectly informed,--we have no correspondence of this age, as of the last, and the details of life in the Augustan city are not preserved in abundance. But Ovid comes to the rescue here, as in secular matters, and on the whole the evidence in his _Fasti_ suggests that the old sacrificing priesthoods, the Rex and the flamines, were set to their work again. He tells us, for example, how he himself, as he was returning to Rome from Nomentum,[916] had seen the flamen Quirinalis carrying out the _exta_ of a dog and a sheep which had been sacrificed in the morning in the city, to be laid on the altar in the grove of Robigus. In spite of all its disabling restrictions, it was possible once more to fill the ancient priesthood of Jupiter; and of the Rex sacrorum and the other flamines we hear in the early Empire.[917] They were in the _potestas_ of the pontifex maximus, and as after 12 B.C. that position was always held by the Princeps himself, it was not likely that they would be allowed to neglect their duties. Other ancient colleges were also revived or confirmed by the inclusion of the Emperor himself among their members (a fact which Augustus was careful to record in his own words), _e.g._ the Fetiales, of whom he had made use when declaring war with Antony and Cleopatra;[918] the Sodales Titienses, an institution of which we have lost the origin and meaning; the Salii, Luperci, and above all the Fratres Arvales, the brotherhood whose duty it had once been to lead a procession round the crops in May, and so to ensure the _pax deorum_ for the most vital material of human subsistence. The corn-supply now came almost entirely from Africa and Egypt; the inner meaning of this old ritual could not be revived, and we must own that all this restoration of the old _caerimonia_ must have appealed rather to the eye than the mind of the beholder. It was necessary to put some new element into it to give it life. Here we come upon a most important fact in the work of Augustus, which will become apparent if we take a rapid glance at the work and history of the Fratres, and then go on to find further illustration of the curious mixture of old and new which the Roman religion was henceforward to be.

The fortunate survival of large fragments of the records of the Brotherhood, dating from shortly after the battle of Actium, show that it continued to work and to flourish down to the reign of Gordian (A.D. 241), and from other sources we know that it was still in existence in the fourth century.[919] These records have been found on the site of the sacred grove, at the fifth milestone on the via Campana between Rome and Ostia, which from the time of this revival onwards was the centre of the activity of the Fratres.

The brethren were twelve in number, with a _magister_ at their head and a flamen to assist him; they were chosen from distinguished families by co-optation, the reigning Emperor being always a member.[920] Their duties fell into two divisions, which most aptly illustrate respectively the old and the new ingredients in the religious prescriptions of Augustus, as they were carried out by his successors. The first of these is the performance of the yearly rites in honour of the Dea Dia, the goddess or _numen_ without a substantival name (a form perhaps of Ceres and Tellus), whose home was in the sacred grove, and who was the special object of this venerable cult. Secondly, the care of vows, prayers, and sacrifices for the Emperors and other members of the imperial house. I must say a few words about each of these divisions of duty.

The worship of the Dea Dia took place in May on three days, with an interval always of one day between the first and second, according to the old custom of the calendar.[921] On the first, preliminary rites were performed at Rome, in the house of the magister; on the second was the most important part of the whole ceremony, which took place at the sacred grove. These rites will give a good idea of the old Roman worship, and of the exactness with which Augustus sought to restore it. At dawn the magister sacrificed two _porcae piaculares_ to the Dea, and then a _vacca honoraria_, after which he laid aside the _toga praetexta_ or sacrificial vestment, and rested till noon, when all the brethren partook of a common meal, of which the _porcae_ formed the chief part. Then resuming the _praetexta_, and crowned with wreaths of corn-ears, they proceeded to the altar in the grove, where they sacrificed the _agna opima_, which was the principal victim in the whole ceremonial.[922] Other rites followed, _e.g._ the passing round, from one to another of the brethren, fruits gathered and consecrated on the previous day, each brother receiving them in his left, _i.e._ lucky hand, and passing them on with his right; and the singing of the famous Arval hymn to Mars and the Lares to a rhythmic dance-tune. Then after another meal and chariot-racing in the neighbouring circus, they returned to Rome and finished the day with further feasting.[923] A cynical reader of these Acta might suggest that the appetites of the good brethren were made more of than their _pietas_; but the feasting may be just as much a part of the ancient practice as any of the other curiosities of ritual.

The utensils employed were of the primitive sun-baked clay (_ollae_), and seem to have been regarded with a veneration almost amounting to worship.[924] Long ago I had occasion to note how the old form of piacular sacrifice was used and recorded whenever iron was taken into the grove, or any damage done to the trees by lightning or other accident. Once, when a tiny fig-tree sprouted on the roof of the temple, piacula of all suitable kinds had to be offered to Mars, Dea Dia, Janus, Jupiter, Juno, Virgines divae, Famuli divi, Lares, Mater Larum, sive deus sive dea in cuius tutela hic lucus locusque est, Fons, Hora, Vesta Mater, Vesta deorum dearumque, Adolenda Commolenda Deferunda,--and sixteen _divi_ of the imperial families![925] As the date of this extraordinary performance is A.D. 183, nothing can better show the extent to which the revival of elaborate ritual had been carried by Augustus, and the amazing tenacity with which it held its ground.

The second part of the activity of the brethren well illustrates the new element which Augustus adroitly insinuated into the old religious forms: but I shall not dwell upon it, for the worship of the Caesars in its developed form is not of either Roman or Italian origin, any more than the other kinds of cult which were now pressing in from the East; and it thus lies outside the range of my subject. The revival of this old priesthood, and doubtless of others, the Salii for example, was turned to account to mark the sacred character and political and social predominance of the imperial family. All events of importance in the life of the Emperor himself and his family were the occasion of vows, prayers, or thanksgivings on the part of the Fratres; births, marriages, successions to the throne, journeys and safe return, and the assumption of the consulship and other offices or priesthoods. These rites all took place at various temples or altars in Rome, or at the Ara Pacis, recently excavated, which Augustus had built in the Campus Martius. Here, by way of example of them, is a "votum susceptum pro salute novi principis," on his accession.[926]

"Imperatore M. Othone Caesare Augusto, L. Salvio Othone Titiano iterum consulibus, III kalendas Februarias magistro Imperatore M. Othone Caesare Augusto, promagistro L. Salvio Othone Titiano: collegi fratrum Arvalium nomine immolavit in Capitolio ob vota nuncupata pro salute imperatoris M. Othonis Caesaris Augusti in annum proximum in III nonas Ianuarias Iovi bovem marem, Iunoni vaccam: Minervae vaccam: Saluti publicae populi Romani vaccam: divo Augusto bovem marem, divae Augustae vaccam: divo Claudio bovem marem: in collegio adfuerunt, etc."

This record, which belongs to the year 69 and the accession of Otho, shows the _divi_, _i.e._ the deified emperors Augustus and Claudius, together with the deified Livia, associated with the _trias_ of the Capitoline temple and the _Salus publica_ in the sacrificial rites. But under the Flavian dynasty which followed this association was judiciously dropped.[927] It may serve for the moment to illustrate what was to come of this new element so subtly introduced into the old worship; how it led to practices which are utterly repulsive to us, and repulsive too to an honest man even in that day. The noble words of Tiberius, declining to have temples erected to him in Spain, have been preserved by Tacitus from the senatorial records:[928] "Ego me, patres conscripti, mortalem esse fateor"; and he added that his only claim to immortality lay in the due performance of duty. Tiberius, whatever else he may have been, was beyond doubt an honest man; and so too was Seneca, the author of the famous skit on the deification of Claudius. But the extravagances of Caesar-worship are not to be met with in Augustus' time; for him the new element may be defined, as in Rome (and in Italy too, so far as his own wish could limit it) nothing more than _the encouragement of the belief in him, and loyalty to him as the restorer of the pax deorum_. To this end he sought to magnify his own achievements as avenger of the crime of the murder of Julius, by which the _pax_ had been grievously disturbed. I propose to finish this lecture by giving some account of the way in which he attained this object. Let us briefly examine the famous ritual of the _Ludi saeculares_, of which we have more detailed knowledge than of any other Roman rite of any period; it marks the zenith of his prosperity and religious activity, and belongs to the year 17 B.C., two years after the death of Virgil,--a date which may be said to divide the long power of Augustus into two nearly equal halves.

This famous celebration is an epoch in the history of the Roman religion, if not in the history of Rome herself. It stands on the very verge of an old and a new régime. It was the outward or ritualistic expression of the idea, already suggested by Virgil in the fourth _Eclogue_ and the _Aeneid_, that a regeneration is at hand of Rome and Italy, in religion, morals, agriculture, government; old things are put away, new sap is to run in the half-withered trunk and branches of a noble tree. The experience of the past, as with Aeneas after the descent into Hades, is to lead to new effort and a new type of character, of which _pietas_ in its broadest sense is the inspiring motive. Henceforward the Roman is to look ahead of him in hope and confidence, _virtutem extendere factis_. Augustus, the Aeneas of the actual State, was firmly established in a prestige which extended beyond Italy even to the far East; his faithful and capable coadjutor Agrippa was by his side to take his part in the ritual, and no cloud in that year 17 seemed to be visible on the horizon.

The _Ludi saeculares_ are also unique in respect of the records we have of them. By wonderful good fortune we can construct an almost complete picture of what was done in that year on the last days of May and the first three of June. We have the text of the Sibylline oracle,--how manufactured we do not know, nor does it much matter,--which prescribed the ritual, preserved by Zosimus, a Greek historian of the fifth century A.D., together with his own account.[929] Thus the outline of the ritual has been known all along, together with many details; and to help it out we have also the perfect text of the hymn written by Horace for the occasion, and sung by two choirs of boys and girls respectively. But great was the delight of the learned world when, in September 1890, workmen employed on the Tiber embankment, close, as it turned out, to the spot where the nightly rites of the _ludi_ took place, came upon a mediaeval wall partly made of ancient material, in which some marbles were found covered with inscriptions relating to this same celebration.[930] This treasure was badly mutilated, but the inscription was easily decipherable; it contains a letter from Augustus giving instructions, two decrees of the Senate, and a series of records of the Quindecemviri, who were of course in charge of a ritual which had been ordered by a Sibylline oracle. Some few points were at first puzzling, but have been cleared up since the discovery. Mommsen, of course, took the work in hand, and his exposition is still, and always will be, the starting-point for students. Wissowa has an excellent popular account of it, and recently, in the fifth volume of his _Greatness and Decline of Rome_, Ferrero has utilised it to give an animated account of the whole ceremony.[931]

The _Ludi saeculares_ take their name from the word _saeculum_; and the old Italian idea of a _saeculum_ seems to have been a period stretching from any given moment to the death of the oldest person born at that moment,--a hundred years being the natural period so conceived.[932] Thus a new saeculum might begin at any time, and might be endowed with special religious significance by certain solemn ceremonies; in this way the people might be persuaded that a new leaf, so to speak, had been turned over in their history: that all past evil, material or moral, had been put away and done with (_saeculum condere_), and a new period entered on of innocence and prosperity. There are faint traces of three early celebrations of this kind, beginning in 463 B.C., traditionally a disastrous year, and renewed in 363 and 263. But in 249, another year of distress and peril, a new saeculum was entered on with a new and a Greek ritual, ordered by a Sibylline oracle. A subterranean altar in a spot by the Tiber, near the present Ponte St. Angelo, and called Tarentum (possibly to mark the original home of the rite), was dedicated to Dis and Proserpina, Greek deities of the nether world; and here for three successive nights black victims were offered to them. The subterranean altar and the use of the word _condere_ (to put away), might suggest that this rite may have had something in common with those well-known quasi-dramatic ones in which objects are _buried_ or thrown into the water, to represent the cessation of one period of vegetation and the beginning of another.[933] Or we may look on it in the light of one of those _rites de passage_ in which a transition is made from one state of things to another, without any definite religious idea being attached to it. There is no doubt some mystical element in the primitive idea of the beginning and ending of periods of time, which has not as yet been thoroughly investigated.[934]

Now it is easy to see how exactly a rite of this kind, with suitable modifications, would fit in with Augustus' purposes as we have explained them. Fortunately too Varro had in 42 B.C. published a book in which the mystic or Pythagorean doctrine was set forth of the palingenesis of All Souls after four saecula of 110 years each; the fourth _Eclogue_ of Virgil may have been influenced by this, among other mystical ideas, as it was written only three years later; and in any case the doctrine was well known.[935] But Augustus had to wait a while, until peace and confidence were restored. Why eventually he chose the year 17 is quite uncertain; it does not exactly fit in with any calculation of four saecula of 110 years starting from any known date. But a saeculum, as we have seen, might begin at any moment; and in any case it was easy to manufacture a calculation, which was now duly accomplished by trusty persons, chief among them being the great lawyer, Ateius Capito, an ardent adherent of Augustus and his projects.[936] Probably too it was necessary to take advantage of the popular feeling of the moment, that a better time had come, and that it should be started on its way in some fitting outward form.

So an elaborate programme was drawn up, the main features of which I must now explain. On 26th May and the two following days (for the mystic numbers three, nine, and twenty-seven are noticeable throughout the ritual)[937] the means of purification (_suffimenta_)--torches, sulphur, bitumen[938]--were distributed by the priests to all free persons, whether citizens or not; for this once, all in Rome at the time, with the exception of slaves, were to give an imperial meaning to the ceremony by their share in it. Even bachelors, though forbidden to attend public shows under a recent law _de maritandis ordinibus_, were allowed to do so on this occasion. No doubt the idea was that the whole people were to be purified from all pollution of the past; it is what M. van Gennep calls a _rite de séparation_, the first step in a _rite de passage_. The next three days all the people came to the Quindecemviri at certain stated places, and made offerings of _fruges_, the products of the earth, as we do at our harvest festivals; these were the firstfruits of the coming harvest.[939] It may be worth while to recall the facts that it was on these same days that the procession of the Ambarvalia used to go round the ripening crops, and that in the early days of June the symbolic _penus_ of Vesta was being cleansed to receive the new grain.[940] That Augustus wished to emphasise the importance of Italian agriculture is beyond doubt, and is apparent also in the hymn of Horace, _Fertilis frugum pecorisque Tellus spicea donet Cererem corona, etc._

When the _suffimenta_ had been distributed and the offerings made, all was ready for the putting away or burying of the old _saeculum_. On the night before 1st June Augustus himself, together with Agrippa, sacrificed to the Greek Moirae, the Parcae of Horace's hymn, perhaps in some sense the Fata of the _Aeneid_; on the second night to Eilithyia, the Greek deity of childbirth; and on the third to Mother Tellus. The form of prayer accompanying the sacrifice is preserved in the inscription; it is Latin in language and form, as dry and concise as any we examined in my lectures on ritual, and contains the _macte esto_ which I was then at pains to explain. Augustus prayed for the safety and prosperity of the State in every way, and also for himself, his house, and his familia.[941] The scene on the bank of the Tiber, illuminated by torches, must have been most impressive.

These were the nightly ceremonies. But each day also had its ritual, in which the Roman deities of the heaven were the objects of worship, not, as by the Tiber bank, Greek deities of the earth and the nether world. On the first two days Augustus and Agrippa offered the proper victims to Jupiter and Juno respectively on the Capitol; Minerva is omitted, and probably the other two are reckoned in Greek fashion as a married pair. The form of prayer was the same as that used by night, with the necessary modifications. Thus the great Capitoline temple and its deities have a full share of attention, and they go too far who think that Augustus was so wanting in tact as to put them in the shade.[942] But on the third and last day the scene changes from the Capitol to the Palatine, the residence of Augustus, where he had built his great temple of Apollo; here for the first time in the ceremony Horace's hymn was sung. On all the days and nights there had been shows and amusements, and a hundred and ten chosen matrons had taken solemn part in the services.[943] But I must pass these over and turn in the last place to the question, as interesting as it is old and difficult, as to how and where Horace's hymn was sung, and how we are to understand it.

The instructions given to the poet by Augustus are obvious as we read the Carmen in the light of the ceremonial of which it was to mark the conclusion. He was to bring into it, as we have already seen, the ideas which were to be revived and made resonant, of religion, morality, and the fertility of man, beast, and crop; and they are all there. He was also to include all the deities who had been addressed in prayer both by day and night, by Tiber bank and on the Capitol, and to give the most prominent place to those who on this last day were worshipped on the Palatine; to Apollo, for whom Augustus had built a great temple close to his own house (_in privato solo_[944]), as his own specially protecting deity since Actium, and Diana, who as equivalent to Artemis, could not but be associated with Apollo. Thus the deities of the hymn are both Latin and Greek,[945] and this expresses the undoubted fact that the religion of the Romans was henceforward to be even in outward expression a cosmopolitan or Romano-Hellenic one, in keeping with the fact that all free men of every race might take part in this great festival. But it cannot fail to strike every careful reader that the great trias of the Capitol is hardly visible in the poem, though Jupiter and Juno had been the chief objects of worship on the two previous days. Jupiter is twice incidentally named, but in no connection with the Capitol;[946] and it is only when we read between the lines of the fourteenth stanza that we discover Jupiter and Juno as the recipients of the white oxen which had been sacrificed to them there. I have already said that we must not make too much of the neglect of Jupiter and Juno by Augustus; but it is plain that he directed Horace not to make them too prominent in this hymn, and I think it is quite possible that Horace a little overdid his obedience.

The result of all this is that the hymn, in spite of its neatness and adequacy, is wanting in spontaneity, and presents the casual reader with an apparently unmeaning jumble of Greek and Roman gods and goddesses. The only way to clear it up is by taking it in immediate relation with what we know about the places in which it was sung. To me at last it has become clear enough in all its main points; and I will give here my own results, which do not altogether coincide with those of other recent inquirers.

Before the discovery of the great inscription we knew that this hymn was sung before the new temple of Apollo on the Palatine; we now know that it was also sung on the Capitol,[947] thus uniting in one performance the old religion of republican Rome with the new imperial cult of Apollo. But this new fact has, in my opinion, led to misapprehensions both of the manner of singing and the order of subjects in the hymn. Mommsen thought that the first part was sung on the Palatine, the middle part on the Capitol, and the last again on the Palatine, and he is followed by Wissowa; and both seem to think it possible that there may have been singing too during the procession from the one hill to the other.[948] I think we need not trouble ourselves about the latter point, for the Via Sacra, by which the procession must have gone, was far too narrow and irregular to allow fifty-four singers, with the _tibicines_ who must have been accompanying them, to walk and perform at the same time.[949] The inscription, too, says plainly that the hymn was sung on the Palatine and then on the Capitol, and by that plain statement of fact we had better abide.

Now let us note that these two stations on the two hills were the best possible positions for Augustus' purpose, not only because of their religious importance, but because they afforded the most spacious views of the city, now everywhere adorned with new or restored buildings. The temple of Apollo was built upon a large and lofty area at the north-east end of the Palatine.[950] Recent excavations have shown it to be some hundred yards broad by a hundred and fifty in length, and Ovid, in a passage of his _Tristia_[951] gives us an idea of its height:

inde tenore pari gradibus sublimia celsis ducor ad intonsi candida templa dei.

On this area the choirs of boys and girls took their station, facing the marble temple, on the _fastigium_ of which was represented the Sun driving his four-horse chariot.[952] After singing, probably together, the first two stanzas or exordium of the hymn, they addressed this Sol:

alme Sol, curru nitido diem qui promis et celas, aliusque et idem nasceris, possis nihil urbe Roma visere maius.

