vi. 79: 'Leaving his good deeds to his loved ones and his

evil deeds to his enemies, by force of meditation he goes to the eternal _brahma_.' Here _brahma_; but in Gautama perhaps Brahm[=a].]

[Footnote 11: That is, when the latter are grouped as in the following list. Our point is that, despite new faith and new gods, Vedic polytheism is taught not as a form but as a reality, and that in this period the people still believe as of old in the old gods, though they also acknowledge new ones (below).]

[Footnote 12: Compare Manu, ix. 245: "Varuna is the lord of punishment and holdeth a sceptre (punishment) even over kings."]

[Footnote 13: In new rites, for instance. Thus in P[=a]rask. _Grih. S_. 3. 7 a silly and dirty rite 'prevents a slave from running away'; and there is an ordeal for girls before becoming engaged (below).]

[Footnote 14: Blood is poured out to the demons in order that they may take this and no other part of the sacrifice, _[=A]it. Br_. ii. 7. 1.]

[Footnote 15: Here. 4. 8. 19, Çiva's names are Hara, Mrida, Çarva, Çiva, Bhava, Mah[=a]deva, Ugra, Bhima, Paçupati, Rudra, Çankara, Içana.]

[Footnote 16: These rites are described in 6. 4. 24 of the _Brihad [=A]ranyaka Upanishad_ which consists both of metaphysics and of ceremonial rules.]

[Footnote 17: Especially mentioned in the later Vasistha (see below); on _m[=i]m[=a]ms[=a]_ a branch of the Ved[=a]nta system see below.]

[Footnote 18: The commentator here (19. 12, cited by Bühler) defines Ved[=a]nta as the part of the [=A]ranyakas which are not Upanishads, that is, apparently as a local 'Veda-end' (_veda-anta_), though this meaning is not admitted by some scholars, who will see in _anta_ only the meaning 'goal, aim.']

[Footnote 19: The Rudra (Çiva) invocation at 26. 12 ff. is interpolated, according to Bühler.]

[Footnote 20: Here there is plainly an allusion to the two states of felicity of the Upanishads. Whether the law-giver believes that the spirit will be united with Brahm[=a] or simply live in his heaven he does not say.]

[Footnote 21: Gautama, too, is probably a Northerner. The S[=u]tra, it should be observed, are not so individual as would be implied by the name of the teachers to whom they are credited. They were each texts of a school, _carana_, but they are attributed uniformly to a special teacher, who represents the _cara[n.]a_, as has been shown by Müller. For what is known in regard to the early 'S[=u]tra-makers' see Bühler's introductions to volumes ii. and xiv. of the Sacred Books.]

[Footnote 22: Compare Bühler's Introduction, p. XXXV, SBE. vol. XIV.]

[Footnote 23: B[=a]udh. II. 18. 2-3. Compare Jacobi's Introduction, p. XXIII ff. of SBE. vol. XXII.]

[Footnote 24: Bühler (Introduction, p. XXXI) gives as the district of the [=A]pastamb[=i]ya school parts of the Bombay Presidency, the greater parts of the Niz[=a]m's possessions, and parts of the Madras Presidency. Apastamba himself refers to Northerners as if they were foreigners (_loc. cit.)_.]

[Footnote 25: In India the latter question is: does the soul immediately at death unite with the _[=a]tm[=a]_ or does it travel to it. In Europe: does the soul wait for the Last Day, or get to heaven immediately? Compare Maine, _Early Law and Custom_, p. 71.]

[Footnote 26: Thought by some scholars to have been developed out of the code of The M[=a]navas; but ascribed by the Hindus to Father Manu, as are many other verses of legal character contained in the epic and elsewhere.]

[Footnote 27: Although S[=u]tras may be metrical too in part, yet is the complete metrical form, as in the case of still later Ç[=a]stra, evidence that the work is intended for the general public.]

[Footnote 28: The priest alone, in the post-Vedic age, has the right to teach the sacred texts; he has immunity from bodily punishment; the right to receive gifts, and other special privileges. The three upper castes have each the right and duty of studying the sacred texts for a number of years.]

[Footnote 29: Weber has shown, _loc. cit_., that the Ç[=u]dras did attend some of the more popular ceremonies, and at first apparently even took a part in them.]

[Footnote 30: The 'four orders' or stadia of a priest's life, student, householder, hermit, ascetic, must not be confused with the 'four (political) orders' (castes), priest, warrior, farmer, slave--to which, from time to time, were added many 'mixed castes,' as well as 'outcasts,' and natural pariahs. At the time of Manu's code there were already many of these half-assimilated groups.]

[Footnote 31: Theoretically, twenty-one; but an extra one has slipped in by mistake.]

[Footnote 32: The girl is given or bought, or may make her own choice among different suitors. Buying a wife is reprehended by the early law-givers (therefore, customary). The rite of marriage presupposes a grown girl, but child-marriages also were known to the early law.]

[Footnote 33: The groom 'releases her from Varuna's fetter,' by symbolically loosening the hair. They step northeast, and he says: 'One step for sap; two for strength; three for riches; four for luck; five for children; six for the seasons; seven for friendship. Be true to me--may we have many long-lived sons.']

[Footnote 34: There is another funeral hymn, X. 16, in which the Fire is invoked to burn the dead, and bear him to the fathers; his corporeal parts being distributed 'eye to the sun, breath to the wind,' etc.]

[Footnote 35: See below.]

[Footnote 36: Compare Weber, _Streifen_, I. 66; The king's first wife lies with a dead victim, and is bid to come back again to life. Levirate marriage is known to all the codes, but it is reprehended by the same code that enjoins it. (M. ix. 65.)]

[Footnote 37: The ordeal is called _divyam_ (_pram[=a][n.]am_) 'Gottesurtheil.' This means of information is employed especially in a disputed debt and deposit, and according to the formal code is to be applied only in the absence of witnesses. The code also restricts the use of fire, water, and poison to the slaves (Y[=a]j. ii. 98).]

[Footnote 38: Kaegi. _Alter und Herkunft des Germanischen Gottesurtheils_, p. 50. We call especial attention to the fact that the most striking coincidences in details of practice are not early either in India or Germany.]

[Footnote 39: Schlagintweit, _Die Gattesurtheile der Indier_, p. 24.]

[Footnote 40: This is the earliest formula. Later law-books describe the length and strength of the bow, and some even give the measure of distance to which the arrow must be shot. Two runners, one to go and one to return, are sometimes allowed. There is another water-ordeal "for religious men." The accused is to drink consecrated water. If in fourteen (or more or less) days no calamity happen to him he will be innocent. The same test is made in the case of the oath and of poison (below).]

[Footnote 41: In the case of witnesses Manu gives seven days as the limit. When one adopts the oath as an ordeal the misfortune of the guilty is supposed to come 'quickly.' As an ordeal this is not found in the later law. It is one of the Greek tests (_loc. cit_.). When swearing the Hindu holds water or holy-grass.]

[Footnote 42: AV. ii. 12 is not a certain case of this, but it is at least Brahmanic. The carrying of the axe is alluded to in the Ch[=a]ndogya Upanishad (Schlagintweit, _Die Gattesurtheile der Indier_, p. 6).]

[Footnote 43: Y[=a]jñavalkya (_loc. cit_.) restricts this test to women, children, priests, the old, blind, lame, and sick. On _ph[=a]la_ for _agni, ib._ ii. 99, see ZDMG. ix. 677.]

[Footnote 44: Schlagintweit, _loc. cit_. p. 26 (Hiouen Thsang).]

* * * * *