The Reformation and the Renaissance (1485-1547) Second Edition
Part I., Book III. xi.
First: That ye shall truly observe and keep all and singular the King's Highness' Injunctions, given unto you heretofore in my name, by his Grace's Authority; not only upon the pains therein expressed, but also in your default after this second monition continued, upon further punishment to be straitly extended towards you by the King's Highness' Arbitriment, or his Vice-Gerent aforesaid.
Item: That ye shall provide on this side the Feast of [words omitted] next coming, one Book of the whole Bible of the largest volume in English, and the same set up in some convenient place within the said Church that ye have use of, whereas your Parishoners may most commodiously resort to the same and read it; the charge of which Book shall be ratably born between you, the Parson, and the Parishoners aforesaid, that is to say the one half by you, and the other half by them.
Item: That ye shall discourage no man privily or apertly from the reading or hearing of the said Bible, but shall expressly provoke, stir, and exhort every person to read the same, as that which is the very lively word of God, that every Christian man is bound to embrace, believe, and follow, if he look to be saved: admonishing them nevertheless to avoid all contention, altercation therein, and to use an honest sobriety in the inquisition of the true sense of the same, and refer the explication of the obscure places to men of higher judgement in Scripture.
Item: That ye shall every Sunday and Holy Day through the year openly and plainly recite to your Parishoners, twice or thrice together or oftener, if need require, one particle or sentence of the Pater Noster, or creed in English, to the intent that they may learn the same by heart. And so from day to day, to give them one little lesson or sentence of the same, till they have learned the whole Pater Noster and creed in English by rote. And as they be taught every sentence of the same by rote, ye shall expound and declare the understanding of the same unto them, exhorting all parents and householders to teach their children and servants the same, as they are bound in conscience to do. And that done, ye shall declare unto them the Ten Commandments, one by one, every Sunday and Holy-day, till they be likewise perfect in the same.
Item: That ye shall in Confessions every Lent examine every Person that cometh to Confession unto you, whether they can recite the Articles of our Faith, and the Pater Noster in English, and hear them say the same particularly; wherein if they be not perfect, ye shall declare to the same, that every Christian person ought to know the same before They should receive the blessed Sacrament of the Altar; and monish them to learn the same more perfectly by the next year following, or else, like as they ought not to presume to come to God's Board without perfect knowledge of the same, and if they do, it is to the great peril of their souls; so ye shall declare unto them, that ye look for other injunctions from the King's Highness by that time, to stay and repel all such from God's Board as shall be found ignorant in the Premisses; whereof ye do thus admonish them, to the intent they should both eschew the peril of their Souls, and also the worldly rebuke that they might incur after by the same.
Item: That ye shall make, or cause to be made, in the said Church, and any other Cure ye have, one sermon every quarter of the year at least, wherein ye shall purely and sincerely declare the very Gospel of Christ, and in the same exhort your hearers to the Works of Charity, Mercy, and Faith, especially prescribed and commanded in Scripture, and not to repose their trust or affiance in any other works devised by men's fantasies besides Scripture; as in wandering to Pilgrimages, offering of Money, Candles, or Tapers, to Images, or Reliques; or kissing or licking the same over, saying over a number of Beads, not understanded or minded on, or in such like superstition: for the doing whereof, ye not only have no promise or reward in Scripture, but contrariwise great threats and maledictions of God, as things tending to idolatry and superstition, which of all other offences God Almighty doth most detest and abhor, for that same diminisheth most of his honour and glory.
Item: That such feigned Images as ye know in any of Cures to be so abused with Pilgrimages or offerings of anything made thereunto, ye shall, for avoiding the most detestable offence of idolatry, forthwith take down, and without delay; and shall suffer from henceforth no Candles, Tapers, or Images of wax to be set afore any Image or Picture, but only the Light that commonly goeth across the church by the Rood-Loft, the Light before the Sacrament of the Altar, and the Light about the Sepulchre; which for the adorning of the Church and Divine Service ye shall suffer to remain: still admonishing your Parishoners, that images serve for none other purpose, but as to be books of unlearned men, that ken no letters, whereby they might be otherwised admonished of the lives and conversation of them that the said images do represent: which images if they abuse, for any other intent than for such remembrances, they commit idolatry in the same, to the great danger of their souls: And therefore the King's Highness graciously tendering the weal of his Subjects' Souls, hath in part already, and more will hereafter, travail for the abolishing of such images as might be an occasion of so great an offence to God, and so great a danger to the Souls of his loving subjects.
Item: That you, and every Parson, Vicar or Curate within this Diocese, shall for every Church keep one Book or Register, wherein he shall write the day and year of every Wedding, Christening, and Burying, made within your parish for your time, and so every man succeeding you likewise; and also there insert every persons name that shall be so wedded, christened, and buried; and for the safe keeping of the same book the Parish shall be bound to provide, of their Common Charges, one sure Coffer with two Locks and Keys, whereof the one to remain with you, and the other with the Wardens of every such Parish wherein the said Book shall be laid up: which book ye shall every Sunday take forth, and in the presence of the said Wardens or one of them write a record in the same, all the Weddings, Christenings, and Buryings made the whole week afore; and that done to lay up the book in the said Coffer as afore. And for every time that the same be omitted, the party that shall be in the fault thereof, shall forfeit to the said Church 3s. 4d. to be employed on the reparation of the said Church.
Item: That no person shall from henceforth alter or change the order and manner of any Fasting-day that is commanded and indicted by the Church, nor of any Prayer or of Divine Service, otherwise than is specified in the said Injunctions, until such time as the same shall be so ordered and transported by the King's Highness' Authority. The Eves of such saints whose Holy-days be abrogated be only excepted, which shall be declared henceforth to be no Fasting-days; excepted also the Commemoration of Thomas Becket, sometime Archbishop of Canterbury, which shall be clean omitted, and in the stead thereof the Ferial[55] Service used.
Item: Where in times past men have used in divers places in their Processions, to sing _Ora pro nobis_ to so many saints, that they had no time to sing the good Suffrages following, as _Pace nobis Domine_ and _Libera nos Domine_, it must be taught and preached, that better it were to omit _Ora pro nobis_, and to sing the other Suffrages.
All which and singular Injunctions I minister unto you and your Successors, by the King's Highness' Authority to be committed in this part, which I charge and command you by the same Authority to observe and keep upon pain of Deprivation, Sequestration of your Fruits or such other coercion as to the King's Highness, or his Vice-Gerent for the time being shall seem convenient.
[Footnote 55: = festival.]
ACT FOR THE DISSOLUTION OF THE GREATER MONASTERIES (1539).
+Source.+--31 H. VIII. cap. 13. (_Statutes of the Realm_, III. 733.)
Where divers and sundry abbots, priors, abbesses, prioresses, and other ecclesiastical governors and governesses of divers monasteries, abbacies, priories, nunneries, colleges, hospitals, houses of friars, and other ecclesiastical and religious houses and places within this our sovereign lord the king's realm of England and Wales, of their own free and voluntary minds, good wills and assents, without constraint, coercion or compulsion of any manner of person or persons, since the fourth day of February, the twenty-seventh year of the reign of our now most dread sovereign lord, by the due order and course of the common laws of this realm of England, and by their sufficient writings of record, under their convent and common seals, have severally given, granted and by the same their writings severally confirmed all their said monasteries, abbacies, priories, nunneries, colleges, hospitals, houses of friars, and other religious and ecclesiastical houses and places and all their sites, circuits and precincts of the same, and all and singular their manors, lordships, granges, manses ... appertaining or in any wise belonging to any such monastery, abbacy, priory, etc. ... by whatsoever name or corporation they or any of them be called, and of what order, habit, religion, or other kind or quality soever they or any of them then were reputed, known or taken; to have and to hold all the said monasteries, abbacies, priories ... etc. to our said sovereign lord, his heirs and successors for ever and the same said monasteries ... etc. voluntarily, as is aforesaid, have renounced, left, and forsaken, and every of them has renounced, left, and forsaken.