As they sang these last words, they would turn towards the city that lay behind them, and look over it to the Tiber and the scene of the nightly sacrifices of the Tarentum; and with the deities of these rites, who must of course be taken before those of day and light, as in the order of the festival, the next five stanzas are occupied:[953] Eilithyia, the Moirae (Parcae), and Tellus or Ceres. When that duty is over they turn once more to the temple, and the Greek deities of the Tarentum are mentioned no more. Three stanzas are devoted to Apollo and Diana (Luna), with a happy allusion to the _Aeneid_, and then once more the choirs turn, and this time they face the Capitol; the hymn is long, and these changes of movement would be at once a relief to the singers and a pleasant sight to the spectators. They address the deities of the Capitol in appropriate language:

di probos mores docili iuventae, di, senectuti placidae quietem, Romulae genti date remque prolemque et decus omne.

The allusion to Jupiter and Juno is thus veiled:

quaeque vos bobus veneratur albis clarus Anchisae Venerisque sanguis, impetret, bellante prior, iacentem lenis in hostem.

Horace has cleverly made Augustus himself the leading figure in this and the following stanza, and the listeners forget the Capitoline gods as they note the allusion to Venus, the ancestress of the Julii, the prestige of Augustus that has brought envoys to him from Scythia, Media, and India, and in the next stanza the public virtues, presented here as deities--Fides, Pax, Honos, Pudor, Virtus--on whose aid and worship the new régime is based.[954]

At the sixteenth stanza the choirs again face about to the temple of Apollo, and with him and Diana again the next two stanzas have to do. Only one remains, in which as an _exodos_ we may be sure the two choirs of boys and girls joined; it sums up the whole body of deities, but with Apollo and Diana as the special objects of the day's worship:

haec Iovem sentire deosque cunctos spem bonam certamque domum reporto, doctus et Phoebi chorus et Dianae dicere laudes.

The performance on the Palatine was now over, and the procession streamed down the hill to join the Via Sacra near the Regia and the Vesta temple, and so to make its way up to the Capitol, where the performance was repeated.[955] Taking station at this noble point of view, he who will can again follow its movement with the hymn in his hand. The area in front of the Capitoline temple looked across to the Palatine, and the image of Sol and his _quadriga_ must have been in full view; thus the _exordium_ and the next stanza (alme Sol) would be sung looking in that direction. Equally well in view, if they turned to the right, would be the scene of the midnight sacrifices across the Campus Martius; and so on throughout the singing the changes of position would be easy and graceful, here as on the Palatine.

Here I prefer to make an end of the performance, following the text of the inscription, which tells us nothing of a return to the Palatine. It would be far more in keeping with Roman practice that the Capitol should be the scene of the conclusion of the processional ceremony, even on a day when Apollo was, with Augustus himself, the principal figure. From the musical point of view, too, a third performance is improbable, for the singers were young and tender.

And here, too, with this impressive scene, which can hardly fail to move the imagination of any one who has stood on Palatine and Capitol, I will close my account of the religious experience of the Romans. A few remarks only remain for me to make about its contribution, such as it was, to the Latin form of Christianity.

NOTES TO LECTURE XIX

[900] A summary of the relations between Virgil and Augustus may be found in Mr. Glover's _Studies in Virgil_, p. 144 foll.

[901] Tiberius added to his Augustan inheritance a curious and possibly morbid anxiety about religious matters and details of cult, of which examples may be found in Tac. _Ann._ iii. 58, vi. 12, among other passages. Perhaps, however, the most interesting is that connected with the famous story of "the Great Pan is dead," told by Plutarch in the _de Defectu Oraculorum_, ch. xvii. The news of this strange story reached the ears of Tiberius, who at once set the learned men about him to inquire into it; and they came to the no less strange conclusion that "this was the Pan who was born of Hermes and Penelope." S. Reinach has recently offered an explanation of this story, which is at least better than previous ones, in _Cultes, mythes, et religions_, vol. iii. p. 1 foll.

[902] _C.I.L._ vi. 1001.

[903] Jul. Capitolinus, 13.

[904] Symmachus, _Rel._ 3.

[905] _Cod. Theod._ xvi. 10. 2. On this subject generally consult Dill's _Roman Society in the Last Century of the Western Empire_, bk. i. chs. i. and iv.

[906] This idea is exactly expressed by Horace in _Odes_ iii. 23, perhaps addressed to the _vilica_ of his own farm. Cp. Cato, _R.R._ 143, where the _vilica_ is to pray to the _Lar familiaris pro copia_. Horace mentions only the Kalends for this rite; Cato adds Nones and Ides. Cp. Tibull. i. 3. 34; i. 10. 15 foll.

[907] See above, Lectures iv. and v.

[908] _Greatness and Decline of Rome_ (E.T.), v. 93.

[909] See especially lines 45 foll. and 56 foll.

[910] _C.I.L._ vi. 32,323, or Dessau, _Inscriptiones selectae_, vol. ii. part i. p. 284.

[911] For this reason the veiled figure in one of the fine sculptures on the Ara Pacis frieze, which used to be taken as Augustus Pont. Max., cannot be so identified (see Domaszewski, _Abhandlungen zur römischen Religion_, p. 90 foll.), for the date of the Ara Pacis is 13 B.C., the year before Lepidus died. The figure can be most conveniently seen by English students in Mrs. Strong's _Roman Sculpture_, plate xi. p. 46. It may be Agrippa acting as Pont. Max. for Lepidus.

[912] _Monumentum Ancyranum_, ed. Mommsen (Lat.), iv. 17.

[913] See above, p. 129.

[914] Livy iv. 20. 7.

[915] Valerius Maximus, _Epit._ 3, 4.

[916] Ovid, _Fasti_, iv. 901 foll.

[917] See Marquardt, 326 foll.

[918] Dio Cassius, l. 4, 5.

[919] Henzen, _Acta Fratrum Arvalium_, p. xxv. of the exordium.

[920] Henzen, p. 154.

[921] See above, p. 98.

[922] Henzen, pp. 24, 28.

[923] For the hymn, Henzen, p. 26; Dessau, _Inscr. select._ ii. pt. i. p. 276. See also above, p. 186.

[924] Wissowa, _R.K._ p. 487, note 5.

[925] Henzen, 142 foll.; Dessau, p. 279; see above, p. 162.

[926] Henzen, p. 105.

[927] _Ib._ p. 107.

[928] Tac. _Ann._ iii.

[939] Zosimus, ii. 5 and 6. The oracle and the extract from Zosimus are printed in Dr. Wickham's introduction to the _Carmen saeculare_, and in Diels, _Sibyllinische Blätter_, p. 131 foll.

[930] _C.I.L._ vi. 32,323. _Ephemeris epigraphica_, viii. 255 foll., contains the text and Mommsen's exposition. Dessau, _Inscr. selectae_, ii. pt. i. 282, does not give the whole document.

[931] Wissowa, _Gesammelte Abhandlungen_, p. 192 foll.; Ferrero, vol. v. 85 foll.

[932] The word was first explained by Mommsen, _Röm. Chronologie_, ed. 2, p. 172.

[933] See, _e.g._, _Golden Bough_, ed. 2, vol. ii. p. 70 foll.

[934] The religious or mystical conception of time is the subject of an interesting discussion by Hubert et Mauss, _Mélanges d'histoire et de religion_, p. 189 foll.; but the _saeculum_ does not seem to have attracted their attention.

[935] The actual words of Varro, from his work _de gente Populi Romani_, are quoted by St. Augustine, _de Civ. Dei_, xxii. 28: "Genethliaci quidam scripserunt esse in renascendis hominibus quam appellant [Greek: palingenesian] Graeci; hac scripserunt confici in annis numero quadringentis quadraginta, ut idem corpus et eadem anima, quae fuerint coniuncta in homine aliquando, eadem rursus redeant in coniunctionem." The passage well illustrates the mystical tendency of which I was speaking in the last lecture.

[936] For attempts to explain the difficulty see Wissowa, _op. cit._ p. 204.

[937] The cakes offered to Eilithyia, and again to Apollo, are nine in number; see the inscription lines 117 and 143. The choirs of boys and girls were each twenty-seven.

[938] The _suffimenta_ are described by Zosimus, _l.c._ There is a coin of Domitian, who also celebrated _Ludi saeculares_, in which he appears seated and distributing the _suffimenta_, as the inscription shows.

[939] So Zosimus, who says they consisted of wheat, barley, and beans.

[940] _R.F._ p. 148 foll.

[941] See the inscription, line 92 foll. Ferrero assumes that these words were to be taken as representing the families of all worshippers present, who would repeat the words "mihi domo familiae." But this is arbitrary; the prayer follows the old form as we have it, _e.g._, in Cato, _R.R._ (see above, p. 182), and as Cato or any landowner would represent the rest of the human beings on the estate, so did Augustus represent the whole community.

[942] So J. B. Carter, _Religion of Numa_, p. 160.

[943] The matrons, equal in number to the years of the _saeculum_, first appear on 2nd June in the worship of Juno.

[944] _Mon. Ancyr._ (Lat.), iv. 21.

[945] Zosimus, _l.c._, says that "hymns" were sung in Greek as well as Latin; but this is not borne out by any other authority.

[946] Line 31 (_et Iovis aurae_), where Jupiter simply stands for the heaven and its influence on the earth; and line 73 (_haec Iovem sentire_, etc.), where he is introduced in the most general way as head of all deities.

[947] Line 147 of the inscription: "Sacrificioque perfecto puer[i X] XVII quibus denuntiatum erat patrimi et matrimi et puellae totidem carmen cecinerunt: _eodemque modo in Capitolio_. Carmen composuit Q. Horatius Flaccus."

[948] _Eph. epigr._ viii. 256. Wissowa, _Gesamm. Abhandl._ p. 206, note, who refers to Vahlen and Christ as differing from Mommsen, in papers which I have not seen. Wissowa says that the threefold division of the hymn "springt in die Augen"; but this has never been my experience.

[949] Apart from the awkwardness for singers of the descent from the Palatine and the steep ascent to the Capitol, we may remember that they would have to pass under the fornix Fabianus, which was not much more than nine feet broad (Lanciani, _Ruins and Excavations_, p. 217).

[950] See Hülsen-Jordan, _Topographie_, iii. 72 and note. See also map at the end of the volume, No. 1 of the series. There is, however, some doubt as to whether the site was not on the side of the Palatine looking towards the Tiber over the Circus maximus. See my paper in the _Classical Quarterly_, 1910, p. 145 foll. If so, my explanation of the performance of the hymn seems rather to be confirmed than weakened.

[951] Ovid, _Tristia_, iii. 1. 59 foll.

[952] Propertius, iii. 28 (31): "In quo Solis erat supra fastigia currus." No one seems to have noticed the connection between this and Horace's allusion to Sol, which is otherwise not easy to explain.

[953] I will not enter on the insoluble question as to what stanzas or parts of stanzas were sung by the boys and girls respectively. That the hymn was so sung in double chorus is intrinsically probable, and stated in the oracle, lines 20, 21. Some of the schemes which have been propounded are given in Wickham's _Horace_. I imagine that the stanzas may have been sung alternately except in the case of the first two and the last, but the ninth looks as though it might have been divided between the two choirs. Ferrero has a scheme of his own, p. 91 foll.; and if he had taken a little more pains might have worked out the whole problem satisfactorily.

[954] Of these quasi-deities Fides is the oldest, and was associated with Jupiter on the Capitol; Wissowa, _R.K._ 103 foll. Thus we may find a _callida iunctura_ between the thirteenth, fourteenth, and fifteenth stanzas, for Fides and Pax would fit in well with the _responsa petunt_ of the fourteenth. Whether Pax was recognised as a deity at this time is not quite certain; but a few years later, in 9 B.C., an altar of Pax Augusta was dedicated. The Ara Pacis was begun in 13 B.C. See Axtell, _Deification of Abstract Ideas_ (Chicago, 1907), p. 37, who may also be consulted for the other deities here mentioned. See also above, p. 285. In Tibull. i. 10. 45 foll., Pax seems to be on the verge of deification, but not to have attained it except in the poet's fancy.

[955] The route may be followed in the map of the Via Sacra in Lanciani's _Ruins and Excavations_, and in his chapter entitled, "A Walk through the Sacra Via," or more shortly in my _Social Life in the Age of Cicero_, p. 18 foll.

_Note._--The whole question of the singing of the _Carmen saeculare_ in its relation to the two principal sites and to the topography of the festival generally, is fully discussed by the author in _Classical Review_ for 1910, p. 145 foll.

LECTURE XX

CONCLUSION

"A time of spiritual awakening, of a calling to higher destinies, came upon the world, the civilised world which lay around the Mediterranean Sea, at the beginning of our era. The calling was concentrated in the life and death of the Founder of Christianity."[956] The writer of these words goes on to point out that the beginning of our era was "a time of general stirring in all the higher fields of human activity," and that all such stirring, all that brings higher ideals before the minds of men of action, of imagination, or of reflection, if not itself religion, is in some sense religious, and in that age must be taken into account as having some bearing on the origin of Christianity, the greatest of all religious movements. And inasmuch as the new spirit of the age seems to have put new life into the old religious systems, with the help of philosophy and poetry, as well as of a purer and more effective conception of Man's relation to the Power manifesting itself in the universe, he finds it useful and legitimate to show how the ideas and characteristics of the leading types of religion in the civilised world of which he speaks were absorbed or "baptized" into the spirit of Christianity. In other words, we may ask what was the contribution of each of these religious types to the formation of the Christian type of religion; for however new was the inspiration which was the essential living germ of our religion, yet that germ was of necessity planted in soil full of other religious ingredients, which found their way into the sap of the plant as it grew towards maturity.

I have all along wished to bring our subject, the religious experience of the Roman people, into touch with Christianity, whether by marking points of contact, or of contrast, or both. In the last few lectures I have laid stress on certain points likely to be useful to us in this last stage of our studies, and these will, I hope, furnish us with some amount of material. But I confess that I have approached this subject with great hesitation. What I shall have to say will be tentative and suggestive only; but I hope that the account that I have given in these lectures of Roman religious experience may be of use in helping a better qualified student to carry on the work more adequately.

Let us glance back for a moment at the results of the last four lectures, in which I have been dealing with Roman religious experience after the paralysis or hypnotism of the old religion of the State. We saw, in the first place, that the educated part of Roman society had been brought to the very threshold of a new and more elevating type of religion, by Greek philosophy transplanted to Roman soil, and chiefly by Stoicism. True, one great Epicurean genius had had his share in this process, by denouncing the weakness and wickedness of the Roman society, and the futility of all the religious forms and fancies with which they still dallied; but Lucretius had nothing to offer in the place of these forms and fancies--nothing, that is, which could grip the conscience and act as a real force upon conduct. The Roman was in a religious sense destitute, both of a real sense of duty to his fellow-men of all grades, and in regard to God; and for this destitution Lucretius' remedy, the accurate knowledge of a philosophical theory of the universe, was wholly inadequate. The first real appeal to the conscience of the Roman came from Stoicism, the reasonable and less austere type of Stoicism which Panaetius preached to the Scipionic circle. From this the Roman learnt that as a part of the divine universe Man himself is divine: that as endowed with a portion of that Reason which itself is God, he has a sacred duty to perform in using it. Thus, as the Universal was revealed, so the Individual was ennobled; and the only thing wanting to make of this a real religion was a bond that might unite the two more effectually in conduct as well as in thought. Though a later development of Stoicism did indeed all but achieve this union, that of the later Republic failed to do so, because it inherited the old Stoic neglect of the emotional side of man's nature, and could take little advantage from a strong current of mystical feeling that was running side by side with it. The Stoic ingredient in the soil which was being prepared for Christianity was rich and valuable, but in this one respect it was poor. It was intellectually beautiful, but it stirred as yet no "enthusiasm of humanity."[957]

Another ingredient in the soil was that imaginative transcendentalism which we discussed under the name of Mysticism, in which the soul becomes of greater interest than the body, and a strange yearning possesses the mind to speculate on the nature of the soul, its existence before this life, and its lot in another world. These imaginative yearnings were not native to the Roman, who had never had any very definite idea of a future life, nor had ever troubled himself about a previous one; they filtered through the Pythagorean and Platonic philosophy into that type of later Stoicism which attracted him. They were hardly treated in Roman society with real religious earnestness, except perhaps in some few moments of sorrow and emotion such as I dwelt on in the experience of Cicero. But the mere fact that they were in the air at Rome is of importance for us. They _stimulated the imaginative faculty in religious thought_; they kept alive in the minds at least of some men the questions why we are here, what we are, and what becomes of us after death. They prepared the Roman mind for Christian eschatology; and this, though never so important in the Latin Church as in the Greek, was yet an important part of the teaching of the early Church. St. Paul exactly expresses the yearning thus dimly foreshadowed in the mystical movement of which I am speaking: "We that are in this tabernacle do groan, being burdened; not for that we would be unclothed, but that we would be clothed upon, that what is mortal may be swallowed up of life" (2 Cor. v. 4). It was essential that the Roman should be able to understand words like these, and to associate them with a religion which, though in its most vital points one mainly affecting this life, was also, like those of Isis and Mithras, strongly tinged with mysticism. "All religions of that time," it has lately been said, "were religions of hope. Stress was laid on the future: the present time was but for preparation. So in the mysterious cults of Hellenism, whose highest aim is to offer guarantees for other worldly happiness; so too in Judaism, whose legacy has but the aim of furnishing the happy life in the kingdom of the future. But Christianity is a religion of faith, the gospel not only giving guarantees for the future life, but bringing confidence, peace, joy, salvation, forgiveness, righteousness--whatever man's heart yearns after."[958]

Yet another ingredient was that kindly, charitable, sympathetic outlook on the world which we found in the poems of Virgil, and which is associated throughout them with the idea of duty and honourable service. The husbandman toiling cheerfully and doing his simple acts of worship, among the patient animals that he loves, and the scenes of natural beauty that inspire him with pure and tender thoughts; and then again in the _Aeneid_ the warrior kept true to his goal by a sense of duty stimulated by supernatural influence: both these sides of the Virgilian spirit show well how the soil is being prepared for another and a richer crop. Love and Duty are the essentials of Christian ethics; they are both to be found in this poet, and through him made their way into the ideas of the better Romans of the next generation, and so into the philosophy of Seneca and Marcus Aurelius. "To minds touched with the same sense of life's problems which pervades the poetry of Virgil, the ideas that came from Galilee brought the rest and peace which they could not find elsewhere."[959] The early Christian writers loved the "vates Gentilium," and St. Augustine in particular is for ever quoting him; but I should be going beyond the limits of my subject if I were to follow his gentle influence farther down the stream of time.

