Chapter 3

Of generosity; for the sentiment of love may warm a nation's breast. Political institutions need not engender exclusiveness. Nations should treat one another honestly and openly, discarding that maxim on which the international relations of the world have in past ages been conducted, that the prosperity of each must be promoted by the obstacles thrown in the way of the rest. This is neither a Christian nor a sound maxim. Men are beginning to open their eyes upon the fact, that it is unsound and pernicious; yet how slow are they in coming to the real truth, that the nation which pays the most sincere respect to the rights, and shows the most liberal spirit in regard to the interests, of other nations, will most effectually secure its own rights and advance its own interests. It is time that the old Pagan notion of patriotism should be displaced by more just ideas. Love of country was once interpreted to mean hatred of all other people,--in days when virtue had no other meaning than courage, and he was thought to show the most lofty patriotism who bound the greatest number of captives to the car of victory. It is time that the more modern conception of national glory as identical with national superiority, if not in arms, in some other class of achievements, should give place to a right appreciation of the end for which a nation should labour. This end is neither aggrandizement nor superiority, but virtue. To what should a nation make all its laws and institutions and the whole action of its government subservient? To the improvement of the people; to their intellectual and moral elevation; to their individual and social advancement. As this improvement takes place, they will rise to a nobler conception of the service they may render to mankind, and patriotism will be found to harmonize with philanthropy. Then will the miserable jealousies which have been cherished and the execrable policy which has been pursued disappear before the progress of Christian sentiment. Then will governments extend to each other an open, and not a closed or mailed, hand. Then will war stand forth before their view in all its hideousness, its features distorted by rage, and its garments dripping with blood,--a mournful and a fearful spectacle. Oh! when shall the time come, that the true character of War--its horrors, its vices, its crimes, unredeemed by a single trait properly its own,--shall be understood. Almost nineteen centuries ago was the Prince of Peace born into the midst of the woes of humanity,--this the greatest of them all,--that he might drive them from the earth; and still war ravages the globe like a wild beast furious with hunger. No; I have spoken hastily. Rather should I have said, like one who feels that decay has taken hold of his strength. There is promise of a better period, when men shall be the demon's prey no longer. Oh God, hasten that time for thy goodness' and thy mercy's sake!

I will not detain this assembly to examine at length the objections that may be brought against the doctrine advanced and applied in this discourse. It may be said, that much of what has been spoken is the language of fanaticism, with which your ears should not have been wearied. But no sentiment nor word that I have uttered can be justly stigmatized as fanatical, if the positions which I took at first, and from which I apprehend that no one dissented, were correct, and if the results to which we have been led are the legitimate consequence of taking those positions. It may be said, that this is another weak attempt on the part of the clergy to regain an influence which they have irrecoverably lost. The absurdity of the idea is its sufficient refutation. It may be said, that this is the first step, feebly put forth indeed, towards a union of Church and State. Church and State! words of wonderful power over our fears and our imaginations. But who can for a moment seriously believe that such a purpose is entertained by one who loves, or by one who understands, American institutions? A State religion does any one dread? I should think there was just now more danger of almost any thing else. It is not a national Christianity, but a Christian nation, which I desire to see; and if this wish betray an unfriendly feeling towards republican principles, then I must bear the reproach, but I shall not bear it alone. Thousands and thousands of hearts wish the same, and pray for it morning and night, year after year; and if the answer to that prayer come not before they die, they will have taught it to another generation, who will not fail to repeat it,--I trust, with a hope brightened by the nearer prospect of its fulfilment. It may be said, that our demands are unreasonable, and our aims impracticable. But our demands only include the righteousness of the land, and our aims are addressed to the sanctification of the people by means of that religion which has shown that it is fitted to exercise universal dominion, by the triumphs it has secured in every condition of society and every situation of life. It may be said, that things are in a sufficiently good state; that the country is at peace, though some men and some writers are doing their utmost to involve it in war; that our public men succeed in keeping the wheels of government in motion, though they sometimes discover a deplorable lack both of skill and of principle; and that the people are, on the whole, virtuous and perhaps religious, if they do not connect their religion with their politics. I do not believe that those whom I address will say that this description satisfies their desires in behalf of the American Republic. And if it do not, what is our duty but to contribute all the influence we can bestow, by speech or example, to introduce a change? It may be said yet again, that a change is going on; the world is growing better, and if we will only be patient, we shall grow better too, because we belong to the world and cannot be left behind. Once more I say in reply, that I am not content with no greater progress than the old States of Europe, burthened with the institutions of dark ages and tottering with infirmity, are able to make. It is for us to encourage them, by the spectacle of what may be accomplished by young and unshackled energies. It is for us to do the world a greater service than it has yet received through achievements wrought on this soil. We have asserted the principles of political _liberty_, and established them above the reach of overthrow. It remains for us to vindicate the principles of political _virtue_. We have placed the sceptre in the hands of freedom; let us enthrone religion in still loftier state. American patriotism! be it such as the world has never yet seen. American statesmanship! be it such as mankind shall wonder at, till their admiration subsides into imitation. American character! be it such as Christian sires would rejoice to see worn by their posterity, and unborn generations shall receive as the most precious inheritance that could be transmitted to them. Be morality and piety the guardians of our public welfare; and as the years roll on, may they extend a more visible protection over our interests, till the guidance which Jehovah granted of old to the people of Israel in the pillar of flame and cloud, shall be more than realized in the presence of the Lord our God with us and our children.

* * * * *

To you, Sir, who have again been called by the voice of this Commonwealth to preside over its concerns, I cannot doubt that the sentiments of this discourse will be as acceptable as they are familiar. If they seem but the echo of your own long-cherished purposes and habits, I need not on that account regret the course my remarks have taken. Permit me to congratulate myself, and my fellow-citizens, on the occupancy of the chair of State by one who has proved himself in various situations an upright politician and a Christian statesman; and let me hope that the year of public service on which you have now entered may still further illustrate the force of moral principle, and the beauty of religious character.

To him who is associated with the Chief Magistrate as his nearest adviser, and to the other members of his Council, I may be allowed to express my conviction, that in the discharge of their public functions they will maintain consciences "void of offence towards God and towards men," and will prove themselves worthy of the confidence which has been reposed in them by their fellow-citizens and fellow-christians.

To the members of both branches of the Legislature I beg leave to extend my congratulations, on the opportunity afforded them of exhibiting the connexion of the highest truths with the most important offices of life. With them it remains to show how religion and politics can be united, without marring the sanctity of the one, or impairing the freedom of the other. And in closing the remarks, to which, if I could, I would frame an apology for compelling them so long to listen--but my only apology must be my interest in the subject--I know not how I can better express my gratitude for their attention, or my desire for their greatest good, than by indulging the mingled hope and belief, that they will, in the discharge of their official duties, show themselves to be "able men, such as fear God, men of truth, hating covetousness," and, whatever they do, doing "all to the glory of God."

End of Project Gutenberg's The Religion of Politics, by Ezra S. Gannett