THE SIX ARTICLES ACT (1539).
+Source.+--31 Henry VIII. cap. 14. (_Statutes of the Realm_, III. 739.)
... And forasmuch as in the said Parliament, synod, and Convocation, there were certain Articles, matters, and questions proposed and set for the teaching Christian religion, that is to say:
First, whether in the most blessed Sacrament of the Altar remaineth, after the consecration, the substance of bread and wine, or no.
Secondly, whether it be necessary by God's law that all men should communicate with both kinds or no.
Thirdly, whether priests, that is to say, men dedicate to God by priesthood, may, by the law of God, marry after or no.
Fourthly, whether vow of chastity or widowhood, made to God advisedly by man or woman, be, by the law of God, to be observed, or no.
Fifthly, whether private masses stand with the law of God, and be to be used and continued in the Church and congregation of England, as things whereby good Christian people may and do receive both godly consolation and wholesome benefits or no.
Sixthly, whether auricular confession is necessary to be retained, continued, used and frequented in the Church or no.
The King's most royal Majesty, most prudently providing and considering, that by occasion of variable sundry opinions and judgements of the said Articles, great discord and variance has arisen, as well amongst the clergy of this his realm, as amongst a great number of vulgar people, his loving subjects of the same, and bring in a full hope and trust, that a full and perfect resolution of the said Articles, should make a perfect concord and unity generally amongst all his loving and obedient subjects, of his most excellent goodness, not only commanded that the said articles should be deliberately and advisedly, by his said archbishops, bishops, and other learned men of his clergy, be debated, argued, and reasoned, and their opinions therein to be understood, declared, and known, but also most graciously vouchsafed, in his own princely person, to descend and come into his said High Court of Parliament and council, and there, like a prince of most high prudence and no less learning, opened and declared, many things of high learning and great knowledge, touching the said Articles, matters, and questions, for a unity to be had in the same; whereupon after a great and long, deliberate, and advised disputation and consultation, had and made concerning the said Articles, as well by the consent of the king's highness, as by the assent of the lords spiritual and temporal, and other learned men of the clergy in their Convocation, and by the consent of the Commons in this present Parliament assembled, it was and is finally resolved, accorded, and agreed in manner and form following, that is to say:
First, that in the most blessed Sacrament of the Altar, by the strength and efficacy of Christ's mighty word (it being spoken by the priest), is present really, under the form of bread and wine, the natural body and blood of our Saviour Jesus Christ, conceived of the Virgin Mary; and that after the consecration there remaineth no substance of bread or wine, nor any other substances, but the substance of Christ, God and man.
Secondly, that Communion in both kinds is not necessary _ad salutem_, by the law of God, to all persons; and that it is to be believed, and not doubted of, but that in the flesh, under the form of bread, is the very blood; and with the blood, under the form of wine, is the very flesh; as well apart, as though they were both together.
Thirdly, that priests after the order of priesthood received, as afore, may not marry, by the law of God.
Fourthly, that vows of chastity or widowhood, by man or woman made to God advisedly, ought to be observed by the law of God; and that it exempts them from the liberties of Christian people, ordering themselves accordingly, to receive both godly and goodly consolations and benefits; and it is agreable also to God's law.
* * * * * * *
Sixthly, that auricular confession is expedient and necessary to be retained and continued, used and frequented in the Church of God.
HENRY VIII. AND SPORT (1539).
+Source.+--Holinshed, 556, 557; Edward Hall, _Henry VIII_.
This year the plague was great and reigned in divers parts of this realm. The king kept his Christmas at Richmond. The twelfth of January divers gentlemen prepared to just, and the king and one of his privy chamber called William Compton secretly armed themselves in the little park of Richmond and so came into the justs, unknown to all persons. The king never ran openly before and did exceeding well. Master Compton chanced to be so sore hurt by Edward Nevill Esquire, brother to the Lord of Abergavenny, so that he was like to have died. One person there was that knew the king and cried: "God Save the King" and with that all the people were astonished, and then the king discovered himself to the great comfort of the people. The king soon after came to Westminster and there kept his Shrovetide with great banquetings, dancings and other jolly pastimes.
In this year also came ambassadors, not only from the King of Aragon and Castile, but also from the Kings of France, Denmark, Scotland and other places, which were highly welcomed and nobly entertained. It happened on a day that there were certain noble men made a wager to run at the ring and parties were taken, and which party attained or took away the ring oftenest with certain courses, should win the wager. Whereof the King's Grace hearing, offered to be on the one party with six companions. The ambassadors hearing thereof, were much desirous to see this wager tried, and specially the ambassadors of Spain, who had never seen the king in harness. At the day appointed the king was mounted on a goodly courser, trapped in a purple velvet coat, the inner side thereof was wrought with flat gold of damask in the stool, and the velvet on the other side cut in letters, so that the gold appeared as though it had been embroidered with certain reasons[56] or posies. And on the velvet between the letters were fastened castles and sheafs of arrows of ducat gold with a garment, the sleeves compassed over his harness and his bases of the same work with a great plume of feathers on his head-piece that came down to the arson of his saddle and a great company of fresh gentlemen came in with his grace, richly armed and decked with many other right gorgeously apparelled, the trumpet before them goodly to behold, whereof many strangers (but specially the Spaniards) much rejoiced, for they had never seen the king before that time armed.
Now at his returning, many hearing of his going on Maying were desirous to see him shoot, for at that time his Grace shot as strong and as great a length as any of his guard. There came to his Grace a certain man with bow and arrows, and desired his Grace to take the muster of him and to see him shoot, for at that time his Grace was contented. The man put the one foot in his bosom, and so did shoot and shot a very good shot and well towards his mark, whereof, not only his Grace, but all other greatly marvelled. So the king gave him a reward for his so doing, which person afterwards, of the people and of them in court, was called Foot in Bosom. The same year in the feast of Pentecost, holden at Greenwich, that is to say the Thursday in the same week, his Grace with two other with him, challenged all comers to fight with them at the barriers with target and casting the spear of eight foot long; and that done, his Grace with the two said aids to fight every of them twelve strokes with two handed swords with and against all comers, none excepted being a gentleman; where the K. behaved himself so well and delivered himself so valiantly by his hardy prowess and great strength, that the praise and laud was given to his Grace and his aids, notwithstanding that divers and strong persons had assailed him and his aids.
Now when the said progress was finished, his Grace, and the queen, with all their whole train, in the month of October following, removed to Greenwich. The king not minded to see young gentlemen unexpert in martial feats, caused a place to be prepared within the park of Greenwich, for the queen and the ladies to stand and see the fight with battle axes that should be done there, where the king himself armed, fought one Grot a gentleman of Almaine, a tall man and a good man of arms. And then after they had done, they marched always two and two together, and so did their feats and enterprises every man very well. Albeit, it happened the said Grot to fight with Sir Edward Howard, which Grot was by him stricken to the ground. The morrow after this enterprise done, the king with the queen came to the Tower of London. And to the intent that there should be no displeasure nor malice be born by any of those gentlemen, who fought with the axe against other, the king gave unto them a certain sum of gold valued at two hundred marks, to make a bank[57] among themselves withall. The which bank was made at Fishmongers Hall in Thames Street, where they all met to the number of four and twenty, all apparelled in one suit or livery, after Almaine fashion, that is to say, their outer garments all of yellow satin, yellow hose, yellow shoes, girdles and scabbards, and bonnets with yellow feathers; their garments and hose all cut and lined with white satin and their scabbards wound about with satin. After their bank ended they went by torchlight to the Tower and presented themselves before the king who took pleasure to behold them.
_P._ 561. The king about this season was much given to play at tennis and at the dice, which appetite certain crafty persons about him perceiving, brought in Frenchmen and Lombards to make wagers with him and so lost much money, but when he perceived their craft, he eschewed their company and let them go.