In my last lecture we discussed the revival of the old religious forms by Augustus, and the consummation of this work of his in the splendid ritual of the _Ludi saeculares_. Can it be said that such an astute and worldly policy as this had any value in the way of preparation for Christianity? Only, I think, in one way; it renewed the idea of the connection between religion and the State, and of the religious duties of the individual citizen towards the State. It preserved the outward features of the old State religion, such as the calendar, the ritual, and the terminology or vocabulary, and handed these down to a time when they could be of service to a Latin Christian church.[960] Had the old forms been allowed to go utterly to rack and ruin, as they had been already doing for the last two centuries, the Roman State would have been as such without religion, or the worship of the Caesars would have become disastrously powerful and prominent, or maybe the State would have adopted the religion of Isis or Mithras or some other Oriental cult and belief, before Christianity could lay a firm grasp on it. I think it might be shown that the continuity of the old religion in its connection with the State was really of value in keeping these growths from occupying too much ground: of value in checking too rapid a growth of individualism:[961] of value too in cherishing certain really precious religious characteristics, orderliness and decency in ritual, for example, which, as we have seen, were very early developed in the Roman religious system, and which owed their continued vitality to the overwhelming influence of the Roman State over all her citizens and their ideas. Thus when at last, after a period of anxious conflict between rival religions, the State proclaimed itself Christian, and henceforward for good or ill extended its protection to the Church, its religious tradition was still one of decency and order, still free from almost all that the old Roman State knew and dreaded as _superstitio_. There was, in fact, a legacy, not indeed a spiritual one, but yet one of some small value, left by the old Roman religion to the Latin Church: and this I will turn for a few minutes to examine.

As an example of the orderly, sane, and decent character which the Church inherited from the Roman religion, I might recall what I said in Lecture IX. about _lustratio_, that slow and orderly processional movement in which the old Romans delighted, and which is familiar still to all travellers in Italy.[962] Another is the tender and reverential care for the resting-places of departed relatives. I am not sure that Prof. Gardner is right in asserting that the prayers for the dead of the Catholic Church took the place of the worship of the dead in the Roman family;[963] for it is not easy to say how far it is true that the dead were ever really worshipped at Rome, and the idea of prayer for the dead, if it can be traced to Roman sources at all, may be rather due to those tendencies which we discussed under Mysticism, than to anything inherent in the old Roman attitude to the departed. None the less there is in the _sacra privata_ of the Parentalia, and especially of the Caristia which concluded it--a kind of love-feast of all members of the family, where all quarrels and differences were to be laid aside,[964]--something that suggests the Christian attitude towards the dead, and in some dim way too the doctrine of the Communion of Saints. And we may also notice how closely in regard to externals the great events of family life,--those critical moments when the aid of the _numina_ was most needed--the first days of infancy, the eras of puberty and of marriage, passed on in their sober and orderly ritual into the baptism, confirmation, and sacramental wedding of the Christian Church. In such ways the private religion of the Roman family had doubtless a real continuity in the new era, though the line of connection is difficult to trace. This, and many other examples of survival, the worship of local saints which took the place of that of local deities, the use of holy water and of incense as symbolic elements in worship, and the general resemblance of the arrangement of festivals in the Calendars, Roman and Christian, might be interesting matter for a complete course of lectures, but must be omitted here.

Another point of interest, which might also be widely expanded, is the influence of the Roman religious _spirit_, as distinct from the outward form, on Christian thought and literature in the Western half of the Empire. The subtle transcendentalism of the Greek fathers was foreign to Latin Christianity; the characteristics of Roman life as reflected in Roman worship are plainly visible in the Latin fathers. From Minucius Felix onwards, the Christians who wrote in Latin, so far from being imaginative and dreamy, are one and all matter-of-fact; historical, abounding in illustration of life and conduct; ethical rather than speculative; legal in their cast of thought rather than philosophical; rhetorical in their manner of expression rather than fervent or poetical. They were well versed in the great literature of Rome, but most of them, and especially the African school (which carried Roman tendencies to an extreme), knew comparatively little of Greek. St. Augustine, for example, could not bring himself to work at Greek with ardour, nor could he explain why this was so.[965] Of Augustine, as the type of the literature of Latin Christianity, Bishop Westcott wrote with something of an exaggerated criticism, lamenting that he had not the Greek which had so large a place in the Bishop's own training. "He looked" (more particularly in the _de Civitate Dei_) "at everything from the side of law and not of freedom: from the side of God, as an irresponsible sovereign, and not of man, as a loving servant. In spite of his admiration for Plato, he was driven by a passion for system" (how this reminds us of the old Roman religious lawyers!) "to fix, to externalise, to freeze every idea into a rigid shape. In spite of his genius he could not shake off the influence of a legal and rhetorical training, which controversy called into active exercise."[966] The lecture from which I am quoting is an interesting one, on the work and character of Origen, the great Alexandrian of the third century A.D., with whom Augustine is contrasted, as in an earlier age we might contrast Seneca with Philo; the Latin writers rhetorical, practical, realistic; the Greek authors idealistic and fervent, apt to see deep moral significance in all human life. And this is really the manner and mental attitude of all the famous Latin fathers: of Lactantius, the clear, precise Ciceronian, whose every page shows the perennial value of the Latin tongue; of Tertullian, the subtle and acute rhetorician, more gifted with imagination than his fellows; of Arnobius, another Roman African, the reputed teacher of Lactantius.

One of the characteristics of these Latin fathers is their fondness for using the famous words of the old Roman religion, but in new senses. They inherit that Roman love for a strong technical word of pregnant meaning which has left us so many imperishable legacies in terminology. _Municipium_, _colonia_, _imperium_, _collegium_, rise in one's mind the moment the subject is mentioned; and a few minutes' thought will reveal another score of words which in various forms pervade all our modern European terminology. So, too, with the language of religion. These Latin advocates of Christian doctrine took the old words which we have so often dwelt on in the course of these lectures, and gave them new but almost equally clear and pregnant meanings. Let us glance at three or four of these; for such a legacy as this is no mean property of the Christian religion of the West.

Let us take, to begin with, the greatest of all these words--_religio_. I have maintained throughout these lectures that the original sense of this word was the natural feeling of man in the presence of the supernatural; and though this has actually been questioned since I began them,[967] I see no good reason to alter my conviction. But in the age of Cicero and Lucretius the word begins to take on a different meaning, of great importance for the future. Though Cicero as a young man had defined _religio_ as "the feeling of the presence of a higher or divine nature, which prompts man to worship,--to _cura et caerimonia_,"[968] yet later on in life he uses it with much freedom of that _cura et caerimonia_ apart from the feeling. To take a single example among many: in a passage in his _de Legibus_ he says that to worship private or strange or foreign gods, "confusionem habet religionum";[969] and again he calls his own imaginary _ius divinum_ in that treatise a _constitutio religionum_, a system of religious duties.[970] In many other passages, on the other hand, we find both the feeling which prompts and the cult-acts which follow on it equally connoted by the word; for example, the phrase _religio sepulcrorum_ suggests quite as much the feeling as the ritual. So it would seem that _religio_ is already beginning to pass into the sense in which we still use it--_i.e._, _the feeling which suggests worship, and the forms under which we perform that worship_. In this broad sense it is also used by Lucretius, who included under it all that was for him the world's evil and folly, both the feeling of awe which he believed to be degrading, and the organised worship of the family and the State, which he no less firmly believed to be futile. "Tantum _religio_ potuit suadere malorum."[971] The fact is that in that age, when the old local character of the cults was disappearing, and when men like Posidonius, Varro, and Cicero were thinking and writing about the nature of the gods and kindred subjects, a word was wanted to gather up and express all this religious side of human life and experience: it must be a word without a definite technical meaning, and such a word was _religio_.

Thus while _religio_ continues to express the feeling only or the cult only, if called on to do so, it gains in the age of Cicero a more comprehensive connotation, as the result of the contemplation of religion by philosophy as a thing apart from itself; and this enabled the early Christian writers, who knew their Cicero well, to give it a meaning in which it is still in use among all European nations.

But there was yet to be a real change in the meaning of the word, one that was inevitable, as the contrast between Christianity and other religions called for emphasis. The second century A.D. was that in which the competition was keenest between various religious creeds and forms, each with its own vitality, and each clearly marked off from the others. It is no longer a question of religion as a whole, contemplated by a critical or a sympathetic philosophy; the question is, which creed or form is to be the true and the victorious religion. Our wonderful word again adapts itself to the situation. Each separate religious system can now be called a _religio_. The old polytheistic system can now be called _religio Deorum_ by the Christian, while his own creed is _religio Dei_. In the _Octavius_ of Minucius Felix, written about the end of the second century, the word is already used in this sense. _Nostra religio, vera religio_,[972] is for him the whole Christian faith and practice as it stood then--the depth of feeling and the acts which gave it outward form. The one true religion can thus be now expressed by the word. In Lactantius, Arnobius, Tertullian, in the third century A.D., this new sense is to be found on almost every page, but a single noble passage of Lactantius must suffice to illustrate it. "The heathen sacrifice," he says, "and leave all their religion in the temple; thus it is that such _religiones_ cannot make men good or firm in their faith. But 'nostra _religio_ eo firma est et solida et immutabilis, quia mentem ipsam pro sacrificio habet, quia tota in animo colentis est.'"[973]

Here at last we come upon a force of meaning which the word had never before attained. _Religio_ here is not awe only or cult only, but _a mental devotion capable of building up character_. "The kingdom of God is within you." Surely this is a valuable legacy to the Christian faith from our hard, dry, old Roman religion.

Another legacy in words is that of _pius_. Our English word "pious" has suffered some damage from the sanctimoniousness of a certain type of Puritanism; but _piety_ still remains sweet and wholesome, and, like its Latin original in the middle ages it seems to express one beautiful aspect of the Christian life better than any other word. In the old Roman religion _pius_ meant the man who strictly conforms his life to the _ius divinum_; this we know from the very definite ancient explanations of its contrary, _impius_. The _impius_ is the man who _wilfully_ breaks the _ius divinum_ and the _pax deorum_; for him no _piaculum_ was of avail.[974] Such a crime is the nearest approach in Roman antiquity to our idea of sin. _Pius_ is therefore, as we saw in discussing Aeneas, the man who knows the will of the gods, and so far as in him lies adjusts his conduct thereto, whether in the life of the family or as a citizen of the State. As applied to things, to a war for example, the word _pium_ is almost equivalent to _iustum_ or _purum_, _i.e._, _pium bellum_ is a war declared and conducted in accordance with the principles of the _ius divinum_.[975] _Pietas_ is therefore a virtue, that of obedience to the will of God as shown in private and public life, and it herein differs from _religio_, which is not a virtue, but a feeling. But we need not be surprised to find that in Lactantius _pietas_ can be used to explain _religio_; for _religio_ is no longer a feeling only or a cult only, but, as we saw just now, a mental devotion capable of building up character. In one passage he says that it is no true philosophy which "veram religionem, id est summam pietatem, non habet."[976] In another interesting chapter he shows plainly enough that he uses _pietas_ just as he uses _religio_, to express the whole Christian mental furniture.[977] He begins by scornfully pointing to Aeneas as the typical _pius_, and asking what we are to think of the _pietas_ of a man who could bind the hands of prisoners in order to slaughter them as a sacrifice to the shade of Pallas[978] (little dreaming, indeed, that Christian piety should ever be guilty of such slaughter in the cause of the faith); and ends by asking, "What, then, is _pietas_? Surely it is with those who know not war; who keep at peace with all men; who love their enemies and count all men their brethren; who can control their anger and curb all mental wilfulness." And once again, _pietas_ is the main ingredient in _iustitia_, that is, in Christian righteousness, for "pietas nihil aliud est quam Dei notio." Even here it is not so far removed from its old meaning; but in a Christian writer it can mean conformity to the will of God, based on a real knowledge of Him, in a sense which shows us by a sudden illuminating flash the deep gulf set between the old religion and the new.

Another word, bequeathed in this case rather by the Latin language than the Roman religion, in which it held no strictly technical meaning, is _sanctus_, which has played so large a part in the terminology of the Catholic Church, and passed thence into the language of Puritanism for the living Christian, as in Baxter's famous book, _The Saints' Rest_. The exact meaning of _sanctus_ is extremely difficult to fix, and this may be why it was found to be a convenient word for a type of character negative rather than positive. The lawyers defined it as meaning what is _sancitum_ by the State,[979] without tracing it back to a time when the State was a religious as well as a civil entity. But there was beyond doubt a religious flavour in it from the beginning, as in other old Italian words connected with it; and thus it seems to be able to express a certain conjunction of religious and moral purity which finally brought it into the hands of the Christian writers. A single verse of Virgil will serve to explain what I mean. Turnus, before he rushes forth to meet his death at Aeneas' hand, and knowing that he is to meet it, asks the Manes to be good to him, "quoniam superis aversa voluntas," for--

_sancta_ ad vos _anima_ atque istius nescia culpae descendam magnorum haud unquam indignus avorum.[980]

He goes to the shades with a conscience clear of guilt or of _impietas_; as the ancient scholiast interprets the word, it is equivalent to _incorrupta_.[981] In this sense it became one of the favourite superlatives to describe in sepulchral inscriptions, pagan or Christian, the purity of departed women and children.[982]

Lastly, we have the great word _sacer_, with its compounds _sacrificium_ and _sacramentum_. The adjective itself has no new or special significance, I think, in the language of the early Christians, and in our Teutonic languages the Roman sense of it, "that which is made over to God," is expressed by the word _holy_, _sacred_ being retained in a general sense for that which is not "common." But _sacrificium_, the act of making a thing, animate or inanimate, or yourself, as in _devotio_, over to the gods, is indeed a great legacy on which I do not need to dwell. _Sacramentum_, on the other hand, needs a word of explanation.

_Sacramentum_ in Roman public law meant (1) a legal formula (_legis actio_), under which a sum of money was deposited, originally in a temple,[983] to be forfeited by the loser in a suit. The deposition _in loco sacro_ gives the word to the process, and helps us to see that it must mean some act which has a religious sanction. So with (2) its other meaning, _i.e._ the oath of obedience taken by the soldier, who was _iuratus in verba_, that is, sworn under a formula with a religious sanction attached.[984] It is tempting to suppose that it is through this channel that it found its way into the Christian vocabulary--the soldier of Christ affirming his allegiance in the solemn rites of baptism, marriage, or the Eucharist. It is a curious fact that it seems to be used in this way in the religion of Mithras,[985] which was especially powerful among the Roman legions of the Empire, and in which there was a grade of the faithful with the title of _milites_. _Sacramentum_ was here the word for the initiatory rites of a grade. In the earliest Christian writers of Latin it usually means a mystery; thus Arnobius writes of the Christian religion as revealing the "veritatis absconditae sacramenta";[986] but in another passage the idea in his mind seems to be that of military service. It is better, he says, for Christians to break their worldly contracts, even of marriage, than to break the _fides Christiana_, "_et salutaris militiae sacramenta deponere_;"[987] and Tertullian more than once attaches the same military meaning to it: "Vocati sumus ad militiam Dei vivi iam tunc _cum in verba sacramenti spopondimus_."[988] Perhaps we may take it that the word, though of general significance for a religiously binding force produced by certain mysterious rites, had a special attraction for writers of the painful third century A.D., as reflecting into the Christian life from old Roman times something of the spirit of the duty and self-sacrifice of the loyal legionary. In any case we have once more a verbal legacy of priceless value.[989]

To sum up what I have been saying, there were certain ingredients in the Roman soil, deposits of the Roman religious experience, which were in their several ways favourable to the growth of a new plant. There were also certain direct legacies from the old Roman religion, of which Christianity could dispose with profit, in the shape of forms of ritual, and, what was even of greater value, words of real significance in the old religion, which were destined to become of permanent and priceless value in the Christian speech of the western nations. There were also other points in the society and organisation of the Roman Empire which were of great importance for the growth of the new creed; but these lie outside my proper subject, and have been dealt with by Professor Gardner in the lecture to which I alluded at the beginning of this lecture, and most instructively by Sir W. M. Ramsay in more than one of his books, and especially in _St. Paul, the Traveller and Roman Citizen_.

And yet, all this taken together, so far from explaining Christianity, does not help us much in getting to understand even the conditions under which it grew into men's minds as a new power in the life of the world. The plant, though grown in soil which had borne other crops, was wholly new in structure and vital principle. I say this deliberately, after spending so many years on the study of the religion of the Romans, and making myself acquainted in some measure with the religions of other peoples. The essential difference, as it appears to me as a student of the history of religion, is this, that whereas the connection between religion and morality has so far been a loose one,--at Rome, indeed, so loose, that many have refused to believe in its existence,--the _new religion was itself morality_,[990] but morality consecrated and raised to a higher power than it had ever yet reached. It becomes active instead of passive; mere good nature is replaced by a doctrine of universal love; _pietas_, the sense of duty in outward things, becomes an enthusiasm embracing all humanity, consecrated by such an appeal to the conscience as there never had been in the world before--the appeal to the life and death of the divine Master.

This is what is meant, if I am not mistaken, by the great contrast so often and so vividly drawn by St. Paul between the spirit and the flesh, between the children of light and the children of darkness, between the sleep or the death of the world and the waking to life in Christ, between the blameless and the harmless sons of God and the crooked and perverse generation among whom they shine as lights in the world. I confess that I never realised this contrast fully or intelligently until I read through the Pauline Epistles from beginning to end with a special historical object in view. It is useful to be familiar with the life and literature of the two preceding centuries, if only to be able the better to realise, in passing to St. Paul, a Roman citizen, a man of education and experience, the great gulf fixed between the old and the new as he himself saw it.

But historical knowledge, knowledge of the Roman society of the day, study of the Roman religious experience, cannot do more than give us a little help; they cannot reveal the secret. History can explain the progress of morality, but it cannot explain its consecration. With St. Paul the contrast is not merely one of good and bad, but of the spirit and the flesh, of life and death. No mere contemplation of the world around him could have kindled the fervency of spirit with which this contrast is by him conceived and expressed. Absolute devotion to the life and death of the Master, apart even from His work and teaching (of which, indeed, St. Paul says little), this alone can explain it. The love of Christ is the entirely new power that has come into the world;[991] not merely as a new type of morality, but as "_a Divine influence transfiguring human nature in a universal love_." The passion of St. Paul's appeal lies in the consecration of every detail of it by reference to the life and death of his Master; and the great contrast is for him not as with the Stoics, between the universal law of Nature and those who rebel against it; not as with Lucretius, between the blind victims of _religio_ and the indefatigable student of the _rerum natura_; not, as in the _Aeneid_, between the man who bows to the decrees of fate, destiny, God, or whatever we choose to call it, and the wilful rebel, victim of his own passions; not, as in the Roman State and family, between the man who performs religious duties and the man who wilfully neglects them--between _pius_ and _impius_; but between the universal law of love, focussed and concentrated in the love of Christ, and the sleep, the darkness, the death of a world that will not recognise it.

I will conclude these lectures with one practical illustration of this great contrast, which will carry us back for a moment to the ritual of the old Roman _ius divinum_. That ritual, we saw, consisted mainly of sacrifice and prayer, the two apparently inseparable from each other. I pointed out that though the efficacy of the whole process was believed to depend on the strictest adherence to prescribed forms, whether of actions or words, the prayers, when we first meet with them, have got beyond the region of charm or spell, and are cast in the language of petition; they show clearly a sense of the dependence of man on the Power manifesting itself in the universe. There was here, perhaps, a germ of religious development; but it was arrested in its growth by the formalisation of the whole Roman religious system, and no substitute was to be found for it either in the imported Greek ritual, or in the more enlightening doctrines of exotic Greek philosophy. The prayers used in the ritual of Augustus' great festival, which was almost as much Greek as Roman in character, seem to us as hard and formal as the most ancient Roman prayers that have come down to us. In the most emotional moments of the life of a Roman of enlightenment like Cicero, when we can truly say of him that he was touched by true religious feeling, as well as by the spiritual aspirations of the nobler Greek philosophers, prayers find no place at all.

But for St. Paul and the members of the early Christian brotherhood the whole of life was a continuous worship, and the one great feature of that worship was prayer. It has been said by a great Christian writer of recent times that "when the attention of a thinking heathen was directed to the new religion spreading in the Roman Empire, the first thing to strike him as extraordinary would be that a religion of prayer was superseding the religion of ceremonies and invocation of gods; that it encouraged all, even the most uneducated, to pray, or, in other words, to meditate and exercise the mind in self-scrutiny and contemplation of God."[992] And, as the same writer says, prayer thus became a motive power of moral renewal and _inward civilisation_, to which nothing else could be compared for efficacy. And more than this, it was the chief inward and spiritual means of maintaining that universal law of love, which, so far as this life was concerned, was the great secret of the new religion.

NOTES TO LECTURE XX

[956] P. Gardner, _The Growth of Christianity_, 1907, p. 2. Cp. some remarks of Prof. Conway in _Virgil's Messianic Eclogue_, p. 39 foll.

[957] The phrase "enthusiasm of humanity" is, of course, that of the author of _Ecce Homo_, a most inspiring book for all students of religious history, as indeed for all other readers.

[958] Dobschütz on "Early Christian Eschatology," in _Transactions of the Third Congress for the History of Religions_, vol. ii. (Oxford, 1908), p. 320.

[959] The words are those of Mr. Glover in the last page of his _Studies in Virgil_.

[960] It should be understood that these legacies, with the exception of the last (the vocabulary), were only taken up by the Church after the first two centuries of its existence. And even the vocabulary of the early Roman Church was mainly Greek (Gwatkin, _Early Church History_, ii. 213), and it was not till the rise of the African school of writers (Tertullian, Arnobius, Augustine) that the Latin vocabulary really established itself. Any real assimilation of Christian and pagan forms of worship was not possible until the latter were growing meaningless; then "the assimilation of Christianity to heathenism from the third century is matter of history" (Gwatkin, i. 269).

[961] Caird, _Gifford Lectures_, vol. ii. p. 353, has some interesting remarks on this point.

[962] See above, p. 211.

[963] _Growth of Christianity_, p. 144.

[964] See _Roman Festivals_, p. 308.

[965] _Confessions_, i. 14.

[966] Westcott, _Religious Thought in the West_, p. 246. Gwatkin writes (vol. ii. 236) that all Augustine's conceptions are shaped by law and Stoicism. Cp. p. 237. So, too, of Tertullian.

[967] By W. Otto, in the _Archiv für Religionswissenschaft_, vol. xii. (1909) p. 533 foll.

[968] _De Inventione_, ii. 161.

[969] _De Legibus_, ii. 10. 25.

[970] _Ib._ 10. 23.

[971] Lucretius i. 101.

[972] _E.g._ Octavius 38. 2; and again at the end of that chapter.

[973] Lactantius, bk. v. (_de Iustitia_) ch. 19. I may note here that the paragraph in the text where this is quoted was first published in the _Transactions of the Congress for the History of Religions_ (Oxford, 1908), vol. ii. p. 174. I may also add that the restricted sense of the word _religio_ as meaning the monastic life is, of course, comparatively late. This restrictive use of heathen words, from the third century onwards, is the subject of some valuable remarks by Prof. Gwatkin in his _Early Church History_, vol. i. p. 268 foll.

[974] See _Roman Festivals_, p. 299, and the references there given.

[975] Livy i. 32, ix. 8. 6; Wissowa, _R.K._ p. 476; Greenidge, _Roman Public Life_, p. 56.

[976] Lactantius iv. 3 (_de vera sapientia_).

[977] _Ib._ v. (_de Iustitia_) ch. 10.

[978] _Aen._ xi. 81.

[979] Marquardt, 145, note 5.

[980] _Aen._ xii. 648.

[981] Servius, _ad Aen._ xii. 648.

[982] The original meaning of _sanctus_ as applied to things, _e.g._ walls and tombs, was probably "inviolable"; Nettleship, _Contributions to Latin Lexicography_, _s.v._ "sanctus," who also suggests a connection between the word and the attitude of the Roman towards his dead: thus Cicero in _Topica 90_ writes of _aequitas_ as consisting of three parts,--_pietas_, _sanctitas_, and _iustitia_,--meaning man's relation to the gods, the Manes, and his fellow-men. Nettleship also quotes _Aen._ v. 80 (_salve sancte parens_), Tibull. ii. 2. 6, and other passages, which show that the word was specially used of the dead and their belongings. But when used of persons living, as frequently in the last century B.C., it expresses a certain purity of life, not without a religious tincture, which could not so well be expressed by any other word, owing to the original meaning being that of religious inviolability. Thus Cicero uses it in the 9th Philippic of his old friend Sulpicius, one of the best and purest men of his time; and long before Cicero, Cato had used it of an obligation at once ethical and religious: "Maiores _sanctius_ habuere defendi pupillos quam clientem non fallere." It is interesting to notice that it was used later on of Mithras and other oriental deities (Cumont, _Mon. myst. Mithra_, i. p. 533; _Les Religions orientales_, p. 289, note 45); in the case of Mithras, at least, this meant that his life was pure, and that he wished his worshippers to be pure also.

[983] Marquardt, p. 318, note 4; Mommsen, _Strafrecht_, pp. 902, 1026. See also Greenidge, _Roman Public Life_, p. 56; Festus, p. 347.

[984] Greenidge, _op. cit._ p. 154.

[985] Cumont, _Mysterien von Mithras_, p. 116 of the German edition. See also De Marchi, _La Religione nella vita privata_, vol. ii. 114. It may be worth noting that the idea of life as the service of a soldier bound to obedience by his oath is found also in Stoicism; see Epictetus (_Arrian_), _Discourses_, i. 14, iii. 24, 99-101, ii. 26, 28-30; (Crossley's _Golden Sayings of Epictetus_, Nos. 37, 125, 132, 134).

[986] Arnobius, _adv. Nationes_, i. 3.

[987] _Ib._ ii. 6.

[988] Tertull., _ad Martyr._ c. 3. Cp. _de Corona Militiae_, c. 11.

[989] It is curious that the word _sacerdos_ did not find its way into the Christian vocabulary. Apparently it had its chance; for Tertullian uses it in several ways, _e.g._, "summus sacerdos" for a bishop (_de Bapt._ 17; "disciplina sacerdotalis," _de Monog._ 7. 12; and for other examples see Harnack, _Entstehung und Entwickelung der Kirchenverfassung und des Kirchenrechts in den zwei ersten Jahrhunderten_, 1910, p. 85). But the words finally adopted for the grades of the priesthood were Greek: bishop, priest, and deacon. Nevertheless, the general word for the priesthood, as distinguished from the laity, is Latin (_ordo_); hence "ordination" and holy "orders." It is not of religious origin, but taken from the language of municipal life, _ordo et plebs_ being contrasted just as they were contrasted in _municipia_ as senate (_decuriones_) and all non-official persons. See Harnack, _op. cit._ p. 82.

[990] This is, of course, in one light, the legitimate development of the union of religion and morality in the Hebrew mind. "For the Israelite morality, righteousness, is simply doing the will of God, which from the earliest age is assumed to be ascertainable, and indeed ascertained. The Law in its simplest form was at once the rule of morality and the revealed will of God." "The central feature of O.T. morality is its religious character" (Alexander, _Ethics of St. Paul_, p. 34). In the religious system we have been occupied with, religion can only be reckoned as one of the factors in the growth of morality; it supplied the sanction for some acts of righteousness, but (in historical times at least) by no means for all.

Prof. Gwatkin, in his _Early Church History_, vol. i. p. 54, states the relation of early Christianity to morality thus: "Christ's person, not His teaching, is the message of the Gospel. If we know anything for certain about Jesus of Nazareth, it is that He steadily claimed to be the Son of God, the Redeemer of mankind, and the ruler of the world to come, and by that claim the Gospel stands or falls. Therefore, the Lord's disciples went not forth as preachers of morality, but as witnesses of his life, and of the historic resurrection which proved his mightiest claims. Their morality is always an inference from these, never the forefront of their teaching. They seem to think that if they can only fill men with true thankfulness for the gift of life in Christ, morality will take care of itself." I cannot but think that this is expressed too strongly, or baldly; but it is in the main in keeping with the impression left on my mind by a study of St. Paul. It must, however, be remembered that the Pauline spirit is not exactly that of early Christianity in general: see Gwatkin, vol. i. p. 98. In the _Didache_, _e.g._, there is no trace of St. Paul's influence (104).

[991] In a book which had just been published when I was delivering these lectures at Edinburgh (_The Ethics of St. Paul_, by Archibald Alexander), I found a very interesting chapter on "The Dynamic of the New Life," p. 126 foll. The word which for the author best expresses that dynamic is _faith_, which is "the spring of all endeavour, the inspiration of all heroism" (p. 150). "It brings the whole life into the domain of spiritual freedom, and is the animating and energising principle of all moral purpose." What exactly is here understood by faith is explained on p. 151 to the end of the chapter, of which I may quote the concluding words: "Faith in Christ means life in Christ. And this complete yielding of self and vital union with the Saviour, this dying and rising again, is at once man's supreme ideal and the source of all moral greatness."

[992] Döllinger, _The First Age of Christianity and the Church_ (Oxenham's translation), p. 344 foll.

APPENDIX I

ON THE USE OF HUTS OR BOOTHS IN RELIGIOUS RITUAL

This may be taken as an addendum to Lecture II. on taboo at Rome; but owing to the uncertainty of the explanation given in it, I reserved it for an Appendix. The custom here dealt with is found both in the public and private worship of the Romans, and also in Greece and elsewhere, but has never, so far as I know, been investigated by anthropologists.

On the Ides of March, at the festival of Anna Perenna, a deity explained as representing "the ring of the year," whose cult is not recognised in the ancient religious calendar, the lower population came out of the city, and lay about all day in the Campus Martius, near the Tiber. Ovid, fortunately, took the trouble to describe the scene in the third book of his _Fasti_, as he had witnessed it himself. Some of them, he says, lay in the open, _some constructed tents, and some made rude huts of stakes and branches, stretching their togas over them to make a shelter_.

plebs venit ac virides passim disiecta per herbas potat, et accumbit cum pare quisque sua. sub Iove pars durat, pauci tentoria ponunt, sunt quibus e ramis frondea facta casa est, pars, ubi pro rigidis calamos statuere columnis, desuper extentas imposuere togas. sole tamen vinoque calent, annosque precantur, quot sumant cyathos, ad numerumque bibunt.[993]

It appears also from Ovid's account that there was much drunkenness and obscene language; this was, in fact, a _festa_ very different in character from those of the Numan calendar; and that there was a magical element in the cult of the deity seems proved by the mysterious allusion to "virgineus cruor" in connection with her grove not far from this scene of revelry, in Martial iv. 64. 17 (cp. Pliny, _N.H._ xxviii. 78, and Columella x. 558). Tibullus describes something of the same kind at a rustic festival,[994] though he does not make it clear what time of year he is speaking of; a few lines before he had mentioned the drinking and leaping over the fire at the Parilia, the shepherd's festival in April, though I cannot feel sure that the following lines are also meant to refer to it:--

tunc operata deo pubes discumbet in herba, arboris antiquae qua levis umbra cadit, aut e veste sua tendent umbracula sertis vincta, coronatus stabit et ipse calix.

Here it is too much to suppose that the _umbracula_ were contrived to make up for the want of shade in a country so covered with woodland as Italy was then; and the words "_sertis vincta_" show that there was some special meaning in the practice. I think we may guess that in both instances the extemporised huts had some forgotten religious meaning. Yet another passage of Tibullus, which also describes a rural festival, alludes to a similar custom.[995] I have given reasons in the _Classical Review_ for thinking that this was a summer festival, accompanied as it was, like many midsummer rites all over Europe, by bonfires and revelry, though the usual interpretation ascribes it to the winter.[996]

tunc nitidus plenis confisus rusticus agris ingeret ardenti grandia ligna foco, turbaque vernarum, saturi bona signa coloni, ludet et ex virgis exstruet ante casas.

The slaves can here hardly be playing at building houses of twigs, like the children in Horace's _Satire_,[997] unless we are to suppose that Tibullus is thinking of slave children only, which is indeed possible; but even if that were so, how are we to account for the popularity of this curious form of sport?

There was, however, at Rome a public summer festival, included in the calendar, in which we find this same custom. At the Neptunalia, on July 23, huts or booths were erected, made of the foliage of trees. "Umbrae vocantur Neptunalibus _casae frondeae pro tabernaculis_," says Festus[998] (following Verrius Flaccus), where the last word is one in regular use for military tents. This is the only thing that is told us about this festival, and we may assume that even this would not have come down to us if it had not been a survival rigidly adhered to, _i.e._ the construction of shelters from the foliage of trees, instead of using tents, which could easily have been procured in the city. As the festival was in the hot month of July, we might suppose that shelter from the sun was the real object here; but we do not hear of it at other summer festivals, and the parallel practices I shall now mention make the rationalising explanation very doubtful. It is unlucky that we know hardly anything about the older and un-Graecised Neptunus, and nothing about his festival except this one fact; the comparative method is here our only hope.

The Jewish feast of tabernacles will, of course, occur at once to every one; this was in the heat of the summer, and the booths were here, as at the Neptunalia, made of the branches of trees;[999] the explanation given to the Israelites was not that they were thus to shelter themselves from the heat, but to be reminded of their homeless wanderings in the wilderness, plainly an aetiological account, as in the case of the passover. There are distinct examples in Greece of the same practice, _e.g._ the [Greek: skiades] at the Spartan Carneia,[1000] and tents ([Greek: skênai]) in several cases, as at the mysteries of Andania, where the peculiar regulations for the construction of the tents points to a ritualistic origin almost unmistakably.[1001] But perhaps the most striking parallel is to be found in the famous letter of Gregory the Great, preserved by Bede, about the British converts to Christianity, who were to be allowed to use their heathen temples as churches:

"Et quia boves solent in sacrificio daemonum multos occidere, debet iis etiam hac in re aliqua solemnitas immutari: ut die dedicationis, vel natalicii sanctorum martyrum quorum illic reliquiae ponuntur, _tabernacula sibi circa easdem ecclesias quae ex fanis commutatae sunt, de ramis arborum faciant_, et religiosis conviviis sollemnitatem celebrent: nec diabolo iam animalia immolent, et ad laudem Dei in esu suo animalia occident," etc.[1002]

Why should Gregory here take the trouble to describe the material out of which these huts were to be made? Surely because the custom was one which had been described to him by Augustine or Mellitus as part of the heathen practice, and one which he was willing to condone as harmless (possibly with a recollection of the Jewish feast), since the Britons set great store by it.

If these examples from Europe and Palestine are sufficient to suggest that there was originally a religious or mystic meaning in the custom, we must look for its explanation in anthropological research. Robertson Smith was,[1003] I think, the first to suggest a possible explanation of the Feast of Tabernacles, by comparing with it the rule, stated in Numbers xxxi. 19, that men might not enter their houses after bloodshed: "Do ye abide without the camp seven days: whosoever hath killed any person, and whosoever hath touched any slain, purify both yourselves and your captives on the third day and on the seventh day." He also pointed out that pilgrims are subject to the same rule, or taboo, in Syria and elsewhere. Since then an immense mass of evidence has been collected showing that all the world over persons in a holy or unclean state are placed under this or some similar restriction;[1004] and if this be the case with pilgrims and warriors after a battle, it may also have been so with worshippers at some particular festival, even if we are quite unable to recover the special character of the worship which produced the restriction.[1005] In the Feast of Tabernacles, which was a harvest festival, the cause seems to have been the great sanctity of the first-fruits, which are regarded with extreme veneration in many parts of the world. In the now famous festival of the first-fruits among the Natchez Indians of Louisiana, of which the details have been recorded with singular care and obvious accuracy,[1006] we find that the chief, the Great Sun, and all the celebrators, have to live in huts two miles from their village, while the corn, grown for the purpose in a particular spot, is sacramentally eaten. It is quite impossible, without further evidence, which is not likely ever to be forthcoming, to explain either the Greek, Roman, or British customs in this way; we must be content with the general principle that the holiness of human beings at particular times is liable to carry with it the practice of renouncing your own dwelling and living in an extemporised hut or booth. The tents that we hear of in the Greek rites I look upon as late developments of this primitive practice. The inscription of Andania, which is the best Greek evidence we possess, dates only from 91 B.C.; and by that time there would have been every opportunity for the rude huts to become civilised tents. The _casae_ made by the _vernae_ in Tibullus' poem were, I would suggest, a kind of unconscious survival of the same feeling and practice, the real religious meaning being almost entirely lost.

Lastly, I will venture to suggest that the _casae_ of the Roman custom, made of branches at the Neptunalia and the feast of Anna Perenna, and of _virgae_ by the slaves on the farm, are a reminiscence of the earliest form of Italian dwelling, which survived to historical times in the round temple of Vesta, and of which we have examples in the hut-urns discovered in the necropolis at Alba.[1007] The earliest form of all was probably a round structure made of branches of trees stuck into the ground, bent inwards at the top and tied together.[1008] Just as bronze instruments survived from an earlier stage of culture in some religious rites at Rome, so, I imagine, did this ancient form of dwelling, which really belongs to an age previous to that of permanent settlement and agricultural routine. The hut circles of the neolithic age, such as are abundant on Dartmoor, were probably roofed with branches supported by a central pole.[1009]

[993] _Fasti_, iii. 525 foll. See _R.F._ p. 50 foll.

[994] Tibull. ii. 5. 89 foll. Mr. Mackail has pointed out to me a passage in the _Pervigilium Veneris_, line 5, which seems to contain a hint of the same practice (cp. line 43).

[995] Tibull. ii. 1. 1-24.

[996] _Classical Review_, 1908, p. 36 foll. My conclusions were criticised by Dr. Postgate in the _Classical Quarterly_ for 1909, p. 127.

[997] Hor. _Sat._ ii. 3. 247.

[998] Festus, ed. Müller, p. 377.

[999] Leviticus xxiii. 40-42. Cp. Plutarch, _Quaest. conviv._ 4. 2. This was a feast of harvest and first-fruits (Exodus xxiii. 16). Nehemiah viii. 13 foll. gives a graphic account of the revival of this festival after the captivity.

[1000] Athenaeus iv. 41. 8 F. Cp. Farnell, _Cults of the Greek States_, vol. iv., p. 260.

[1001] Dittenberger, _Sylloge inscript._ (ed. 2), 653, lines 34 foll. Cp. p. 200 (Teos).

[1002] Baeda, _Hist. eccl._ i. 30 (ed. Plummer). There is a curious case of isolation in a hut in a process by which the sacrificer of the _soma_ in the Vedic religion becomes divine, quoted by Hubert et Mauss, _Mélanges_, p. 34. This may possibly afford a clue to the mystery.

[1003] _Religion of the Semites_, notes K and N at the end of the volume.

[1004] See _e.g._ Frazer, _G. B._ ed. 2, index, _s.v._ "Seclusion."

[1005] It has occurred to me that the shedding of blood in animal sacrifice may possibly be the reason in some of these rites. The last words of the passage quoted above from Baeda suggest this explanation in the case of the Britons. In the first-fruits festivals the "killing of the corn" may be a parallel cause of taboo. See _G. B._ i. 372.

[1006] Du Pratz, translated in _G. B._ ii. 332 foll.