_P._ 562. ... Then began the trumpets to sound, and the horses to run, that many a spear was burst, and many a great stripe given, and for a truth the king exceedeth in number of staves all other every day of the three days.
Edward Hall, _H. VIII_.
The x day of March the king having a new harness made of his own device and fashion, such as no armour before that time had seen, thought to essay the same at the tilt, and appointed a Justes to serve him. On foot were appointed the Lord Marquis Dorset and the Earl of Surrey, the king came to the one end of the tilt, and the Duke of Suffolk to the other: then a gentleman said to the Duke, "Sir, the king is come to the tilt's end." "I see him not," said the Duke, "on my faith, for my head piece taketh away from me my sight": with these words God knoweth by what chance, the king had his spear delivered him by the Lord Marquis, the visor of his head piece being up and not down or fastened, so that his head was clean naked. Then the gentleman said to the duke, "Sir, the king cometh," then the duke set forward and charged his spear, and the king likewise unadvisedly set toward the duke: the people perceiving the king's face bare, cried, "Hold, hold," the duke neither saw nor heard, and whether the king remembered that his visor was up or no, few can tell. Alas what sorrow was it to the people when they saw the splinters of the duke's spear strike on the king's head piece. For of a surety the duke struck the king on the brow right under the defence of the head-piece on the very coif scull or bassenet-piece[58] where unto the barbet[59] for power and defence is charneld, to which coif or bassenet never armourer taketh heed, for it is evermore covered with the visor, barbet and volant piece,[60] and so that piece is so defended that it forceth of no charge: But when the spear on that place lighted, it was great jeopardy of death, insomuch that the face was bare, for the duke's spear broke all to shivers, and bare the king's visor or barbet so far back by the counter buff that all the king's head-piece was full of splinters. The Armourers for this matter were much blamed, and so was the lord Marquis for the delivering of the spear when his face was open, but the king said that none was to blame but himself, for he intended to have saved himself and his sight. The duke incontinently unarmed him, and came to the king, shewing him the closeness of his sight, and swore that he would never run against the king more: But if the king had been a little hurt, the king's servants would have put the Duke in jeopardy. Then the king called his Armourers and put all his pieces together and then took a spear and ran six courses very well, by the which all men might perceive that he had no hurt, which was great joy and comfort to all his subjects there present.
[Footnote 56: = mottoes.]
[Footnote 57: = banquet.]
[Footnote 58: = a close-fitting helmet.]
[Footnote 59: = the lower part of the visor.]
[Footnote 60: = a removable part of the helmet, which covered the throat.]
THE ATTAINDER OF THOMAS CROMWELL (1540).
+Source.+--Burnet's _History of the Reformation_, Part I., Book III.; _Collection of Records_, No. 16; from the _Parliament Rolls_, Act 60, 32 H. VIII.
Thomas Cromwell, now Earl of Essex, whom your Majesty took and received into your trusty service, the same Thomas then being a man of very base and low degree, and for singular Favour, Trust and Confidences which your Majesty bare and had in him, did not only erect and advance the same Thomas unto the state of an Earl, and enriched him with manifold gifts, as well of Goods, as of Lands and Offices, but also him, the said Thomas Cromwell, Earl of Essex, did erect and make one of your most trusty Counsellors, as well concerning your Graces most supreme jurisdictions Ecclesiastical, as your most high secret affairs temporal. Nevertheless, your Majesty now of late hath found, and tried, by a large number of witnesses, being your faithful subjects and personages of great honour, worship and discretion, the said Thomas Cromwell, Earl of Essex contrary to the singular trust and confidence your Majesty had in him, to be the most false, and corrupt Traitor, Deceiver, and Circumventor against your most Royal Person, and the Imperial Crown of this your realm, that hath been known, seen or heard of in all the time of your most noble reign: Insomuch that it is manifestly proved and declared, by the depositions of the witnesses aforesaid that the same Thomas Cromwell, Earl of Essex, usurping upon your Kingly Estate, Power, Authority, and Office: without your grace's command or assent hath taken upon him to set at liberty divers persons, being convicted and attained of Misprision of High Treason; and divers other being apprehended, and in Prison, for Suspection of High Treason, and over that, divers and many times, at sundry places in this your Realm, for manifold sums of money to him given, most traitorously hath taken upon him by several writings to give and grant, as well unto aliens, as to your subjects, a great number of licences for conveying and carrying of Money, Corn, Grain, Beans, Beer, Leather, Tallow, Bells, Metals, Horses, and other commodities of this your Realm, contrary to your Highness' most Godly and Gracious Proclamations made for the Commonwealth of your people of this your realm in that behalf, and in derogation of your Crown and Dignity. And the same Thomas Cromwell, elated, and full of pride, contrary to his most bounden Duty, of his own authority and Power, not regarding your Majesty Royal; and further taking upon him your power, Sovereign Lord, in that behalf, divers and many times most traitorously hath constituted, deputed, and assigned, many singular persons of your subjects to be Commissioners in many your great, urgent, and weighty causes and affairs, executed and done in this your realm, without the assent, knowledge, or consent of your highness. And further also, being a person of as poor and low degree, as few be within this your realm; pretending to have so great a stroke about you, our, and his natural Sovereign Liege Lord, that he let not to say publickly, and declare that he was sure of you, which is detestable, and to be abhorred amongst all good subjects in any Christian realm, that any subject should enterprise or take upon him so to speak of his Sovereign Liege Lord and King. And also of his own Authority and Power, without your Highness' consent, hath made and granted, as well to strangers as to your own subjects, divers and many pass-ports, to pass over the seas, with horses, and great sums of money, without any search. Most Gracious Sovereign Lord, the same Thomas Cromwell, Earl of Essex, hath allured and drawn unto him by retainours, many of your subjects sunderly inhabiting in every of your said shires and territories, as well as erroneously persuading and declaring to them the contents of false erroneous books, to be good, true, and best standing with the most Holy Word and Pleasure of God; as other his false and heretical opinions and errors; whereby, and by his confederacies therein, he hath caused many of your faithful subjects to be greatly infected with heresies, and other errors, contrary to the right laws and pleasure of Almighty God. And the same Thomas Cromwell, Earl of Essex, by the false and traitorous means above-written, supposing himself to be fully able, by force and strength, to maintain and defend his said abominable treasons, heresies, and errors, not regarding his most bounden duty to Almighty God, and his laws, nor the natural duty of Allegiance to your Majesty, in the last day of March in the 30th year of your most gracious reign, in the parish of St. Peter the Poor, within your City of London, upon demonstration and declaration then and there made unto him, that there were certain new preachers, as Robert Barnes, clerk, and others, whereof part were committed to the Tower of London, for preaching and teaching of lewd learning against your Highness' Proclamations; the same Thomas affirming the same preacher to be good, most detestably, arrogantly, erroneously, wilfully, maliciously, and traitorously, expressly against your Laws and Statutes, then and there did not let to declare, and say, these most traitorous and detestable words ensuing, amongst other words of like matter and effect; that is to say, That _if the King would turn from it yet I would not turn; and if the King did turn, and all his people, I would fight in the field in mine own person, with my sword in my hand, against him and all others_; and then and there, most traitorously pulled out his dagger, and held it on high, saying these words: _Or else this dagger thrust me to the heart, if I would not die in the quarrel against them all; and I trust, if I live one year or two, it shall not lie in the King's power to resist or let it if he would_. And further, then and there swearing by a great oath, traitorously affirmed the same his traitorous saying and pronunciation of words saying, _I will do so indeed_, extending up his arm, as though he had had a sword in his hand; to the most perilous, grievous, and wicked Example of all other your loving, faithful and obedient Subjects in this your Realm, and to the peril of your most Royal Person. And moreover, our most gracious Sovereign Lord, the said Thomas Cromwell, Earl of Essex, hath acquired and obtained into his possession, by Oppression, Bribery, Extort, Power, and false promises made by him, to your Subjects of your Realm, innumerable Sums of Money and Treasure; and being so enriched, hath had your nobles of your realm in great disdain, derision, and detestation, as by express words by him most opprobriously spoken hath appeared. And being put in remembrance of others, of his estate, which your Highness hath called him unto, offending in like treasons, the last day of January, in the 31 year of your most noble reign, at the Parish of St. Martin's in the Field, in the County of Middlesex, most arrogantly, willingly, maliciously, and traitorously, said, published, and declared, that _if the Lord would handle him so, that he would give them such a breakfast as never was made in England, and that the proudest of them should know_; to the great peril and danger, as well of your Majesty, as of your Heirs and Successors. For the which his most detestable and abominable heresies and treasons, and many other his like offences and treasons over-long here to be rehearsed and declared: Be it enacted, ordained, and established by your Majesty, with the assent of the Lords Spiritual and Temporal, and the Commons in this present Parliament assembled, and by the authority of the same, that the said Thomas Cromwell, Earl of Essex, for his abominable and detestable heresies and treasons, by him most abominably, heretically, and traitorously practised, committed, and done, as well against Almighty God, and against your Majesty, and this your said Realm, shall be, and stand, by authority of this present Parliament, convicted and attainted of Heresie and High Treason, and be adjudged an abominable and detestable Heretick and Traitor; and shall have and suffer such pains of Death, losses and forfeitures of Goods, Debts and Chattels, as in cases of heresy and high treason, or as in cases of either of them, at the pleasure of your most Royal Majesty.