[1007] See _e.g._ Helbig, _Die Italiker in der Poebene_, p. 50 foll. Lanciani, _Ruins and Excavations of Ancient Rome_, p. 132. It is worth noting that in a passage quoted by Helbig, Plutarch (_Numa_ 8) uses for some of the most ancient Roman attempts at temple building the same word by which he describes the booths at the feast of tabernacles ([Greek: kaliades]).

[1008] Whether there was in later days any special religious signification in the use of green foliage and branches I will not undertake to say, but I have been struck by the constant use of them in cases of religious seclusion, even where the person is secluded in some part of the house, and not outside it. See _e.g. G. B._ ii. pp. 205-214.

[1009] Prof. Anwyl, _Celtic Religion_ (Constable's series), p. 10. Mr. Baring-Gould told Mr. Anwyl that he had seen in some of the Dartmoor circles central holes which seemed meant for the fixing of this pole. I will add here that it has occurred to me that these huts must, in one sense at least, be a survival (like other points of ritual), from the days of pastoral life, and of the migration of the Aryans. Temporary huts are characteristic of pastoral as contrasted with agricultural life, and must have been used during the wanderings, as by the Israelites. See Schrader, _Prehistoric Antiquities of the Aryan Peoples_ (Eng. Trans., London, 1890), p. 404.

APPENDIX II

PROF. DEUBNER'S THEORY OF THE LUPERCALIA (See pp. 34 and 106)

In the _Archiv für Religionswissenschaft_, 1910, p. 481 foll., Prof. Deubner has published an interesting study of this puzzling festival, to which I wish to invite attention, though it has reached me too late for use in my earlier lectures.

It has long been clear to me that any attempt to explain the details of the Lupercalia on a single hypothesis must be a failure. If all the details belong to the same age and the same original festival, we cannot recover the key to the whole ceremonial, though we may succeed in interpreting certain features of it with some success. Is it, however, possible that these details belong to _different_ periods,--that the whole rite, as we know it, with all the details put together from different sources of knowledge, was the result of an accretion of various features upon an original simple basis of ceremonial? Prof. Deubner answers this question in the affirmative, and works out his answer with much skill and learning.

He begins by explaining the word _lupercus_ as derived from _lupus_ and _arceo_, and meaning a "keeper off of wolves." The _luperci_ were originally men chosen from two gentes or families to keep the wolves from the sheepfolds, in the days when the Palatine was a shepherd's settlement, and they did it by running round the base of the hill in a magical circle (if I understand him rightly). If that be so, we need not assume a deity Lupercus, nor in fact any deity at all, nor need we see in the runners a quasi-dramatic representation of wolves as vegetation-spirits, as Mannhardt proposed (see my _Roman Festivals_, p. 316 foll.). This view has the advantage of making the rite a simple and practical one, such as would be natural to primitive Latins; and the etymology is apparently unexceptionable, though it will doubtless be criticised, as in fact it has been long ago.

But in course of time, Prof. Deubner goes on, there came to be engrafted on this simple rite of circumambulation without reference to a deity, a festival of the rustic god Faunus; and now there was added a sacrifice of goats, which seem to have been his favourite victims (kids in Hor. _Odes_, iii. 18). The _luperci_, who had formerly run round the hill quite naked, as in many rites of the kind (see p. 491), now girt themselves with the skins of the goats, in order to increase their "religious force" in keeping away the wolves, with strength derived from the victims.

But the _luperci_ also carried in their hands, in the festival as we know it, strips of the skins of the victims, with which they struck at women who offered themselves to the blows, in order to make them fertile. This, Prof. Deubner thinks, was a still later accretion. Life in a city had obliterated the original meaning of the rite--the keeping off wolves; but a new meaning becomes attached to it, presumably growing out of the use of the skins as magical instruments of additional force. Here, too, Juno first appears on the scene as the deity of women, for the strips were known as _amicula Iunonis_ (_R.F._ 321 and note). The strips may have been substituted for something carried in the hand to drive away the wolves; the goat, it should be noted, is prominent in the cult of Juno, _e.g._ at Lanuvium. The mystical meaning of striking or flogging has been sufficiently explained in this instance by Mannhardt (_R.F._ p. 320), and is now familiar to anthropologists in other contexts.

In the period when the fertilisation of women became the leading feature of the rite, the State took up the popular festival, and it gained admittance to the religious calendar, which was drawn up for the city of the four regions (see above, Lect. IV., p. 106). The State was represented, as we learn from Ovid, by the Flamen Dialis (_Fasti_, ii. 282).

But we still have to account for some strange detail, which has never been satisfactorily explained in connection with the rest of the ceremony. The runners had their foreheads smeared with the blood of the victims, which was then wiped off with wool dipped in milk; after which, says Plutarch (_Romulus_, 21), they were obliged to laugh. These details, as Prof. Deubner remarks, seem very un-Roman; we have no parallel to them in Roman ritual, and I have remarked more than once in these lectures on the absence of the use of blood in Roman ceremonial. I have suggested that they were allowed to survive in the religion of the city-state, though actually belonging to that of a primitive population living on the site of Rome. Prof. Deubner's explanation is very different, and at first sight startling. These, he thinks, are Greek cathartic details added by Augustus when he re-organised the Lupercalia, as we may guess that he did from Suet. _Aug._ 31. They can all be paralleled from Greek religion. We know of them only from Plutarch, who quotes a certain Butas as writing Greek elegiacs in which they were mentioned; but of the date of this poet we know nothing. Ovid does not mention these details, nor hint at them in the stories he tells about the festival. (It is certainly possible that Augustus's revision may have been made after Ovid wrote the second book of the _Fasti_; it could not have been done until he became Pont. Max. in 12 B.C., and perhaps not till long after that, and the _Fasti_ was written some time before Ovid's banishment in A.D. 9.) That Augustus should insert Greek cathartic details in the old Roman festival is certainly surprising, but not impossible. We know that in the _ludi saeculares_ he took great pains to combine Greek with Roman ritual.

The above is a mere outline of Prof. Deubner's article, but enough, I hope, to attract the attention of English scholars to it. Whether or no it be accepted in whole or part by learned opinion, it will at least have the credit of suggesting a way in which not only the Lupercalia, but possibly other obscure rites, may be compelled ultimately to yield up their secrets.

APPENDIX III

THE PAIRS OF DEITIES IN GELLIUS xiii. 23 (see page 150)

The first paired deity mentioned by Gellius is _Lua Saturni_, also known as _Lua Mater_, of whom Dr. Frazer writes (p. 412), "In regard to Lua we know that she was spoken of as a mother, which makes it not improbable that she was also a wife." We are not surprised to find him claiming that because Vesta is addressed as Mater in the _Acta Fratr. Arv._ (Henzen, p. 147), that virgin deity was also married. This he does in his lectures on Kingship (p. 222), quoting Ennius and Lactantius as making Vesta mother of Saturnus and Titan. No comment on this is needed for any one conversant with Graeco-Roman religion and literature from Ennius onward. The title Mater here means simply that Vesta was to her worshippers in a maternal position: "quamvis virginem, indole tamen quadam materna praeditam fuisse nuper exposuit Preunerus," says Henzen, quoting Preuner's _Hestia-Vesta_, an old book but a good one (p. 333). But to return to Lua: I freely confess that I cannot explain why she was styled Mater. We only know of her, apart from the list in Gellius and one passage of Servius, from the two passages of Livy quoted without comment by Dr. Frazer. The first of these (viii. 1), which may be taken from the pontifical books, seems to let in a ray of light on her nature and function. In 338 B.C. the Volscians had been beaten, and "armorum magna vis" was found in their camp. "Ea Luae Matri se dare consul dixit, finesque hostium usque ad maritimam oram depopulatus est." That is, as I understand the words, he dedicated the enemy's spoils to the _numen_ who was the enemy of his own crops.[1010] For if Lua be connected etymologically with _lues_, she may be the hurtful aspect of Saturnus, like _Tursa_ Cerfia Cerfii Martii as Buecheler explains it (_Umbrica_, p. 98).

A curious passage of Servius may be quoted in support of this view, in which Luae is an almost certain correction for Lunae (see Jordan's edition of Preller's _Rom. Mythol._ vol. ii. p. 22). Commenting on Virgil's "Arboribusque satisque lues" (_Aen._ iii. 139), he writes: "quidam dicunt, diversis numinibus vel bene vel male faciendi potestatem dicatam, ut Veneri coniugia, Cereri divortia, Iunoni procreationem liberorum: sterilitatem horum tam Saturno quam Luae, hanc enim sicut Saturnum orbandi potestatem habere." Whatever Lua may originally have been, she seems to have been regarded as a power capable of working for evil in the crops and in women; if you could get her to work on your enemy's crops (cp. the _excantatio_, above p. 58), so much the better, and the better would her claim be to the title of Mater (but Dr. Frazer supplies us with examples of a _hostile_ spirit being called by a family name, _e.g._, Grandfather Smallpox, _G.B._ iii. p. 98). When the consul had dedicated the spoils to her he proceeded to assist her in her functions by ravaging the crops of the enemy; thus she became later on a deity of spoils. In the Macedonian triumph of B.C. 167 we find her in company with Mars and Minerva as one of the deities to whom "spolia hostium dicare ius fasque est" (Livy xlv. 33).

I may add here that Dr. Frazer has another arrow in his quiver to prove that Saturnus was married: if Lua was not his wife (which no Roman asserts) certainly (he says) Ops was. He quotes a few words from Macrobius (i. 13. 19) in which these two are mentioned as husband and wife. If he had quoted the whole passage, his reader would have been better able to judge of the value of the writers of whom Macrobius says that they "crediderunt" that Ops was wife of Saturn. For it appears that some of them fancied that Saturnus was "a satu dictus _cuius causa de caelo est_"--(a desperate attempt to make the old spirit of the seed into a heaven-god), while Ops, whose name speaks for itself, was the earth. But the real companion deity to Ops was not Saturnus, but Consus. This has been placed beyond all reasonable doubt by Wissowa in his _de Feriis_ (reprinted in _Gesammelte Abhandlungen_, p. 154 foll.). See also my _R.F._ p. 212. The names Ops and Consus obviously refer to stored corn, and everything in their cult points the same way. Saturnus' connection with Ops is a late and a mistaken one, derived from the Graecising tendency, which brought Cronos and Rhea to bear on them.

Next a word about Hora Quirini. As this coupling of names is followed by Virites Quirini, in the characteristic method explained in the text (cp. Cic. _Nat. Deor._ ii. 27 of Vesta, "_vis_ eius ad aras et focos pertinet"), it is hardly necessary to comment on it. Hora is perhaps connected with Umbrian Heris (cp. Buecheler, _Umbrica_, index), which with kindred forms means will, willingness. Thus in "Nerienem Mavortis et Herem" (Ennius, fragm. 70, in Baehrens, _Fragm. Poet. Lat._) we may see the strength and the will of Mars (cp. Herie Iunonis). Hora is also connected in legend with Hersilia (Ov. _Met._ 14. 829), and this helps to show how the Alexandrian erotic legend-making faculty got hold of her. But, says Dr. Frazer, Ennius regarded her as wife of Quirinus: "Teque Quirine pater veneror, Horamque Quirini" (fragm. 71 of the _Annales_). This is Dr. Frazer's interpretation of the words, but Ennius says nothing of conjugal relations; and even if he had, his evidence as to ancient Roman conceptions would be worthless. Ennius was not a Roman; he came from Magna Graecia; and if Dr. Frazer will read _all_ that is said about him, _e.g._ in Schanz's history of Roman literature, he will allow that every statement of such a man about old Roman ideas of the divine must be regarded with suspicion and subjected to careful criticism.

Next we come to Salacia Neptuni. Of this couple Dr. Frazer says that Varro plainly implies that they were husband and wife, and that this is affirmed by Augustine, Seneca, and Servius. The accumulation of evidence seems strong; but Varro implies nothing of the kind (_L.L._ v. 72). He is indulging in fancy etymologies, and derives Neptunus from _nubere_, "quod mare terras obnubit ut nubes caelum, ab nuptu id est opertione ut antiqui, a quo nuptiae, nuptus dictus." If he had meant to make Salacia wife of Neptunus, this last sentence would surely have suggested it; but he goes on after a full stop, "Salacia Neptuni a salo." It is only the later writers, ignorant of the real nature of Roman religious ideas, who make Salacia into a wife. It is worth noting that Varro adds another feminine deity in his next sentence, Venilia, whom Virgil makes the mother of Turnus (_Aen._ x. 76); and Servius, commenting on this line, goes one better, and says she was identical with Salacia. Perhaps both were sea or water spirits, connected with Neptunus as _famulae_ or _anculae_ (see Wissowa, _R.K._ p. 19), but they are lost to us, and speculation is useless. In _R.F._ p. 186, I suggested an explanation of Salacia which I am disposed to withdraw. But for anyone wishing to study the treatment of old Roman _numina_ by the mythologists and philosophers of the Graeco-Roman period, I would recommend an attentive reading of the whole chapter of Augustine from which Dr. Frazer quotes a few words (_C.D._ vii. 22); and further a careful study of the Graeco-Roman methods of fabricating myths about Roman divine names, for which he will do well to read the passages referred to by Wissowa in _R.K._ pp. 250 and 251, and notes.

Lastly, comes Maia Volcani. Here for once we get a fact of cult, which is a relief, after the loose and reckless statements of non-Roman and Christian writers. The flamen Volcanalis sacrificed to Maia on May 1st, which proves that there was a real and not a fancied connection between Volcanus and Maia, but certainly not that they were husband and wife. Dr. Frazer, however, quotes Cincius "on the _Fasti_" as (ap. Macrob. i. 12. 18) stating this, and refers us to Schanz's _Gesch. der röm. Lit._ for information about him. In the second edition of that work he will find a discussion of the very doubtful question as to whether the Cincius he quotes is the person whom he asserts him to be, viz., the annalist of the second Punic War. The writer of the article "Cincius" in Pauly-Wissowa _Real-Encycl._ is very confident that the one who wrote on the _Fasti_ lived as late as the age of Augustus. But putting that aside, what are we to make of the fact that another annalist, L. Calpurnius Piso (famous as the author of the first lex de repetundis, 149 B.C.), said that the wife of Volcanus was not Maia, but Maiestas? Piso was not a good authority (see above, p. 51), but he seems here to bring the "consort" of the fire-god into line with such expressions of activity as Moles, Virites, and so on; and it seems that as early as the second century B.C., sport and speculation with these names were beginning. I have quoted the whole pedantic passage from Macrobius in my _Roman Festivals_, p. 98, where the reader may enjoy it at leisure. I shall not be surprised if he comes to the conclusion that neither Macrobius nor his learned informers knew anything about Maia. When he reads that she was the mother of Mercurius, he will recollect that Mercurius was not a Roman deity of the earliest period, and did not belong to the _di indigetes_; and when he finds that she is identified with Bona Dea, he must not forget that that deity, as scholars are now pretty well agreed, was introduced at Rome from Tarentum in the age of the Punic Wars. The one fact we know is the sacrifice by the flamen Volcanalis on May 1. Someone went to work to explain this and another, viz. that the Ides of the month was the dedication day of the first temple of Mercurius (B.C. 495), and also the fact that the temple of the Bona Dea on the Aventine was dedicated on the Kalends. The result was an extraordinary jumble of fancy and myth, which has been recognised as such by those who have studied closely the methods of Graeco-Roman scholarship. The unwary, of course, are taken in. A student of these methods might do well to take as an exercise in criticism the three "specimens of Roman mythology" which Dr. Frazer says (p. 413) have "survived the wreck of antiquity"--the loves of Vertumnus and Pomona, of Jupiter and Juturna, of Janus and Cardea. In the last of these especially he will find one of the most audacious pieces of charming and wilful invention that a Latin poet could perpetrate, in imitation of Hellenistic love tales, and to suit the taste of a public whose education was mainly Greek.

The above lengthy note was written before I had seen von Domaszewski's paper on this subject ("Festschrift für O. Hirschfeld") reprinted in _Abhandlungen zur röm. Religion_, p. 104 foll. cp. p. 162.) His explanations are different in detail from mine, but rest on the same general principle that the names Salacia, etc., indicate functions or attributes of the male deity to whom they are attached.

[1010] For the taboo on such spoils, and their destruction, see M. S. Reinach's interesting paper "Tarpeia," in _Cultes, mythes, et religions_, iii. 221 foll.

APPENDIX IV

(LECTURE VIII., PAGE 169 FOLL.) IUS AND FAS

In historical times the two kinds of _ius_, _divinum_ and _humanum_, were strongly distinguished (see Wissowa, _R.K._ p. 318, who quotes Gaius ii. 2: "summa itaque rerum divisio in duos articulos diducitur, nam aliae sunt divini iuris, aliae humani"). But it is almost certain that there was originally no such clear distinction. The general opinion of historians of Roman law is thus expressed by Cuq (_Institutions juridiques des Romains_, p. 54): "Le droit civil n'a eu d'abord qu'une portée fort restreinte. Peu à peu il a gagné du terrain, il a entrepris de réglementer des rapports qui autrefois étaient du domaine de la religion. Pendant longtemps à Rome le droit théocratique a coexisté avec le droit civil." (See also Muirhead, _Introduction to Roman Law_, ed. Goudy, p. 15.) Possibly the formation of an organised calendar, marking off the days belonging to the deities from those which were not so made over to them, first gave the opportunity for the gradual realisation of the thought that the set of rules under which the citizen was responsible to the divine beings was not exactly the same as that under which he was responsible to the civil authorities. The distinction took many ages to realise in all its aspects, and is not complete even under the XII. Tables or later, because the sanction for civil offences remained in great part a divine one; on this point Jhering is certainly wrong (_Geist des röm. Rechts_, i. 267 foll.). As Cuq remarks (p. 54, note 1), one institution of the _ius divinum_ kept its force after the complete secularisation of law, and retains it to this day, viz. the oath.

If there was originally no distinction between religious and civil rules of law, it follows that there were originally no two distinguishing terms for them. The earliest passage in which they are distinguished as _ius divinum_ and _humanum_ (so far as I know) is Cicero's speech for Sestius (B.C. 56), sec. 91, quoted by Wissowa, p. 319: "domicilia coniuncta quas urbes dicimus, _invento et divino iure et humano_, moenibus cinxerunt." But by all British writers on Roman law, and by many foreign ones, the word _fas_ is used as equivalent to the ius divinum, and sharply distinguished from _ius_. Thus the late Dr. Greenidge, in his useful work on Roman public life (p. 52 and elsewhere), makes this distinction; he writes of the _rex_ as the chief expounder of the divine law (_fas_), and of the control exercised by _fas_ over the citizen's life. Cp. Muirhead, ed. Goudy, p. 15 foll., where Mommsen is quoted thus: "Mommsen is probably near the mark when he describes the _leges regiae_ as mostly rules of the _fas_." But Mommsen, like Wissowa in his _Religion und Kultus_, does not use the word _fas_, but speaks of "Sakralrecht." Sohm, on the other hand (_Roman Law_, trans. Ledlie, p. 15, note), compares _fas_ with Sanscrit _dharma_ and Greek _themis_, as meaning unwritten rules of divine origin, which eventually gave way before _ius_, as in Greece before [Greek: dikaion]. (Cp. Binder, _Die Plebs_, p. 501.) But it is safer in this case to leave etymology alone, and to try to discover what the Romans themselves understood by _fas_, which is indeed a peculiar and puzzling word. (For its possible connection with _fari_, _effari_ (ager effatus), _fanum_, and _profanum_, etc., see H. Nettleship's _Contributions to Latin Lexicography_, s.v. "Fas.")

_Fas_ was at all times indeclinable, and is rarely found even as an accusative, as in Virg. _Aen._ ix. 96:

mortaline manu factae immortale carinae fas habeant?

In the oldest examples of its use, _i.e._ in the ancient calendar QRCF, on March 24 and May 24, _i.e._ "quando rex comitiavit fas" (Varro, _L.L._ vi. 31), and QStDF on June 15, _i.e._ "Quando stercus delatum fas" (Varro, _L.L._ vi. 32), it is hard to say whether it is a substantive at all, and not rather an adverb like _satis_. So, too, in the antique language of the _lex templi_ of Furfo (58 B.C.) we read, "Utii tangere sarcire tegere devehere defigere mandare ferro oeti promovere referre _fasque esto_" (_liceat_ should probably be inserted before _fasque esto_). See _CIL._ i. 603, line 7; Dessau, _Inscript. Lat. selectae_, ii. 1. 4906, p. 246. In these examples _fas_ simply means that you may do certain acts without breaking religious law; it does not stand for the religious law itself. To me it looks like a technical word of the _ius divinum_, meaning that which it is lawful to do under it; thus a _dies fastus_ is one on which it is lawful under that _ius_ to perform certain acts of civil government, "sine piaculo" (Varro, _L.L._ vi. 29). _Nefas_ is, therefore, in the same way a word which conveys a prohibition under the divine law. By constant juxtaposition with _ius_, _fas_ came in course of time to take on the character of a substantive, and so too did its opposite _nefas_. The dictionaries supply many examples of its use as a substantive and as paralleled with _ius_, but the only one I can find that is earlier than Cicero is Terence, _Hecyra_, iii. 3. 27, _i.e._ in the work of a non-Roman.

I cannot find that it is so used by Varro, where we might naturally have expected it. Cicero does not call his imaginary ius divinum a _fas_, but iura religionum, constitutio religionum (_de Legibus_ ii. 10-23, 17-32). _Ius_ is the word always used technically of particular departments of the religious law, _e.g._ ius pontificium, ius augurale, and ius fetiale (_CIL._ i. p. 202, is preimus ius fetiale paravit). The notion that _fas_ could mean a kind of code of religious law is probably due to Virgil's use of the word in "Quippe etiam festis quaeddam exercere diebus Fas et iura sinunt," _Georg._ i. 269, and to the comment of Servius, "id est, divina humanaque iura permittunt: nam ad religionem fas, ad homines iura pertinent."

It is strange to find it personified as a kind of deity in the formula of the fetiales, used when they announced the Roman demands at an enemy's frontier (Livy i. 32): "Audi Iuppiter, inquit, audite Fines (cuiuscunque gentis sunt nominat), _audiat Fas_." Whence did Livy get this formula? We have no record of a book of the fetiales; if this came from those of the pontifices, as is probable, the formula need not be of ancient date, and the personification of Fines also suggests a doubt as to the genuineness of the whole formula.

APPENDIX V

THE WORSHIP OF SACRED UTENSILS (page 436)

There can be no doubt that some kind of worship was paid by the Arval Brethren to certain _ollae_, or primitive vessels of sun-baked clay used in their most ancient rites. This is attested by two inscriptions of different ages which are printed on pp. 26 and 27 of Henzen's _Acta Fratrum Arvalium_. After leaving their grove and entering the temple "in mensa _sacrum fecerunt ollis_"; and shortly afterwards, "in aedem intraverunt et _ollas precati sunt_." Then, to our astonishment, we read that the door of the temple was opened, and the _ollae_ thrown down the slope in front of it. This last act seems inexplicable; but the worship finds a singular parallel in the dairy ritual of the Todas of the Nilghiri hills.

Dr. Rivers, in his work on the Todas (Macmillan, 1906, p. 453), in summing up his impressions of their worship, observes that "the attitude of worship which is undoubtedly present in the Toda mind is becoming transferred from the gods themselves to the material objects used in the service of the gods." "The religious attitude of worship is being transferred from the gods themselves _to the objects round which centres the ritual of the dairy_." These objects are mainly the bells of the buffaloes and the dairy vessels; and an explicit account of them, the reverence in which they are held, and the prayers in which they are mentioned, will be found in the fifth, sixth, and eighth chapters of Dr. Rivers' work, which, as an account of what seems to be a religion atrophied by over-development of ritual, is in many ways of great interest to the student of Roman religious experience. The following sentence will appeal to the readers of these Lectures:--

"The Todas seem to show us how the over-development of the ritual aspect of religion may lead to atrophy of those ideas and beliefs through which the religion has been built up; and then how, in its turn, the ritual may suffer, and acts which are performed mechanically, with no living ideas behind them, may come to be performed carelessly and incompletely, while religious observances which involve trouble and discomfort may be evaded or completely neglected."

Whether the worship of the _ollae_ was a part of the original ritual of the Brethren, or grew up after its revival by Augustus, it is impossible to determine. But if we can allow the dairy ritual of the Todas to help us in the matter, we may conclude that in any case it was not really primitive, and that it was a result of that process of over-ritualisation to which must also be ascribed the _piacula_ caused by the growth of a fig-tree on the roof of the temple, and the three Sondergötter Adolenda Commolenda Deferunda. (See above p. 161 foll., and Henzen, _Acta Fratr. Arv._ p. 147.)

INDEX

Acca Larentia, 67

Acolytes, 177

Adolenda, 162

Addenda Commolenda Deferunda, 162, 490

Aedes Vestae: _see_ Vesta

Aediles, plebeian, 255

Aemilius Paulus, 340, 362, 433

_Aeneid_, the, 119, 206, 230, 250, 251; as a means of understanding the spirit of the Roman religion, 254; a poem of religion and morals, 409-425

Aesculapius, 260

_Ager paganus_: lustration, 80, 213 _Romanus_: lustration, 78, 100

Agriculture, the economic basis of Roman life, 99; festivals, _see_ Festivals

Agrippa, 442, 443

Alba Longa, 109, 128

Alban Mount: Latin festival, 172; temple of Jupiter Latiaris, 237, 238, 245

Alexander, Archibald, on faith, 472

Ambarvalia, procession of the, 214, 218, 442

Amburbium, 214, 218, 332

Amulets, 42, 59, 60, 74, 84

Ancilia, 97; lustration, 96, 217; moving, 36

Angerona, 117

Animism, 65, 122, 148, 164, 287

Anna Perenna: festival, 65, 105, 346; Ovid's account of, 473

Antoninus Pius, 429

Apollo, 257, 449; cult of, 268; associated with Diana, 443, 446; with Latona, 262; the Pythian, 323; temple, 443-445; institution of Apolline games, 326

Appius Claudius, 300

Aquaelicium, ceremony of the, 50, 52

_Ara_, meaning of, 146

Ara Maxima in the Forum Boarium 29, 230

Ara Pacis of Augustus, 177, 437, 448

Argei: festival, 36, 65; puppets thrown into the Tiber, 54, 105, 321, 322; chapels called, 321, 322

Armilustrium, 97

Army: lustration of, 96, 100, 215, 217

Arnobius, 51, 52, 459, 461, 465

Artemis, 235, 443

Arval Brethren: _see_ Fratres Arvales

Asclepios, 260

Astrology, 396-398, 401

Ateius Capito, 441

Athene Polias, 234

Attalus, king of Pergamus, 330

Atticus, Cicero's letters to, 385

Attus Navius, soothsayer, 297

_Augurium canarium_, 310

Augurs, 174-176, 193, 271, 276; and the art of divination, 292-309; in relation to the Rex, 301; art strictly secret, 301; compared with pontifices, 303 lore preserved in books, 303; political importance, 305

Augustus, 35, 133, 213, 344; revival of religion, 428-447; his connection with Virgil, 428; pontifex maximus, 433; restoration of temples, 433-434; revival of ancient ritual, 434-436; restorer of the _pax deorum_, 438

Aurelius, Marcus, 456

_Auspicia_, 175, 214; in life of family, 299; in State operations, 300; indissolubly connected with _imperuim_, 301

Aust, on religion of the family, 68; on Roman deities, 157; on prayer, 198; on reaction against the _ius divinum_, 349

Aventine: plebeian quarter, 255; temples, 95, 147, 233, 234, 237, 244, 484

Axtell, Harold L., on Fortuna, 245

Bacchic rites, introduction of, 344-348

Bailey, Cyril, cited, 400

Beans, used to get rid of ghosts, 85, 107; taboo on eating, 91, 98

Bellona, connection with Mars, 166

Bibulus, 305

Binder, Dr., on the plebs, 23, 86, 242, 289, 393

Birds, used in augury, 293, 296, 299, 302

Birth, spirits invoked at, 83, 84, 164

Blood: taboo on, 33; mystic use of, 33, 34, 82; not prominent in Roman ritual, 180-181; consecration through, 194; wine as substitute for, 196

Boissier, G., 391; on the _Aeneid_, 414, 427

Bona Dea, 484

Bouché-Leclercq, M., on divination, 310

Boundary festivals: _see_ Terminalia

Boundary stones, 81-82, 212; sprinkled with blood of victims, 34, 82, 196

_Bulla_ worn by children, 60, 74

Burial places _loca religiosa_, 37, 385

Bussell, F. W., cited, 366, 367

Caesar, Julius: belief in spells, 59; calendar, 95; pontifex maximus, 305; and the priesthood, 343

Caesar-worship, 437, 438, 456

Caird, Professor, 357; on Reason in man, 368, 373

Cakes: honey, 82; sacred, 83, 130, 141, 180, 183, 184, 274, 449; _see also_ Salt-cake

Calendar, the ancient religious, 12, 14, 34, 38, 55, 65, 217, 225; described, 94-109; in relation to agricultural life, 100-102, 282, 295; festivals necessarily fixed, 102; a matter of routine, 103; its psychological result, 104-105; a document of religious law, 106; exclusion of the barbarous and grotesque, 107; attributed to Numa Pompilius, 108 Julian, 95

Calpurnius Piso, L.: _see_ Piso

_Camilli_ and _camillae_, 177, 195

Campus Martius, 34, 447; lustrum of censors, 203, 210, 215, 219

Cannae, religious panic after the battle of, 319

Cantorelli, on the _annales maximi_, 290

Capitolium, 238, 239, 246, 339; _Carmen saeculare_ sung, 444-445; temples, 95, 115, 146, 203, 239, 242, 245, 254, 266, 433, 443, 447

Caprotinae, Nonae, 143

Cardea, 76; connection with Janus, 485

Caristia, 418, 457

_Carmen_, meaning of, 186; used at siege of Carthage, 206, 219 _Arvale_, 78, 132, 186, 187, 436 used by _Attiedii_, 187 _saeculare_, 431, 432, 439, 443-447, 450, 451 _Saliare_, 186

Carmenta, 36, 122, 297

Carmentalia, 98

Carna, 117

Carter, J. B., on cult-titles, 153; on the Latins, 229-230; on Castor-cult, 232, 244; on Diana, 236; on Fortuna, 245; on Hercules, 231; on Janus, 141; on Juno, 144; on the Manes, 386; on Mars, 133; on Poseidon-Neptune, 260

Cassius Hemina, 349, 356

Castor and Pollux, 231, 244; temple, 231, 244

Cato, the Censor, 121, 132, 182-184, 251, 296, 298, 340

Catullus, on death, 387

Censors, lustrum of the, 203, 210, 215, 219

Census, 215, 218

Cerealia, 100, 121, 269

Ceres, 100, 121, 139, 161, 162, 260, 435, 446; temple, 255, 269

Cerfius, or Cerus, 158

Chaldeans, 296; expelled from Rome, 397, 402

Charms, 59-62; _see also_ Amulets

Chickens, sacred, as omens, 314, 315

Children: purificatory rites, 28; naming of, 28-29, 42; amulets and _bulla_ worn by, 42, 60, 74, 84; dedication of, 204-205

Christianity, early: contributions from the Roman religion, 452-467; the Greek and Latin fathers compared, 458-459; its relation to morality, 471

Cicero, 58, 178, 296, 309; on religiousness of the Romans, 249-250; on Titus Coruncanius, 281-282; on divination, 299, 312; on interest of the gods in human affairs, 360; on Stoicism, 365-368, 377; on relation of man to God, 370; affected by revival of Pythagoreanism, 381, 383, 389; turns to mysticism, 384, 388; his letters to Atticus, 385; his Somnium Scipionis, 383, 386, 412; belief in a future life, 389; definition of _religio_, 460

Claudius, Emperor, 309, 438

Claudius Pulcher, P., 315 Quadrigarius, 39

Cleanthes, hymn of, 368, 377

Clusius (or Clusivius), cult-title of Janus, 126

Coinquenda, 162

Colonia, religious rites at founding of, 170

Compitalia, 61, 78, 81, 88, 102

Concordia, 285

Conditor, 161

_Confarreatio_, marriage by, 83, 130, 274

_Coniuratio_, 347, 348, 356

_Consolatio_, 388

Constantius, 430

Consualia, 101, 139

Consuls, annual ceremony at the Capitoline temple, 203, 219, 239-240

Consus, 285; connection with Ops, 482

Convector, 161

Conway, Professor, on Quirinus and Quirites, 143

Cook, A. B., on Jupiter, 128, 141; on Janus, 140; on Quirinus and Quirites, 143

Corn deities, Greek, 255, 259

_Corpus Inscriptionum_, 13, 201

Coruncanius, Titus, 271, 279, 281, 290

Coulanges, Fustel de, on the Lar, 77

Crawley, Mr., on the fatherhood of gods, 157; on religion and morality, 227, 242

Cremation, 382, 395, 398, 401

Crooke, Mr., on luck in odd numbers, 98

Cult-titles, invention of, 153

Cumont, Professor, on the religion of the Romans, 2; on Jupiter, 246

Cunina, 159

Cuq, on civil and religious law, 486

_Cura et caerimonia_, Cicero's expression, 81, 104, 106, 108, 145, 162, 170, 270, 282, 343, 434, 460

Curia, 138

Curiatius, 126

Cynics, the, 372

Days, lucky and unlucky, 38-41; _see also_ Dies

De Marchi, on votive offerings, 201, 202

Dea Dia, 146; description of rites, 435-436; veneration for utensils used, 436; temple, 161, 436

Dead: disposal of the, 45, 84, 121, 395, 401; cult, 91, 102, 457, 470; festivals, 40, 112, 418; contrast between Lemuria and Parentalia, 107, 393-395

Decemviri, 259, 317, 318, 326

Decius Mus, self-sacrifice of, 206-207, 220, 286, 320

Deities, Roman: _see also_ Numen _and_ Spirits; sources of our knowledge of, 114-115; mental conception of the Romans regarding, 115-117, 122-123, 139-140, 145, 147, 157, 224-225; _di indigetes_, 117, 139, 149, 180, 214; functional spirits with will-power, 119; the four great gods, 124-134; epithets of Pater and Mater applied to, 137, 155-157; the question of marriage, 148-152, 166, 350, 481-485; fluctuation between male and female, 148-149; nomenclature, 118, 149-156, 163; compared with Greek gods, 158; presence of, at meals, 172-173, 193; introduction of new, 96, 229-242, 255-262; women's, _see_ Women

Delphic oracle consulted during Hannibalic war, 323-324, 326

Demeter, 255; supersession of Ceres by, 100

Deubner, Professor, his theory of the Lupercalia, 138, 478-480

_Devotio_, 206-209, 219-221; formula, 207-208, 220; sacrificial nature, 207, 220

Di Manes: _see_ Manes

Di Penates: _see_ Penates

Diana: associated with Janus, 76, 125, 166; connection with Artemis, 235, 443; with Apollo, 443, 446; with Hercules, 262; functions, 234-236; temples, 95, 147, 234, 237, 244

_Dies comitiales_, 103 _endotercisi_, 181 _fasti_, 98, 103, 181 _lustricus_, 28, 42, 90 _nefasti_, 38, 40, 98, 103, 181 _postriduani_, 39, 40 _religiosi_, 38-40, 105

Dieterich, on disposal of the dead, 401

Dill, Professor, on Roman worship, 200

Dionysius of Halicarnassus, 130, 193, 215, 234, 250

Dionysus: identified with Liber, 255, 344; ritual, in Greece, 344-345; outbreak of Dionysiac orgies in Italy, 344

Dis, black victims sacrificed to, 440

Dius Fidius, connection with Jupiter, 130, 142

Divination, 56, 180; a universal instinct of human nature, 292, 306; connection with magic, 293, 310; views on the origin of, 293; formalised by State authorities, 295, 300; private, 295; quack diviners, 296-298; _auspicia_ of family religion, 298-300; public, 301; duties of the Rex, 302; lore preserved in books, 303; divination by lightning, 51, 52, 304, 305, 307, 309; no lasting value in sphere of religion, 306; a clog on progress, 307; sinister influence of Etruscan divination on Rome, 307

Dobschütz, on Christianity, 455

Dogs: sacrifices: _see_ Sacrifices

Dolabella, Cornelius, 342

Döllinger, Dr., on the Flamen Dialis, 112; on prayer, 468

Domaszewski, von, cited, 99, 110, 154, 167; definition of _numen_, 119; on the cult epithets of Janus, 140; on Juno, 144; on evolution of _dei_ out of functional _numina_, 165

Duhn, Professor von, cited, 31, 89

Dynamic theory of sacrifice, 177, 184, 190, 194

Earthquakes, expiation of, 339

Eilithyia, Greek deity of childbirth, 442, 446, 449

Ennius, cited, 65, 152, 183, 298, 322, 350, 351, 356

Epictetus, 369, 372

Epicurism, 352, 358, 360, 361, 375, 376, 381, 404, 453

Epicurus, 359

Epulum Iovis: _see_ Jupiter

Equirria, 96, 99, 217

Eschatology, Christian: preparation of the Roman mind for, 454

Esquiline, 87, 395

Etruscans, 17; domination in Rome, 237, 239, 245, 258; art of divination, 299, 304; sinister influence on Rome, 307, 346, 347, 391

Evil spirits, 11, 29, 75, 76, 84, 93; wolf's fat as a charm against, 90

_Evocatio_, 58, 206

_Excantatio_, 58, 482

_Extipicina_, Etruscan rite of, 180

Fabius Pictor, 161, 261, 318, 320, 323, 326

Falacer, 122

Family (_familia_): origin and meaning of, 70, 86; religion in the, 68, 70, 73, 92, 116, 224, 226-228, 251, 270, 274, 298-300; description of the house, 72-73, 87; its holy places, 73; spirits of the household: _see_ Spirits; the Lar familiaris, 77; position of slaves, 78; _religio terminorum_, 82; marriage, 83; childbirth, 83; burial of the dead, 73, 92; maintenance of the _sacra_, 274-275

_Fanum_, meaning of, 146

_Far_, sacred cakes of, 45, 83, 130, 141, 180, 274

Farnell, Dr., cited, 19, 27, 160, 161, 205; on the vow of the _ver sacrum_, 219; on Dionysiac ritual, 345, 355