HERTFORD'S ORDERS FOR THE NAVY AND ARMY.
(APRIL 28TH, 1544.)
+Source.+--_Hamilton Papers_, No. 227, Vol. II., H.M. General Register House, Edinburgh.
51. Wafters[61] appointed for the vawarde:
The "Pauncye," the "Minion," the "Swallow," the "Gabian" of Ipswich, the "John Evangeliste," the "Gallye Subtile," Harwoddes "Barke of Calais" to attend upon the "Pauncye."
Wafters appointed for the battell:
The "Swepestake," the "Swanne" of Hamburghe, the "Mary Grace," the "Elizabeth" of Lynne, Cumberfordes Shippe.
Wafters appointed for the rerewarde:
The "Great Galley," the "Gillian" of Dartmouth, the "Peter" of Fowery, the "Anthony Fulford," the "Bark Riveley."
Orders taken at the Shelys within Tynemouth haven, the xxviiith day of April in the xxxvith year of the reign of our sovereign lord King Henry the Eighth, by the Earl of Hertford, great Chamberlain of England, his highness' lieutenant in the north parties, and captain-general of His Majesty's army by sea and land at this present against the Scots.
1. First, his lordship in the King's Majesty's name, straightly chargeth and commandeth, that all captains, with their soldiers and mariners, shall be in readiness on shipboard in such ships as they be appointed unto by the said lord lieutenant, according to such proclamations as have been made in his lordship's name for that purpose, to the intent that every such ship may weigh anchor with the first prosperous wind that God shall send to depart.
2. Item, the lord admiral, with certain wafters with him, shall be foremost of the fleet, bearing in his fore top-mast a flag of St. George's Cross, and in the night ii lights of a good height in his ship. And all those ships (whose captains with their soldiers be appointed to the vaward, whereof the said lord admiral is chieftain) shall as near as they can follow the said lord admiral. And at such time as the said lord admiral shall come to an anchor, all the ships of the vaward shall likewise come to an anchor, as near unto his ship as they may conveniently.
3. Item, the said lord lieutenant hath appointed his own ship, and the ship which the King's treasure is in, to make sail next unto the fleet of the vaward, and all such ships (whose captains with their soldiers, are appointed to be about his person in the battell) shall follow his lordship as near as they can, and shall come to an anchor as near as they can about him. And his lordship hath ordained to have upon his main top-mast a flag of Saint George's Cross, and every night two lights on high in his shrouds, and one above his main top, to the intent that every man may know his lordship's ship from all other, as well by night as by day.
4. Item, next unto the said fleet of battell, the Earl of Shrewsbury (whom the said lord lieutenant hath appointed to be chieftain of the rearwarde) shall make sail, bearing upon his mizzen top mast one flag of St. George's Cross, and every night in the prow of his ship, one cressitt[62] burning, to the intent all the fleet appointed to the rereward may know the said Earl of Shrewsbury his ship from all others.
5. Item, when the said lord lieutenant would have the lord admiral to come on board his ship, his lordship hath appointed to put out a flag above his forecastle. And when his lordship would have the captain of the rearward to come on board his ship, his pleasure is to set out a flag on the poop of his ship. And when his lordship would have all the captains of the middle ward to come on board his ship, he hath appointed to set out a banner of counsel against the midst of his mainmast. And forbecause, that every captain of the vaward shall have better knowledge of the tokens afforerehersed, his lordship straightly chargeth and commandeth, that no ship shall spread any flag in any place above the hatches, nor bear any lights in the night above the decks, other than the said lord lieutenant's own ship, the lord admiral's ship, and the captain of the rereward his ship as aforesaid.
6. Item, that if any ship or crayer chance by tempest of weather or other cause to be put from the fleet, the same ships or crayers shall resort to the Firth, as they will answer for the contrary at their perils.
7. Item, that every captain, as well of the vaward, rereward and battell, shall cause their boats to be in readiness for the landing of their men, when they shall be commanded by the said lord lieutenant or the said chieftaines. And that every captain (whose ship hath any baseis or double verseis)[63] shall cause a trestle to be made in the fore part of his boat with ii halys[64] to carye ii baseis or verseis, for the more annoyance of their enemies at landing.
Officers to be appointed.
My lord admiral--The Chieftain of the vawarde.
The Earl of Shrewsbury--The Chieftain of the rearewarde.
Sir Rafe Sadler--Treasurer of the Wars.
Sir Rise Mansfield--The Knight Marshall.[65]
Constable--The Provost Marshall.[65]
Sir Christopher Morris--The Master of these Ordinances.
Le [words omitted]--Captain of the Pioneers.
Sir Anthony Hungerford--The Captain of the Scout.
Item, vii captains to have the rule of the watch,--every night one of them to watch, and the Scouts from time to time to send him advertisements.
Nevell. Item, one principal man to have the rule and charge of the victuals, that the soldiers may have it for their money.
Gower and Everard. Item, one to be appointed, as well to see the bringing of the victuals to the market, as also to order such others as shall come to the market by any other means.
To land 12,000 men as followeth:
Harquebusiers, 500; Archers, 1000; Pikes, 1000; bills, 1500. 4000.
And these to be supported with the rest as they may land.
Ordenance to be landed before we march.
Fawcons,[66] 4; Fawconetes,[67] 6; Close waggons, 12. 22.
The vawarde.
Harquebusiers, 150; Archers, 1000; pikes, 500; bills, 2000. 3650.
The battell.
Harquebusiers, 200; archers, 1000; pikes, 1000; bills, 2500. 4700.
The rearewarde.
Harquebusiers, 100; archers, 1000; pikes, 550; bills, 2000. 3650.
To land 12,000 men at two places at one instant, as near as they can together and at either place, these numbers following:
Harquebusiers, 250; archers, 1500; pikes, 1000; bills, 1500. 4250.
[Footnote 61: = transport boats.]
[Footnote 62: = An iron basket containing inflammable material, often a coil of tarred rope.]
[Footnote 63: _i.e._ "base and verse" = small light cannons.]
[Footnote 64: = ropes?]
[Footnote 65: These officials were responsible for the discipline; the former for the officers, and the latter for the men.]
[Footnote 66: = a ten pounder.]
[Footnote 67: = a five pounder.]
HERTFORD AND OTHERS TO HENRY VIII.
A. (MAY 9TH, 1544.)
+Source.+--_Hamilton Papers_, No. 233.
Please it your highness to understand that I the Earl of Hertford with Your Majesty's army here, marched out of this toun on Wednesday last, towards Edinburgh, and being set forwards, came to me an herald and trumpet from the provost and council of the toun, declaring on their behalf that they would set open the gates and deliver the keys unto me to do with the toun and them what I would, upon trust that I would be good lord unto them and save their lives and goods without burning or spoil of the toun, which should make no resistance unto me.
I told him forasmuch as they had before refused so to do, and had made me resolute answer that unless I would capitulate with them in what sort I would use them and their toun, they would not yield the same, but make resistances, which I took for a final resolution, I would therefore remain now at my liberty to do as I thought good when I came there; and therewith I asked, whether they would also undertake and promise for to deliver the castle? Whereunto he answered that it was out of his power to deliver the castle, but for the toun which was in their hands, it should be at my commandment. Whereupon I willed them to return, and to say unto the said provost and council that if they would render all to my will, they should forthwith avoid the toun of man, woman and childe, and at mine entry into the toun, if they did meet me and submit themselves, I would then do as I saw cause.
Whereupon he departed, and soon after when I came near to the toun, the provost and others of the toun with him, came to me and required me to be good lord unto them and their toun, which should be committed unto me without resistance, trusting that I would save their lives and goods, and not burn nor spoil their toun.
I made them in effect like answer as before I made to the herald, but being much pressed by them for the safetie of them and their toun with their goods as aforesaid, I willed them to return, saying that at mine entry within the toun, upon their submission and delivery of the keys as they offered, I would then use them with the more favour, as at my coming to the gates of the toun I would further declare. They returned with this answer, and I supposed verily that they would in this sort have delivered and yielded the toun; but immediately after, as soon as we were marched hard to the toun, the inhabitants of the suburbs raised a fire and a great smoke in one or two of their own houses betwixt us and the toun, and forthwith after, I had intelligence that they would defend and withstand us to their power. Whereupon I the said Earl caused me the Lord Admiral with the forward to march into the toun, who passed through the suburbs to the principal port of the toun, being an iron gate and well fortified with men and ordinance, which they shot so fast that some of our men being killed in the streets with the same, the rest began to shrink and retire, but that the gentlemen and others of the foreward, your majesty's servants, gave the onset and made so sharp assault and approach hard to the gate, that they recovered one piece of their artillery, and by violence drew it from them through the loops, where the same did lie in the gate. Nevertheless the Scots shot out of their windows and holes of their houses so fast with hand-guns, that our men being so astonied therewith, shot again at adventure, and did more hurt to their own fellows than to the enemys, whereby it chanced that one hit my Lord William with an arrow above the cheek, but the stroke was so faint and weakly shot that, thanked be God, it did him little or no hurt at all. In fine the said lord Admiral having caused Sir Christopher Morris to lay ordinance to the said gate, after three or iiii shots of a culverin, the gate flew open and our men entered the toun with such good courage, as all the enemies fled away, and many of them were slain, we think about vi or vii score at the least. And being thus entered within the toun, and our enemies discomfited, although I the said Earl had before taken order, that after the winning of the toun and the entry into the same, they should proceed no farther, nor make assault to the castle, till upon a future advice, yet when the said gate was thus won and opened with the ordinance, the gunners of their own courage, without advice or commandment of me the said Earl, and without the knowledge of one the Lord Admiral, made forthwith an approach with their battery pieces to the Castle of Edinburgh, and shot of a little while to the same; but the castle being so strong and the approach so dangerous on all sides, that it is not possible for men to stand to their pieces without utter destruction, the Scots with their shot both of cannon and other pieces out of the castle, slew our men and dismounted one of our pieces. So that I the said Earl perceiving the same, caused Mr. Lee and the Surveyor of Calais to view the approach, who said that the same was so dangerous, as the castle seemed to be impregnable without a long demour and tarrying upon it; for there could be, as they said, no case devised for the approach, but that the same must needs be so open upon the shot of the castle, as without the great loss of men it could not be entered, the ground being of hard rock, so that there was no earth to fill mounds with, nor yet to trench on, and notwithstanding all the shot that Sir Christopher Morris made, which endured almost two hours, the walls of the castle seemed so strong as they were little or nothing battered or impaired with the same. Whereupon I the said Earl caused him to retire and withdraw all his pieces of artillery saving that which was dismounted, which could not be lead away, the place being so dangerous, as men could not stand to mount the same again, and therefore I caused him to break it with over charge. And as soon as the ordinance was thus withdrawn and set forwards, I commanded the captains and soldiers to set fire in the toun, which being so raised in sundry parts, the soldiers fell into such a sudden rage and fear, that what by reason of the shot out of the castle, which beateth full upon the toun, and killed sundry of our soldiers, and again with such exclamations and cryings out upon no ground or cause, they began to flee so fast out of the toun, as by reason of the straight passage at the gate, the throng and press was so great, that one of them was like to destroy another; whereof was like to have grown some mischief and confusion. And if the smoke had not been such in the toun as blinded the Scots so that the same could not see the confusion and throng of our soldiers, undoubted with their shot they might have slain a great number of your people. But God be thanked, at last it was well appeased with much ado, and having made a jolly fire and smoke upon the toun, I the said Earl with Your Highness' army returned to our camp in this toun. And in this enterprise we lost not in all past xx men, but by reason of the said confusion amongst the soldiers the time passed and night came so fast on, that we could not tarry so long upon the burning of the toun throughout, as we would have done, though it be metely well smoked, and therefore we left it for that time. But yesterday arrived here the warden of the East and Middle marches, with the horsemen to the number of four thousand at the least, and this day I the said Earl have eftsoons visited the said toun of Edinburgh, which had chosen them a new provost, and intending to make a new resistance, had repaired the said chief port of the toun with stone and earth and stood somewhat stoutly to their defence. Nevertheless they were so well assaulted and quickly handled that the gate was soon set upon with our artillery and the toun won once again. In which assault were slain iiii or v hundred Scots, and but vii of our men lacking, thanks be to God. So that we trust Your Majesty's Commission given to me the said Earl for the burning of the said toun, is now well executed, for the toun and also the Abbey of Holyrood house is in manner wholly brent and desolate; which considering the dangerous entry into the same town by reason of the shot of the castle, we found to be a far more difficult and dangerous enterprise than before hath been supposed.
And whiles the toun was thus brenning, and we standing upon the hill without the toun to view the same, we might well hear the women and poor miserable creatures of the toun make exclamation and cryings out upon the cardinal in these words: "Wa worthe the Cardinal."[68] And also your horsemen since their arrival here have ridden abroad in the country and brent round about within v miles compass hereabouts and have gotten good booties, both of cattle and also ready money and plate to a good value and substance....
And finally, having made such devastation of the country hereabouts as your majesty hath commanded, I shall then proceed to the execution of the rest of my charge in our return home by land, which I trust shall be accomplished to your highness' honour and contentment. Thus Almighty God preserve your majesty in your royal estate most felicitously to endure. At Leith the ixth of May. Your Majesty's humble subjects and most bounden servants, E. Hertford, John Lisle, Rafe Sadleyr.
B. (MAY 18.)
+Source.+--_Hamilton Papers_, No. 240, Vol. II.