Farreus, connection with Jupiter, 130

_Fas_, early usage of, 487-488

Fasti: _see_ Calendar

Faunalia, 137

Faunus, 81, 89, 297, 479; connection with Lupercalia, 117

_Februum_, meaning of, 210, 222

Feretrius, cult-title of Jupiter: _see_ Jupiter

Feriae Iovis, 129 Latinae, 40, 61, 172

Feronia, 284, 318

Ferrero, on the _Carmen saeculare_, 431, 450; on the _ludi saeculares_, 440

Fertility, customs to produce, 100, 106, 143, 210, 222, 479

Festivals, 78-81, 97, 105; agricultural, 34, 82, 98, 100, 120; harvest, 98, 101, 121; vintage, 100, 129; of the dead: _see_ Dead; Latin festival on Alban mount, 172; in calendar, necessarily fixed, 95, 99, 102; women's: _see_ Women

Festus, 33, 61, 141, 217

Fetiales, 31, 130, 143, 157, 251, 434, 488

Fides, 154, 446, 450; connection with Jupiter, 167

Fig-tree: sprouting of, on roof of temple, 162; _piacula_ offered to various deities, 436, 490

Flamen Cerealis, 161, 163 Dialis, 32, 112, 124, 129, 193, 239, 246, 327, 342, 479; insignia, 177; taboos on, 33-35, 44, 45, 108, 109, 327, 342, 343 Martialis, 124, 131, 142, 341 Quirinalis, 124, 131, 134, 139, 142, 181, 197, 342, 434 Volcanalis, 484

Flamines, 113, 122, 123, 175, 193, 280, 341, 434; insignia, 177; personal purity essential, 178, 195

Flaminica Dialis, 135, 144; insignia, 177; taboos on, 35-36

Flaminius, 315, 317, 338, 340

Flora, 122

Fons, 117, 285

Forculus, the door spirit, 76

Fordicidia, 100, 120, 121

Fornacalia, 173

Fortuna (Fors Fortuna), 201, 235, 245, 284, 297, 396, 401

Forum Boarium, human sacrifices, 112, 320

Fratres Arvales: Acta Fratrum Arvalium, 161, 213, 435; altar, 164; carmen, 78, 132, 186, 187, 436; ritual of, 35, 100, 146, 149, 157, 162, 182, 191, 195, 213; revived by Augustus, 434; duties of the Brethren, 435; worship of sacred utensils, 489-490 Attiedii, 157, 187, 215

Frazer, Dr. J. G., his definition of religion, 8; his theory of divine kingship, 19, 20, 49, 51, 52, 115, 128, 140; on totemism, 25, 26; on taboo, 30, 34, 47; on _oscilla_, 61, 62, 67; on the Parilia, 100, 222; on marriage of gods, 144, 149, 150, 152, 155, 156, 165, 350, 481-485; on cult of Jupiter, 167; on appointment of _camillae_, 177, 195; on Diana, 235; on superstition, 264

Fulgur, cult-title of Jupiter, 129

Furrina, 18, 117, 122

Gallus, Aelius, on _religiosum_, 37

Games instituted to divert attention in times of trouble, 262-263; Apolline, 326; _see also_ Ludi

Gardner, Professor E., cited, 355

Gardner, Professor P., on Christianity, 452; on prayers for the dead, 457; cited, 465

Gellius, Aulus, on the conjunction of divine names, 150-152; story of Scipio, 240; on religiousness of the Romans, 250

Genius: the male principle of life, 30, 92, 154, 317, 332; of the paterfamilias, 30; doubtful identification of Hercules with, 30; in combination with Hercules and Juventas, 332; Juno the feminine counterpart of, 87

Gennep, M. van, on taboo, 42, 44; on religious ceremonies, 65, 90, 442; on lustrations, 211, 212

_Gentes_, 69, 259

_Georgics_, the religious spirit of the, 407

Ghosts, 75, 85, 91, 92, 107

Gilds, trade, 230

Glover, Mr., on Christianity, 456

God, as represented in the _Aeneid_, 426

Gods: _see_ Deities

Gratitude, not a prominent characteristic of the Roman, 252, 267

Greek comedy, influence on Roman religion, 351-353 gods, compared with Roman, 158; introduced into Rome, 230-242 literature, 296 philosophy, influence on Roman religion, 357-375

Greenidge, Dr., on the _auspicia_ and the _imperium_, 301

Gregory the Great, 475

Gwatkin, Professor, on Augustine, 469; on the relation of early Christianity to morality, 471

Haddon, Professor, on supernaturalism, 21

Hades, 390, 391

Hannibalic War: revival of _religio_, 315, 317; Sibylline books consulted, 316-319, 329; sacrifices and offerings made to deities, 318; religious panic after battle of Cannae, 319; human sacrifices, 320; Delphic oracle consulted, 323, 324, 326; outbreak of _lascivia_, 324; institutio$1 $2 Apolline games, 326; religious history of last years, 327-329; gratitude to deities, 329; the Magna Mater of Pessinus brought to Rome, 330

Hardie, Professor, and the double altar in connection with funeral rites, 425

Hariolus, 297, 298, 311

Harrison, Miss, on covering the head at sacrifices, 195

Haruspices, 296, 313, 337, 338, 397; history of the, 307-309

Hebe, 332

Heinze, on the _Aeneid_, 413-415, 419, 426, 427

Heitland, Mr., on Bacchanalia, 346, 356

Heracleitus, 257

Hercules: associated with Diana, 262; with Juno, 17; in combination with Juventas and Genius, 317, 332; doubtful identification with Genius, 30; identified with the Greek Heracles, 230, 243; Victor or Invictus, 230, 231, 236, 243, 244; cult of, 231, 244; festival, 243; worship confined to men, 29

Hermes, 260

Hirtzel, Mr., cited, 426

Homer, religion of, compared with that of Roman patricians, 392

Honey cakes, 82

Honos et Virtus, 285, 446; temple, 328

Horace, 81, 299, 403, 405; _Carmen saeculare_, 431-432, 439, 443-447, 450, 451

Hora Quirini, 482-483

Horses: lustrations, 96, 215; races, 97; sacrifice of, _see_ Sacrifices

Howerth, Ira W., his definition of religion, 8

Hubert et Mauss, on magic, 64, 65; on sacrifice, 190, 194, 195, 198

Human sacrifice, 33, 44, 107, 112, 226, 320, 440

Hut-urns, sepulchral, 87, 477

Huts or booths, use of, in religious ritual, 473-477

Huvelin, M., on magic, 64

Ides, 39, 65, 95, 251, 484; sacred to Jupiter, 129

Iguvium: ritual, 22, 138, 181, 197; lustration of the _arx_, 187, 214, 215; of the people, 31, 208, 215-216

Images and statues of gods, 146, 147, 165, 239, 262, 264, 336, 337; statue of Athene, 355

Immortality, belief in, 69, 386-387, 389, 424

Imporcitor, 161

_Inauguratio_ of the priest-king Numa, 174-175, 193

Incense, 164, 180, 330, 458

Indigetes, di, 117, 139, 149, 180, 214

Indigitamenta, 76, 84, 88, 130, 138, 153, 159-161, 163, 165, 168, 281, 286, 291

Individualism, growth of, 240, 266, 287, 340, 358, 411, 456

Innocent, Bishop of Rome, 309

Iron, tabooed in religious ceremonies, 32, 35, 45, 214

Isis: religion, 455, 456; temple, 433

_Ius_, early usage of, 486-487 _augurale_, 296 _civile_, 5, 169; and the _ius divinum_, 58, 276-279 _divinum_, 13, 24, 33, 38, 49, 68, 104, 106, 107, 128, 146, 227, 228, 241, 271-273, 286, 287, 296, 345; and the _ius civile_, 58, 276-279; ritual, 169-191, 467; the pontifical books the pharmacopoeia of, 286; decay and neglect, 203, 314, 327, 352, 353; reaction against, 324, 340-344, 348; Augustan revival, 429 _hospitii_, 31, 32 _Manium_, 387

Janus: the door spirit, 76, 127, 146; bifrons of the Forum, 77; speculations regarding, 125, 140, 141; cult-titles, 126; worship, 183, 212; connection with Cardea, 485; with Diana, 76, 125, 166; with Juno, 126, 135; with Vesta, 140, 145; temple, 126

Jebb, Professor, on poetry of the Greeks, 424

Jevons, Dr., 19; on totemism, 26; on taboo, 28, 41; on magic, 48, 186; on priests, 176

Jews, proselytising, expelled from Rome, 139 B.C., 397, 402

Jhering, von, on origin of Roman divination, 293, 294, 311

Jordan, H., 13; on pairing of deities, 152

Junius, 315

Juno, 121, 479; Caprotina, 143; Curitis, 144; Moneta, 135; Populonia, 144; Regina, (of Ardea) 318, (of the Aventine) 318, 329, (of Veii) 135, 206, 284; Sospita, 318, 354; connection with Hercules, 17; with Janus, 126, 135; with Jupiter, 136, 144, 166, 443, 444, 446; one of the Etruscan trias, 94, 237; representative of female principle, 17, 87, 135, 144; temples, 135, 172, 237, 328, 329, 354

Junonius, cult-title of Janus, 126

Jupiter, 115, 118, 124, 127, 128, 141, 143, 147, 159, 183, 212; difference between Jupiter and Zeus, 141; connection with Diana, 76; with Dius Fidius, 130, 142, 167, 450; with Juno, 136, 144, 166, 443, 444, 446; with Juturna, 485; with Tellus, 121; with Terminus, 82; Capitolinus, 120, 129, 204, 205, 237, 238, 240, 241, 318, 319, 333, 367; Dapalis, 141; Elicius, 36, 50-52, 129, 137; Fagutalis, 141; Farreus, 130; Feretrius, 129, 433; Fulgur, 129; Grabovius, 187; Latiaris, 237, 238; Lucetius, 129; Sabazius, 402; Summanus, 129; one of the Etruscan trias, 94, 172, 237, 336; cult at Praeneste, 167; cult-titles Optimus Maximus, 129, 238; Ides sacred to, 129; worshipped on Alban Mount, 109, 128, 172; epulum Iovis, 172, 263, 268, 336, 338, 353; temples, 95, 115, 129, 146, 172, 237-238, 241, 245, 246, 254, 266, 433, 443

Juturna, 284, 285; connection with Jupiter, 485

Juventas, in combination with Genius and Hercules, 317, 332

Kalends, 39, 95, 126, 135, 251, 484

Kobbert, Maximilianus, on _religio_, 46

Kronos, identified with Saturnus, 118

Lactantius, 156, 165, 388, 459, 461, 462, 469

Lang, Mr., 19; cited in connection with the calendar of Numa, 105

_Lapis_: _see_ Stones

Laralia: _see_ Compitalia

Larentia, Acca, 67

Lar familiaris, 77, 78, 92, 251

Lares compitales, 61, 117, 132, 186

Latin Festival: _see_ Feriae Latinae

Latins, the, 10, 23, 25, 86, 123, 130, 172, 193, 229

Latona, associated with Apollo, 262

Laughing, in ritual of Lupercalia, 106, 111

Laurel branches carried in procession, 265

Lawson, J. C., on burial and cremation, 91, 400, 401

Leather, tabooed in the worship of Carmenta, 36

Lecky, Mr., on Stoicism, 362, 377

Lectisternium, 263-266, 268, 317-319, 327

_Leges regiae_, connection with the _ius divinum_, 272

Leland, C. G., 67

Lemuria, 40, 85, 98, 107, 401; compared with the Parentalia, 393-395

Lepidus, pontifex maximus, 433, 438

Liber, 158, 260, 332; identified with Dionysus, 255, 344; temple, 255

Libera, 260; identified with Persephone, 255

Liberalia, 332

Libitina, 159

Licinius Imbrex, 151

Licinius, P., pontifex maximus, 342

Lightning, divination by, 51, 52, 304, 305, 307, 309

Limentinus, spirit of the threshold, 76

Livius Andronicus, 328

Livy, cited, 170, 174, 204, 205, 216, 217, 252, 261, 264, 269, 280, 300, 316, 324, 405; on Bacchanalia, 346-348

Lua, 165, 481, 482

Lucaria, 98

Lucetius, cult-title of Jupiter, 129

Lucilius, 156, 183

Lucretius, cited, 352, 359, 360, 376, 387, 394, 396, 403-406, 453; his contempt for _superstitio_, 361, 367; on Roman belief in Hades, 390; his use of _religio_, 460

_Lucus_, meaning of, 146

_Ludi_, 44, 95, 122, 204: _see also_ Games _magni_, vowed to Jupiter during Hannibalic war, 319, 333 _saeculares_, 34, 431, 480; prayers used in, 198, 468; ritual described, 438-447; discovery of inscriptions, 439 _scenici_, 261, 263, 350

Lupercalia, 20, 34, 53, 65, 106, 118, 179, 194, 210, 393; whipping to produce fertility, 54, 479; Prof. Deubner's theory, 137, 478-480

Luperci, 34, 54, 106, 434, 479

Lupercus, 478

Lustrations: meaning of _lustrare_, 209-210; lustration of the _ager paganus_, 80, 213; of the _ager Romanus_, 78, 100; of _ancilia_, 96, 217; of the army, 96, 100, 215, 217; of the _arx_ of Iguvium, 187, 199; of cattle and sheep, 100; of the city, 214, 317; of the farm, 132, 212; of horses, 96, 215; of people, 31, 216; of trumpets, 96, 215; animistic conception of, 211; ultimately adapted by Roman Church to its own ritual, 211, 218, 457

Luthard, on Roman religion, 288

Macrobius, cited, 28, 196, 206, 208, 219, 220, 484

_Macte esto_, meaning of the phrase, 182, 183, 197, 442

Magic: allied to taboo, 27, 47; contagious and homoeopathic, 48; and divination, 293, 309; harmless, 59; prayers and incantations, 185, 186, 198; private, 57, 68; in purificatory processes, 210; and religion, 47-49, 56, 224, 253; rigorously excluded from State ritual, 49, 57, 105, 107, 224; sympathetic, 50, 55

Magna Mater of Pessinus, brought to Rome, 330, 344, 348

Maia, 165, 166; connection with Volcanus, 151, 484

Maiestas, 151, 484

_Mana_, the positive aspect of taboo, 27, 30, 42, 48, 60

Manes, 39, 50, 75, 85, 92, 102, 106, 121, 208, 320, 341, 391, 392; individualisation of, 386; Di Manes, 341, 386

Mania, mother of the Lares, 61

Manilius, his poem on astrology, 396

Mannhardt, his theory of the Vegetation-spirit, 19-20, 478; on laughing in ritual of the Lupercalia, 111-112

Marcellus, 315, 328

Marcius, Latin oracles supposed to be written by, 326

Marcius Rex, praetor, 339

Marcus Aurelius, 369, 429

Marett, Mr., on taboo, 42, 45; on _sacrificium_, 192; on divination, 310

Marquardt, on Roman religion, 13, 16; on naming of children, 42

Marriage: a religious ceremony, 83, 177, 274, 279; Tellus an object of worship at, 121; among deities, 148-152, 166, 350, 481-485

Mars, 124, 129, 147, 204, 208, 215, 246, 319; various forms of his name, 131; as a married god, 150-152, 166; invocations to, 186, 212; connection with Bellona, 166; with Nerio, 150-151, 166; with Quirinus, 134, 150; pater, 212; Silvanus, 29, 132, 142; cult of, 132-134; festival, 96-97; temple, 133

Martianus Capella, 308

Masson, Dr., 357, 395; on Roman fear of future torments, 391

Mastarna, Etruscan name of Servius Tullus, 237, 246

Masurius Sabinus, 90

Matutinus, cult-title of Janus, 126

Meals, sacrificial, 172, 173, 193, 436; epulum Iovis: _see under_ Jupiter

Megalesia, 330

Mens, 285

Mercurius (Hermes), 260, 262, 268, 484

Messor, 161

Mildew, spirit of the: _see_ Robigus

Minerva, one of the Etruscan trias, 94, 237; name Italian, not Etruscan, 234, 245; associated with trade gilds, 233, 234, 236; Capta, 284; temples, 172, 233, 234, 244

Minium, faces painted with, 82, 115, 336

Minucius Felix, 461

Mithras, religion of, 455, 456, 464

Moirae (Parcae), 442, 446

_Mola salsa_: _see_ Salt-cake

Moles, 150, 154, 158

Mommsen, cited, 200, 440; and the religion of the Romans, 2; on the _Fasti anni Romani_, 95, 96, 111; on _Carmen saeculare_, 444

Mucius Scaevola: _see_ Scaevola

_Murus_, 94

Mysticism, 380-398, 404; in the form of astrology, 396, 401; not native to the Roman, 454

Neo-Pythagoreanism: _see_ Mysticism

Neptunalia, 474

Neptunus, 117; identified with Poseidon, 118, 260; connection with Salacia, 150, 483; with Mercurius, 262

Nerio: connection with Mars, 150-151, 166; meaning of Nerio Martis, 150, 154

Nettleship, Professor, on the phrase _macte esto_, 197; on the character of Aeneas, 410, 427; on _sanctus_, 470

Nigidius Figulus, 299, 384, 397

Nones, 39, 95, 251; Nonae Caprotinae, 143

Numa Pompilius, priest-king: Livy's account of his _inauguratio_, 174-175; legends, 108, 115, 170, 180, 233, 322; Calendar described, 92-109; spurious books found in stone coffin, 349, 381

Numbers, mystic, 98, 328, 334, 441, 449

_Numen_, 34, 111, 250, 264, 364, 365, 367, 407; meaning of the word, 118; von Domaszewski's definition of, 119; evolution of _dei_ out of functional _numina_, 165; _see also_ Spirits _and_ Deities

Oak-gods, 125, 129, 141, 143

Oaths: connection of Castor and Pollux with, 232; of Hercules, 231; of Jupiter, 130; taken in open air, 141-142; the religious, in public life, 358, 375; used by women, 244; taboo on, 343, 355

Oberator, 161

October horse, 20, 34, 65, 106; sacrifice of, 45, 105, 179

Odd numbers, luck in, 98

_Ollae_, worship of, 489-490

Opalia, 101

Opiconsiva, 101

Ops, 156; connection with Consus, 482; with Saturnus, 482

Oracles, 339, 354; _see also_ Delphic oracle

Orcus, 166; the old name for the abode of the Manes, 391, 392; sacrifice of captives to, 44

Orosius, 333

Orphic doctrine, 381; tablets, 398

Oscilla, 61, 67; Dr. Frazer's theory, 61; _see also_ Puppets

Otto, W., on connection of _religio_ with practice of taboo, 46

Ovid, on Roman gods, 22; his picture of the Sementivae, 79, 80; rite of pagus, 82; on the Lemuria, 107, 112, 394; on Janus, 125; on images of gods, 147; on the Robigalia, 181, 196, 197, 434; on meals at sacrifices, 193; on the word _februum_, 210; on annual ceremony by consuls, 219; on the festival of Anna Perenna, 346, 473

Paganalia, 61, 62, 67, 102

Pagus: the _familia_ in relation to, 71; meaning of the word, 87; festival of the Lar, 78; other festivals, 79; the _religio terminorum_, 81-82; lustrations of the, 213, 214

Pais, on Acca Larentia, 67; on the Tarquinii and Mastarna, 245

Palatine: _Carmen saeculare_ sung on the, 443-447, 450; temple of Apollo, 443-445

Pales, 122, 149

Panaetius: and the Scipionic circle, 363-364, 453; his theology, 365; and Platonic psychology, 382, 398