Please it Your Highness to understand that like as we wrote in our last letters to Your Majesty our determination to depart from Leith homewards by land with your army upon Thursday last, and so to devastate the country by the way in our return as we might conveniently, so have we now accomplished the same. And first before our departure from Leith having brent Edinburgh and sundry other towns and villages in those parties as we wrote in our said last letters,--we did likewise burn the town of Leith, the same morning that we departed thence, and such ships and boats as we found in the haven, meet to be brought away, we have conveyed thence by sea, and the rest are brent; and have also destroyed and brent the pier and haven. Which damages we think they shall not be able to recover in our time. And in our way homewards we have brent the town of Musselborough, Preston, Seton, with Lord Seton's principal house, himself being pricking aloof from us with a certain number of horsemen, so that he will see his own house and his own toun on fire, and also we have brent the touns of Haddington and Dunbar, which we dare assure Your Majesty be well burnt, with as many other piles, gentlemen's and others houses and villages as we might conveniently reach, within the limits or compass of our way homewards. And always had such respect towards the keeping of good order and array in our marching, as notwithstanding the Scots would daily prick about us, and make as many proud shows and braggs, they could take us at none advantage. And yesterday the Lords Hume and Seton, and also as we were informed, the Earl of Bothwell, had assembled together the number of two thousand horsemen and vi thousand footmen, and were once determined to have stopped us at the Pease, which is a very straight and ill passage for an army, assuring your majesty that three thousand men, being men of heart, and having captains of any policy or experience of the wars, might keep and defend the said passage against a greater power than we had. Nevertheless being the said Scots assembled and determined as is aforesaid, to keep that passage, when they saw your majesty's army and power marching towards them in an honest order and in such sort as they might well perceive were fully bent and determined to assault them, they did immediately disperse and scale themselves in our sight, and gave us the passage without resistance. And so this journey is accomplished to Your Majesty's honour.
Touching the castle of Temptallen, like as we wrote to Your Highness what we have done to Sir George Douglas in the same, so have I the Earl of Hertford since that time received letters from the Earl of Angus and the said Sir George, which I send herewith to Your Majesty; and what shall be Your Majesty's further pleasure to have done in that behalf, I shall accomplish accordingly; and would right gladly have returned by Temptallen, and made some countenance of assault to the same, but that partly I forbare and tarried for the said answer, and chiefly I was constrained to leave it for lack of carriages for great pieces of artillery and also for lack of powder; and besides that we were so disfurnished by carriages for our victuals, that we were not able to carry so much with us, as might serve us for any longer time than that we might march home. And yet having made as Good Shift and Provision for the same as we could for our lives, the soldiers, ere we came half-way home, were fain to drink water the residue of the way which they did with as good will as ever did men, and as well content to endure labour and pain, without grudging at the same. These respects and lacks enforced us to leave both Temptallen and Hume Castles much against our wills, and to make the haste we could homewards for avoiding of more inconvenience. So that this night we arrived here at Berwick with our whole army, and shall forthwith dissolve the same, to the intent Your Highness may the sooner be exonerated of your great charges sustained in that behalf.
Finally, we have received letters since our arrival here from the lords of your majesty's council, by the which it appeareth that Your Highness' pleasure to have 3900 soldiers chosen out of this army to be transported hence to Calais to serve Your Highness in France,--whereupon I the said Earl have called sundry of the captains afore me, and appointed such as I thought most meet with their numbers for that purpose. Assuring Your Majesty that though the gentlemen are most willing to serve, yet they declare their necessity to be such, which indeed is most evident,--as we see not how it is possible to furnish the said number presently from these parts, to be transported to Calais, unless the gentlemen and their men might have time to go home and prepare and furnish themselves in such sort as they might be able to serve Your Majesty to your honour and their honesties. For having in this journey spent all their money, they say that of force they must go home to make shift for more, and they have neither tents nor pavilions here; for because this enterprise into Scotland was by sea, all gentlemen had special commandment to bring no carriages with them, so that few or none brought any pavilion hither. And as for the soldiers having lain nightly in their clothes, since they came from home being now the space of two months, and for this fortnight, every night in the fields without covering, they have the most part of them, what with cold and great travail and scant victualling have caught such diseases both in their bodies and swelling in their legs, and be so wearied with labour and pain that few or none of them be meet to go to the seas, nor yet able to serve Your Majesty when they come to land to your honor. And besides that they be so far out of apparrell both in shirts, doublets, coats, and all other things, having also no money to furnish the same, that their captains cannot with honesty bring them to the field in such plight. So that except they might have time to refresh themselves, both to get health and such necessary furniture as they now want, undoubtedly we see not how it is possible to pick out the said number of 3900 of such men as may be sent with honesty to serve Your Highness purpose,--as I the said lord Admiral shall declare unto Your Majesty at my coming. In the mean season, we have appointed here 500 Harquebusiers, which be as forward and apt men to serve in strait feat as ever we saw, and also 200 of the Lord Cobham's men, 200 pioneers under the conduct of Mr. Lee and 50 of Sir Christopher Mone's men, besides 500 of those that come by sea, over and above 2000 reserved to keep the sea, so that the whole number that can be had here is 1450 men, which shall forthwith be embarked and transported to Calais, according to Your Majesty's pleasure. And this is as much as can be done here in that behalf, without a longer respect as is aforesaid. Thus Almighty God preserve Your Majesty in your royal estate most felicitously to endure.
At Berwick the xviiith of May and ix o'clock within night. Your Majesty's humble subjects and most bounden servants. (Signed) E. Hertford, John Lisle, Rafe Sadleyr.
[Footnote 68: _i.e._ Cardinal Beaton, leader of the French Party in Scotland.]
ATTEMPTED INVASION OF ENGLAND BY THE FRENCH (1545).
+Source.+--Holinshed, p. 847.
The same month also the Lord Lisle Admiral of England with the English fleet entered the mouth of the Seine, and came before Newhaven, where a great navy of the Frenchmen lay, to the number of a two hundred ships, and six and twenty gallies, whereof the Pope (as was reported) had sent twenty well furnished with men and money to the aid of the French king.
The Englishmen being not past an hundred and threescore sail, and all great ships, determined not to set upon the Frenchmen where they lay: but yet approaching near unto them, shot off certain pieces of ordinance at them, and thereby caused the gallies to come abroad, which changed shot again with the Englishmen.
The gallies at the first had great advantage, by reason of the great calm.
Thrice either part assaulted other with shot of their great artillery, but suddenly the wind rose so high, that the gallies could not endure the rage of the seas, and so the Englishmen for fear of flats were compelled to enter the main seas and so sailed unto Portsmouth where the King lay, for he had knowledge of his espials that the Frenchmen intended to land in the Isle of Wight, wherefore he repaired to that coast, to see his realm defended.
After this, the eighteenth of July the admiral of France Monseiur Danebalte hoisted up sails, and with his whole navy came forth into the seas, and arrived on the coast of Sussex before Bright Hamsteed,[69] and set certain of his soldiers on land to burn and spoil the country: but the beacons were fired and the inhabitants thereabouts came down so thick that the Frenchmen were driven to fly with loss of divers of their numbers; so that they did little hurt there. Immediately thereupon they made to the point of the Isle of Wight, called Saint Helen's point, and there in good order upon their arrival they cast anchors, and sent daily sixteen of their gallies to the very haven of Portsmouth. The English navy lying there in the same haven, made them ready, and set out toward the enemies, and still the one shot hotly at the other; but the wind was so calm, that the king's ships could bear no sail, which greatly grieved the minds of the Englishmen, and made the enemies more bold to approach with their gallies, and to assail the ships with their shot even within the haven.
The twentieth of July, the whole navy of the Englishmen made out, and purposed to set on the Frenchmen, but in setting forward, through too much folly, one of the King's ships called the _Marie Rose_ was drowned in the midst of the haven, by reason that she was overladen with ordinance, and had the ports left open, which were very low, and the great artillerie unbreeched so that when the ship should turn, the water entered, and suddenly she sank. In her was Sir George Carew knight and four hundred soldiers under his guiding. There escaped not past forty persons of all the whole number. On the morrow after about two thousand of the Frenchmen landed at the Isle of Wight, where one of their chief captains named le Chevalier Daux, a Provençois, was slain with many other, and the residue with loss and shame driven back again to their gallies.
The King perceiving the great Armada of the Frenchmen to approach, caused the beacons to be fired, and by letters sent into Hamptonshire, Summersetshire, Wiltshire, and into divers other countries adjoining, gave knowledge to such as were appointed to be ready for that purpose, to come with all speed to encounter the enemies. Whereupon they repaired to his presence in great numbers well furnished with armour, weapon, vittels, and all other things necessary, so that the Isle was garnished, and all the frontiers along the coasts fortified with exceeding great multitudes of men. The French captains having knowledge by certain fishermen, whom they took, that the King was present, and so huge a power ready to resist them, they disanchored and drew along the coast of Sussex, and a small number of them landed again in Sussex, of whom few returned to their ships; for divers gentlemen of the country, as Sir Nicholas Pelham, and others, with such power as was raised, upon the sudden, took them up by the way and quickly distressed them.
When they had searched everywhere by the coast, and saw men still ready to receive them with battle, they turned stern, and so got them home again without any act achieved worthy to be mentioned. The number of the Frenchmen was great, so that divers of them that were taken prisoners in the Isle of Wight and in Sussex did report that they were three score thousand. The French king advertised the emperor most untruly by letters, that his army had gotten the Isle of Wight with the ports of Hamton, and Portsmouth, and divers other places.
[Footnote 69: _i.e._ Brighthelmstone = Brighton.]
THE CAPTURE OF THE BARQUE AGER (1545).
+Source.+--Hall's _Henry VIII_.
In this time, there was by the Frenchmen a voyage made towards the Isle of Brazil, with a ship called the Barque Ager, which they had taken from the Englishmen before. And in their way they fortuned to meet suddenly with a little Craer, of whom was Master one Golding, which Golding was a fierce and an hardy man. The barque perceiving this small Craer to be an Englishman, shot at him and boughed him, wherefore the Craer drew straight to the great ship, and six or seven of the men leapt into the Barque: the Frenchmen looking over the board at the sinking of the Craer, nothing mistrusting anything, that might be done by the Englishmen. And so it fortuned that those Englishmen which climbed into the ship, found in the end thereof a great number of lime pots, which they with water quenched, or rather as the nature thereof is, set them a fire, and threw them at the Frenchmen that were aboard, and so blinded them, that those few Englishmen that entered the ship, vanquished all that were therein, and drove them under hatches, and brought the barque clearly away again into England.
SPEECH MADE BY KING HENRY VIII. AT THE OPENING OF PARLIAMENT (1546).
+Source.+--Edward Hall's _Henry VIII_.
Although my Chancellor for the time being, hath before this time used, very eloquently and substantially, to make answer to such orations, as hath been set forth in this high court of Parliament, yet is he not so able to open and set forth my mind and meaning, and the secrets of my heart, in so plain and ample manner, as I myself am and can do; wherefor I taking upon me to answer your eloquent oration, Master Speaker, say, that where you, in the name of our well-beloved Commons hath both praised and extolled me, for the notable qualities that you have conceived to be in me, I most heartily thank you all, that you have put me in remembrance of my duty, which is to endeavour myself to obtain and get such excellent qualities, and necessary virtues, as a Prince or Governor, should or ought to have, of which gifts I recognize myself both bare and barren; but of such small qualities as God hath endued me withal, I render to his goodness my most humble thanks, intending with all my wit and diligence, to get and acquire to me such notable virtues and princely qualities as you have alleged to be incorporate in my person. These thanks for your loving admonition and good counsel first remembered, eftsoons thank you again, because that you, considering our great charges (not for our pleasure, but for your defences, not for our gain, but to our great cost), which we have lately sustained, as well in defence of our and your enemies, as for the conquest of that fortress, which was to this realm, most displeasant and noisome, and shall be by God's grace hereafter, to our nation most profitable and pleasant, have freely of your own mind, granted to us a certain subsidy specified in a certain act, which verily we take in good part, regarding more your kindness, than the profit thereof, as he that setteth more by your loving hearts, than by your substance. Besides this hearty kindness, I cannot a little rejoice when I consider the perfect trust and sure confidence which you have put in me, as men having undoubted hope and unfeigned belief in my good doings and just proceedings for you, without my desire or request, have committed to mine order and disposition, all Chantries, Colleges, Hospitals, and other places specified in a certain act, firmly trusting that I will order them to the glory of God, and the profit of the commonwealth. Surely if I contrary to your expectation, should suffer the ministers of the Church to decay, or learning (which is so great a jewel) to be ministered, or poor and miserable people to be unrelieved, you might say that I being put in so special a trust, as I am in this case, were no trusty friend to you, nor charitable man to mine even Christian,[70] neither a lover of the public wealth, nor yet one that feared God, to whom account must be rendered of all our doings. Doubt not I pray you, but your expectation shall be served, more godly and goodly than you will wish or desire, as hereafter you shall plainly perceive.
Now sithence I find such kindness on your part towards me, I can not chose but love and favour you, affirming that no prince in the world more favoureth his subjects, than I do you, nor no subjects or commons more, love and obey, their sovereign lord, than I perceive you do me, for whose defence my treasure shall not be hidden, nor yf necessity require my person shall not be unadventured; yet although I with you, and you with me, be in this perfect love and concord, this friendly amity can not continue, except both you my lords temporal, and you my lords spiritual, and you my loving subjects, study and take pain to amend one thing, which surely is amiss, and far out of order, to the which I most heartily require you, which is, that charity and concord is not amongst you, but discord and dissention beareth rule in every place. S. Paul saith to the Corinthians, in the xiii Chapter, Charity is gentle, Charity is not envious, Charity is not proud, and so forth, in the said Chapter: Behold then what love and Charity is amongst you, when the one calleth the other Heretic and Anabaptist, and he calleth him again Papist, Hypocrit and Pharisee. Be these tokens of charity amongst you? Are these the signs of fraternal love between you? No, no, I assure you, that this lack of charity among yourselves, will be the hindrance and assuaging of the fervent love between us, as I said before; except this wound be salved, and clearly made whole, I must needs judge the fault and occasion of this discord to be partly by negligence of you the fathers and preachers of the spirituality. If I see a man boast and bragg himself, I cannot but deem him a proud man. I see and hear daily that you of the clergy preach one against another, teach one contrary to another, inveigh one against another without charity or discretion. Some be too stiff in their old Mumpsimus, others be too busy and curious in their new Sumpsimus. Thus all men almost be in variety and discord, and few or none preach truly and sincerely the word of God, according as they ought to do. Shall I now judge you charitable persons doing this? No, no, I cannot so do: alas, how can the poor souls live in concord when you preachers sow amongst them in your sermons debate and discord? Or if they look for light, and you bring them to darkness? Amend these crimes I exhort you, and set forth God's word, both by true preaching, and good example giving, or else I whom God hath appointed his Vicar, and high minister here, will see these divisions extinct, and these enormities corrected, according to my very duty, or else I am an unprofitable servant, and untrue officer.
Although as I say, the spiritual men be in some fault, that charity is not kept amongst you, yet you of the temporality be not clean and unspotted of malice and envy, for you rail on Bishops, speak slanderously of Priests, and rebuke and taunt Preachers, both contrary to good order and Christian fraternity. If you know surely that a bishop or preacher erreth or teacheth perverse doctrine, come and declare it to some of our Council or to us, to whom is committed by God the high authority to reform and order such causes and behaviours, and be not judges yourselves, of your own phantastical opinions, and vain exposicions, for in such high causes ye may lightly err. And all though you be permitted to read holy scripture, and to have the word of God in your mother tongue, you must understand that it is licensed you so to do, only to inform your own conscience, and to instruct your children and family, and not to dispute and make scripture a railing and a taunting stock, against Priests and Preachers (as many light persons do). I am very sorry to know and hear, how unreverently that most precious jewel the word of God is disputed, rhymed, sung and jangled in every Alehouse and Tavern, contrary to the true meaning and doctrine of the same. And yet I am even as much sorry that the readers of the same follow it in doing so faintly and coldly; for of this I am sure, that Charity was never so faint amongst you, and vertuous and Godly living was never less used, nor God himself amongst Christians was never less reverenced, honoured or served. Therefore, as I said before, be in Charity one with another, like brother and brother, love, dread and serve God (to the which I as your supreme head, and sovereign lord, exhort and require you) and then I doubt not but that love and league that I spake of in the beginning shall never be dissolved or broken between us. And the making of laws, which be now made and concluded, I exhort, you the makers, to be as diligent in putting them in execution, as you were in making and furthering the same, or else your labour shall be in vain, and your commonwealth nothing relieved. Now to your petition, concerning our royal assent to be given to such acts as passed both the houses. They shall be read openly, and ye may hear them.