Pantheism, Stoic, 366-368

Papirius, the consul, 314, 315, 331

Parentalia, 40, 107, 387, 401, 418, 457; compared with the Lemuria, 393-395

Parilia, 100, 120, 193, 222, 474

Pater and Mater, as applied to deities, 155-157

Patricians, 259, 304; religious system a monopoly of, 229

Patulcius, cult-title of Janus, 126

Pax (deity), 446, 451

_Pax deorum_, 169, 224, 261, 264, 272, 276, 286, 302, 328, 329; means towards maintenance of, 171, 180, 273, 300; violation of, 320; re-established by Augustus, 429, 431, 433

Pebble-rain, 316, 329, 332

Penates, 73, 74, 86, 92, 116, 193

Persephone, 255

Peter, R., on Indigitamenta, 160

Petronius, on ceremony of the aquaelicium, 64

Philodemus, 359, 375

Picus, 297

_Pietas_, 174, 227, 250, 254, 387, 405, 409-412, 466; meaning of, 462-463; Virgil's word for religion, 412

Piso, L. Calpurnius, 51-53, 484

_Pius_, 63, 462; see _Pietas_

Plague, Sibylline books consulted at outbreak of, 261

Plato, 258, 381

Plautus, 151, 351-352

Playwrights, their influence on Roman religion, 240, 351, 353

Plebeians, 105, 170; aediles, 255; the Plebs as the original inhabitants of Latium, 242, 259, 268, 289; emotional tendency of, 263-264; opening of priesthoods to, 268, 271, 279; increase of importance under the Etruscan dynasty, 275; first plebeian praetor, 279; pontifex maximus: _see_ Coruncanius, Titus

Pliny, 51, 256; on spells and charms, 53, 57, 59, 60, 65, 66, 90, 186; on human sacrifice, 320; on death, 388, 400

Polybius, cited, 250, 253, 316, 363, 369, 390; on religion, 336

_Pomoerium_, 94, 214, 225, 230, 231

Pomona (or Pomunus), 122, 149; connection with Vertumnus, 485

Pompeianus, prefect of Rome, 309

Pomponius, 278, 289

Pons sublicius: no iron used in building, 35; Argei thrown from, 54, 105, 321

Pontifex Maximus, 175, 271, 280, 341; _tabula_ kept by, 283; compelling power of, 342, 355

Pontifices, 120, 177, 200, 341; share in festivals, 106, 139; the question of their origin, 180, 195, 271; insignia of, 193; College of, 271; open to plebeians, 268, 271, 279; legal side of their work, 272-276; the XII. Tables, 58, 276-278, 289; self-elected, 276; abolition of legal monopoly, 279; work of, in third century B.C., 282; admission of new deities, 284; compilation of annals, 285; collection of religious formulae, 287; the Pontifical books, 76, 159, 182, 197, 283, 285-286

_Porca praecidanea_, rite of the, 121, 183, 191

Portunus, 118, 122

Poseidon, identified with Neptunus, 118

Posidonius, 250, 365, 367, 382-384, 398

Prayers, 76, 106, 126, 153, 215, 224, 225, 251; at the _inauguratio_ of the priest-king Numa, 175; at making of new clearing, 169, 182; at sacrifices, 181-191; at flowering of the pear-trees, 182; when wine is offered, 182; for the ceremony of lustration, 183; form and manner of Roman, 185, 189, 196; magical survivals in, 188-189; in ritual of _Ludi saeculares_, 442, 449, 468

_Precatio_, 53, 166

Priests: _see_ Pontifices

Processions: of _lustratio_, adapted to the ritual of the Roman Church, 211, 218, 457; of the _triumphus_, 217, 239-240; Roman fondness for, 263; _see also_ Lustrations

_Procuratio_, 316, 328; _fulminis_, 115

_Prodigia_, 281, 316, 324, 325, 328, 338, 339, 354

Promitor, 161

Propertius, 22, 147, 403

Proserpina, black victims sacrificed to, 440

Pudor, 446

_Pulvinaria_, 337, 338

Punic War: _see_ Hannibalic War

Puppets: Argei thrown into Tiber, 54, 105, 321; oscilla, 61, 67

Purification: _see_ Lustrations

_Puticuli_, 395, 401

Pythagoras, legend of a religious connection between Numa and, 349, 381

Pythagoreanism, 349, 380-381

Pythagoreans, 98

Quindecemviri, 440, 442

Quinquatrus, 217

Quirinal, 134

Quirinus, 94, 118, 124, 143, 147, 246; identified with Mars, 134; with Romulus, 135

Quirites, 134, 143

Rain-making: _see_ Aquaelicium

Ramsay, Sir W. M., 465

Red colouring in sacred rites and its connection with blood, 89, 177, 194

Redarator, 161

Regia, 45, 105, 106, 271, 288; sacrarium Martis in, 133, 208

Regifugium, 99

Reinach, M. Salomon, cited, 26, 42, 114, 131, 481

_Religio_, 9, 28, 30, 36, 38, 72, 76, 83, 85, 93, 104, 106, 174, 223, 227, 241, 248, 261, 263, 267, 270, 273, 282, 287, 294, 364, 405, 407; meanings and uses of the word, 21, 37, 41, 186, 192, 198, 249, 254, 385, 462, 470; Cicero's definition of, 460; and taboo, 34, 36, 40, 46; revival of, during Hannibalic war, 315, 317, 336-339

_Religio Larium_, 79 _terminorum_, 81, 82

Religion, definitions of, 7-9; and magic, 47-49, 56, 224, 253; and morality, 227, 242, 292, 466, 471; primitive, 25-28, 63, 69; real, a matter of feeling, 406

Roman: a highly formalised system, 3, 63, 103-104, 200, 226, 248-249, 340; compared with Roman law, 5; a technical subject, 6; its difficulties, 13; aid from archaeology and anthropology, 16-20, 25; primitive survivals in, 24, 30; examples of real magic in, 50, 53-54; a reality, 62-63, 103, 249; in the family, _see_ Family; of the State, 93, 105, 226-228, 270; the Calendar of Numa the basis of our knowledge of, 94-109; moral influence mainly disciplinary, 108, 228; Greek influence, 120, 255-262, 346, 350-353; Roman ideas of divinity, 115-117, 122-123, 145-164; ritual of the _ius divinum_, 169-222; personal purity essential in all worshippers, 178; discouraged individual development, 226; introduction of new deities, 96, 229-242, 255-262; priesthoods limited to patrician families, 229; religious instinct of the Romans, 249; neglect and decay, 263-265, 287, 314, 429; growth of individualism, 240, 266, 287, 340, 358, 411, 456; Sibylline influence, 242, 255-262; secularisation of, 270-291; sinister influence of Etruscan divination, 307-309, 346; _see_ Divination; used for political purposes, 336; attempt to propagate Pythagoreanism, 349-350, 381; destitution of Romans in regard to idea of God and sense of duty, 357-358; no remedy in Epicurism, 361; arrival of Stoicism: _see_ Stoicism _and_ Mysticism; belief in future torments, 390; religion compared with that of Homer, 392; early Christianity, 396; religious feeling in Virgil's poems, 403-427; Augustan revival, 428-451; contributions to the Latin form of Christianity, 452-472; _see also_ Prayer _and_ Sacrifice

Renan, cited, 185

Renel, M., cited, 26

Réville, M. Jean, on the formalism of the Roman religion, 3; his definition of religion, 8

Rex Nemoreusis, 235 sacrorum, 128, 174, 175, 180, 193, 207, 229, 271, 273, 341, 434; relation of the Rex to the augurs, 301-302

Ridgeway, Professor, on the Flamen Dialis, 112; on Janus, 140; on original inhabitants of Latium, 242, 393

Rivers, Dr., on the ritual aspect of religion among the Todas, 489-490

Robertson Smith, Professor, 19, 26, 27, 172, 221; on the Feast of the Tabernacles, 476

Robigalia, 139, 196

Robigus, 100, 117, 122, 146, 179, 434; Ovid's version of prayer to, 197

Roman Church, survival of old religious practices in the, 25, 211, 218, 456-458, 469

Romulus, 51, 130, 135

Roscher, Dr., 141

_Sacellum_, meaning of, 146

_Sacer_ and _sacramentum_, 36, 277, 464

Sacred utensils, worship of, 436, 489-490

Sacrifices, 29, 90, 224, 225; description of the act, 179-181; honorific, 172, 173; piacular, 35, 172, 173, 182, 189, 191, 208, 273, 436; sacramental, 141, 172; vicarious, 208; dynamic theory of, 177, 184, 190, 194; meals in connection with, 172, 173, 193, 436; mystic use of blood, 34, 82; victim must be acceptable to the deity, 179; women and strangers excluded from rites, 29-31; prayers at, 181-191; sacrifice of cakes, 82, 83, 180, 183, 184; cow, 100, 120, 436; dog, 181, 197, 216, 434; goat, 54, 106, 179, 479; horse, 34, 97, 105, 179; lamb, 37, 82, 436; ox, 132, 179, 212, 215, 444; pig, 82, 132, 170, 179, 212, 215, 436; red dog, 179, 310; salt-cake, 73, 207; sheep, 132, 179, 181, 212, 215, 434; sow, 121, 183; white heifer, 172, 177, 239; wine, 82, 180, 182-184, 196; _see also_ Human sacrifice

_Sacrificium_, meaning of, 171, 464

_Sacrum_, 171, 254

_Saeculum_, the old Italian idea of a, 440

St. Augustine, cited, 58, 76, 120, 149, 159, 163, 297, 430, 458; on Decius, 220

Sainte Beuve, on Virgil, 404

St. Paul, 455, 466-468

Salacia, 165; connection with Neptunus, 483

Salii, 40, 96, 110, 132, 133, 143, 176, 182, 217, 229, 434; ritual, 97 Collini, 134 Palatini, 134

Sallust, 405

Salt-cake, 73, 207

Salus, 154, 285

_Sanctus_, meaning of, 463-464, 470

Sarritor, 161

Saturnalia, 81, 99, 101-103, 107, 112

Saturnus, 101, 111, 118, 318; identified with Kronos, 118; connection with Consus, 482; with Ops, 482

Sayce, Professor, 155

Scaevola, P. Mucius, 283 Q. Mucius, 73, 86, 338, 353, 371

Scipio, the elder, 240, 247, 267, 340, 354; receives the Magna Mater at Rome, 330 Aemilianus, 198, 203-204, 340; his friendship with Polybius and Panaetius, 362-364, 369, 371

Scott, Sir Walter, compared with Virgil, 408

Sellar, Professor, on Virgil, 404, 406

Sementivae, festival, 79, 89

_Senatusconsultum de Bacchanalibus_, 347, 348, 356

Seneca, 369, 378, 438, 455

Septimontium, 110

Servius, cited, 58, 62, 119, 120, 134, 138, 142, 143, 146, 183, 184, 194, 210 Sulpicius, 371, 387 Tullius, 235; his Etruscan name Mastarna, 237

Sibyl of Cumae, 257-258

Sibylline books, 173, 242, 255-257, 261, 323; consulted during the Hannibalic war, 316-319, 329; used for personal and political purposes, 339

Silvanus, 76, 81, 89, 132, 142

Slaves, 53, 78, 395, 401, 474; Greek, buried alive in the _Forum boarium_, 112, 320

Sodales Titienses, 434

Sol, image of, on the Palatine, 445, 447, 450

Sondergötter, Usener's theory of, 161-164, 168

Spells, 48, 53, 57-59, 208, 221; origin of prayer in, 185, 189

Spes, 285

Spirits, 34, 58; agricultural, 161, 251, 285; dead, _see_ Ghosts; of the doorway, 75-76, 92, 127; evil, _see_ Evil spirits; household, 11, 68, 73, 74, 77, 83, 84, 86, 92, 104, 193; spring, 92; water, 285; woodland, 76, 81, 83, 92, 132; development into _dei_, 116, 117, 119, 120, 123-124, 161, 165; _see also_ Deities _and_ Numen

Spolia opima, 138, 141, 288; dedicated at temple of Jupiter Feretrius, 130, 433

Stanley, on religion and morality, 292

Statues and busts at Rome, first mention of, 340, 354; _see also_ Images

Stoicism, 359, 377, 381-383; introduced into Rome, 362; its influence on the Roman mind, 370-372, 404, 453; weak points in Roman, 372-374; failed to rouse an "enthusiasm of humanity," 375, 454

Stones: lapis manalis, 50; silex, 130; stone representing Magna Mater, 330; _see also_ Boundary stones

Strangers, fear of, 30-32

Stubbs, Bishop, 103

Subrincator, 161

Subterranean altar, black victims offered at, 440, 445

_Suffimenta_, 441, 442, 449

Sulpicius, consul 211 B.C., 337

Summanus, cult-title of Jupiter, 129

_Suovetaurilia_, 132, 212, 215

_Superstitio_, 106, 355, 361, 405; temple of Isis condemned as a centre of, 433

_Supplicatio_, 262, 265, 269, 337; ordered during Hannibalic war, 317, 319, 323, 325, 329

Tabernacles, Feast of the, 475, 476

Taboo, 25, 83, 223; definition of, 27; its ethical value, 28; on children, 28; on women, 29; on strangers, 30-32; on criminals, 32; on inanimate objects, 32; on places, 36; on times and seasons, 38-41; on iron, 35, 44, 214; on leather, 36; on the Flamen Dialis, 33-35, 44, 45, 108, 109, 327, 342, 343; on the Flaminica Dialis, 35

Tacitus, 398

Tarentum, sacrifices on subterranean altar, 440, 445

Tarquinii, the, 146, 237, 245

Tellus (Terra Mater), 100, 120, 122, 136, 138, 139, 156, 158, 161, 162, 320, 435, 442, 446; an object of worship at marriage, 121; connection with Jupiter, 121; temple, 285

Tempestates, 285

Temples: absence of, in earliest Rome, 146; restored by Augustus, 343; Aesculapius, 260; Apollo, on the Palatine, 443-445; Bona Dea on the Aventine, 484; Castor, 231, 244; Ceres, Liber, and Libera, 255-257, 269, 344; Consus, 285; Dea Dia, 161; Diana, on the Aventine, 95, 147, 234, 237, 244; Isis, 433; Janus, 126; Juno Moneta, 135, 328-329; Juno Sospita, 354; Jupiter, Juno, and Minerva, 146, 172, 237-238, 246, 254, 443; Jupiter Feretrius, on the Capitol, 95, 115, 129-130, 146, 147, 203, 245, 266, 433; Jupiter Latiaris, on the Alban Hill, 237, 238, 245; Mars, 133; Minerva, on the Aventine, 233, 234, 244; Pales, 285; Tellus, 285; Vertumnus, 285; Vesta, _see_ Vesta: aedes

Terminalia, 34, 193, 196

Terminus, 82, 117, 239

Terra Mater, _see_ Tellus

Tertullian, cited, 159, 163, 459, 461, 465

Theodosian code, 430

Tiberius, 429, 438, 447

Tibicines, 180, 195, 233, 445

Tibullus, cited, 22, 80, 147, 178, 403; on use of huts at rural festivals, 474

Time, religious or mystical conception of, 440-441, 449

_Toga praetexta_, worn by priests and children, 29, 42, 50, 61, 74, 84, 175-177, 194-195, 436 _virilis_, 42

Tombstones, memorial, first mention of, 341

Totemism, 25-27

Toutain, M., 26

Tozer, Mr., on Dante, 419

Trade: deities brought to Rome by, 230; connection of Hercules with, 231; gilds, 233

Trasimene, outbreak of _religio_ after the battle of, 318

Treaties, Jupiter's connection with, 130

_Tripodatio_, 187, 198

Tubilustrium, 96, 217

Turiae, Laudatio, cited, 389

Turnus, 483

Tylor, Dr., 26, 49, 74, 293

Usener, H., 19, 138, 160; his theory of the Sondergötter, 161-164, 168

Vacuna of Reate, 284, 290

Valerius Antias, 52, 115, 137 Flaccus, C., 342-343, 355 Maximus, 203-204, 299, 378

Varro, cited, 16, 59, 76, 79, 81, 89, 103, 120, 125, 142, 143, 149, 156, 159, 168, 210, 222, 235, 251, 321

_Vates_, meaning of, 297-298

Vedic ritual, 185

Vegetation-spirit, Mannhardt's theory, 19, 20, 478

Venilia, 483

Venus, connection with Volcanus, 166

_Ver sacrum_, 196, 204-205, 318

_Verbenarius_, 31, 43

Verrius Flaccus, 16, 30

Vertumnus, 147, 291; connection with Pomona, 485; temple, 285

Vervactor, 161

Vesta, 73, 74, 76, 92, 116, 126, 136, 137, 140, 147, 481; aedes, 39, 40, 126, 136, 146, 477; penus Vestae, 36, 73, 101, 136, 442

Vestal virgins, 53, 113, 120, 139, 175, 177, 194, 320; at the ceremony of the Argei, 54, 55, 106, 321; salt-cake baked by, 73; representative of daughters of the family, 136; statues of, 144

_Vicus_, 71

Vilicus, 78

Vinalia, 100

Virgil, on _religio_, 37; on the Paganalia, 62, 67; on _lustratio_, 80, 213, 221; on the Manes, 386, 399; religious feeling in his poems, 403-427, 455; compared with Wordsworth, 407-408; with Scott, 408; his idea of _pietas_, 409; his connection with Augustus, 428; see also _Aeneid_

Virites, 150, 158

Virtus, 446

Volcanalia, 98, 101

Volcanus, 118, 122, 124; connection with Maia, 151, 484; with Venus, 166

Volturnus, 117, 118, 122, 124

Vortumnus, 165, 284

Vows, 188, 226, 286; private, 201-202; public, 200, 202-204; extraordinary, 204-208; see also _Devotio_ and _Evocatio_

Waltzing, on Roman trades, 233

Westcott, Bishop, on Augustine, 458

Westermarck, Dr., cited, 31, 44, 123, 179; on magic, 47; on religion of primitive man, 63, 394; on Roman prayers, 185; on religion and morality, 227

Williamowitz-Moellendorf, on Hercules, 243

Wine, used at sacrifices, 82, 180, 182-184; as a substitute for blood, 196

Winter, J. G., cited, 243

Wissowa, Georg, cited, 13, 14, 16-18, 33, 36, 112, 122, 146, 193, 199, 319, 440; on _dies religiosi_, 38-40; on the Argei, 54, 55, 65, 111, 321, 322; on the ritual of the Salii, 97; his list of _di indigetes_, 117, 139; on Faunus, 118; on Janus, 126, 141; on Mars, 142; on the Indigitamenta, 159, 161-163, 168; on cult of Jupiter, 167; on prayer, 198; on Hercules, 243; on Hebe, 332; on _Carmen saeculare,_ 444, 450

Wolf's fat, used as a charm against evil spirits, 83, 90

Women, 264, 265; taboo on, 29; excluded from certain sacrificial rites, 29-30; at the ceremony of the aquaelicium, 64; rites to produce fertility, 54, 106, 143, 479; oaths used by, 244; excitement among, during Hannibalic war, 324; rebellion against the _ius divinum,_ 344; festivals, 143, 346, 443, 450; deities, 135, 235, 272, 297, 318, 332, 479

Wordsworth, compared with Virgil, 407

Zeller, cited, 351, 356; on human law and divine law, 371

Zeus, 367

Zosimus, cited, 309, 439, 449, 450

THE END

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