[Footnote 70: = my fellow Christian.]
HUGH LATIMER'S SERMON ON "THE PLOUGHERS" (1549).
+Source.+--Latimer's _Remains and Sermons_, Corria Parker Society (1844); "Sermon on the Ploughers."
... Now what shall we say of these rich artisans of London? What shall I say of them? Shall I call them proud men of London, malicious men of London, merciless men of London? No, no, I may not say so, they will be offended with me then. Yet must I speak. For there is reigning in London as much pride, as much covetousness, as much cruelty, as much oppression, as much superstition, as was in Nebo?[71] Yes, I think and much more too. Therefore I say, repent O London! repent, repent! Thou hearest thy faults told thee; amend them, amend them. And you rulers and officers, be wise and circumspect, look to your charge and see you do your duties and rather be glad to amend your ill living than to be angry when you are warned or told of your fault.... But London cannot abide to be rebuked; such is the nature of man. If they be pricked, they will kick. If they be rubbed on the gall, they will wince. But yet they will not amend their faults, they will not be ill spoken of. But how shall I speak well of them? If you could be content to receive and follow the word of God and favour good preachers, if you could bear to be told of your faults, if you could amend when you hear of them: if you would be glad to reform that is amiss: if I might see any such inclination in you, that leave to be merciless and begin to be charitable, I would then hope well of you, I would then speak well of you. But London was never so ill as it is now. In times past men were full of pity and compassion, but now there is no pity; for in London their brother shall die in the streets for cold, he shall lie sick at their door between stock and stock, I cannot tell what to call it, and perish there for hunger. In times past when any rich man died in London, they were wont to help the poor scholars of the university with exhibition. When any man died, they would bequeathe great sums of money towards the relief of the poor. When I was a scholar at Cambridge myself, I heard very good report of London and knew many that had relief of the rich men of London; but now I can hear no such good report and yet I enquire of it and hearken for it, but now charity is waxed cold, none helpeth the scholar nor yet the poor. And in those days what did they when they helped the scholars? Many they maintained and gave them livings that were very papists and professed the pope's doctrine; and now that the knowledge of God's word is brought to light, and many earnestly study and labour to set it forth, now almost no man helpeth to maintain them. Oh! London! London! repent, repent, for I think God is more displeased with London than ever he was with the city of Nebo. Amend therefore; and ye that be prelates, look well to your office, for right prelating is busy labouring and not lording. Therefore preach and teach and let your plough be doing; ye lords, I say, that live like loiterers, look well to your office; the plough is your office and charge. If you live idle and loiter, you do not your duty, you follow not your vocation; let your plough therefore be going and not cease, that true ground may bring forth good fruit. But now, me thinketh I hear one say unto me, wot you what you say? Is it a work? Is it a labour? How then hath it happened that we have had so many hundred years so many unpreaching prelates, lording loiterers, and idle ministers? Ye would have me here to make answer and to shew the cause thereof. Nay, this land is not for me to plough, it is too strong, too thorny, too hard for me to plough. They have so many things that make for them, so many things to lay for themselves, that it is not for my weak team to plough them. They have to lay for themselves long customs and ceremonies and authority, placing in parliament, and many things more. And I feare me this land is not yet ripe to be ploughed. For, as the saying is, it lacketh weathering; at least way it is not for me to plough. For what shall I look for among thornes but pricking and scratching? What among stones, but stumbling? What (I had almost said) among serpents, but stinging? But this much I dare say, that since lording and loitering hath come up, preaching hath come down, contrary to the Apostles' times. For they preached and lorded not. And now they lord and preach not.
But now for the fault of unpreaching prelates, me thinke, I could guess, what might be said for excusing of them: They are so troubled with lordly living, they be so placed in palaces, couched in courts, ruffling in their rents, dancing in their dominions, and burdened with ambassages, pampering of their paunches like a monk that maketh his jubilee, munching in their mangers and moiling in their gay manors and mansions, and so troubled with loitering in their Lordships: that they cannot attend it. They are otherwise occupied, some in the king's matters, some are ambassadors, some of the Privy Council, some to furnish the court, some are Lords of Parliament, some are presidents and some are comptrollers of mints. Is this their duty? Is this their office? Should we have ministers of the Church to be comptrollers of the mints? Is this a meet office for a prieste that hath the cure of Souls? Is this his charge? I would here ask one question? I would fain know who controlleth the devil at home at his parish while he comptrolleth the mint? If the Apostles might not leave the office of preaching to be deacons, shall one leave it for minting?
And now I would ask a strange question? Who is the most diligent bishop and prelate in all England, that passeth all the rest in doing his office? I can tell, for I know him, who it is; I know him well. But now I think I see you listing and hearkening, that I should name him. There is one that passeth all the other, and is the most diligent prelate and preacher in all England. And will ye know who it is? I will tell you. It is the Devil. He is the most diligent preacher of all other, he is never out of his diocese, he is never from his cure, ye shall never find him unoccupied, he is ever in his parish, he keepeth residence at all times, ye shall never find him out of the way; call for him when you will, he is ever at home, the diligentest preacher in all the Realm; he is ever at his plough, no lording or loitering can hinder him; he is ever applying his business, ye shall never find him idle, I warrant you. And his office is, to hinder religion, to maintain superstition, to set up idolatry, to teach all kind of popery; he is ready as can be wished to set forth his plough, to devise as many ways as can be, to deface and obscure God's glory. Where the Devil is resident and hath his plough going: there away with books, and up with candles, yea, at noon-days. Where the Devil is resident, that he may prevail, up with all superstition and idolatry, sensing, painting of images, candles, palms, ashes, holy water and new service of men's inventing, as though man could invent a better way to honour God with than God himself hath appointed. Down with Christ's Crosse, up with Purgatory pick-purse, up with him, the popish purgatory, I mean. Away with clothing the naked, the poor and impotent, up with decking of images and gay garnishing of stocks and stones, up with man's traditions and his laws, down with God's tradition and his most holy word. Down with the old honour due to God, and up with the new God's honour, let all things be done in Latin. There must be nothing but Latin, not as much as "Memento, homo, quod cinis es, et in cineres reverteris"--Remember, man, that thou arte ashes and into ashes thou shalt return. Which be the words that the minister speaketh, to the ignorant people, when he giveth them ashes upon Ash Wednesday, but it must be spoken in Latin. God's word may in no wise be translated into English. Oh, that our prelates would be as diligent to sow the corn of good doctrine, as Satan is to sow cockel and darnel! And this is the devilish ploughing, the which worketh to have things in Latin and letteth the fruitful edification.
[Footnote 71: A Moabite town; see Jeremiah xlviii.]
THE ORDINANCES, STATUTES AND RULES MADE BY JOHN LORD TIPTOLFE, EARL OF WORCESTER, CONSTABLE OF ENGLAND, BY THE KING'S COMMANDMENT, AT WINDSOR ON THE 29TH OF MARCH (CIRCA 1590).
+Source.+--From Sir J. Harrington's _Nugae Antiquae_, Vol. III., p. 234, 1792.
Reserving always to the Queen and to the Lord President, the attribution and gift of the prizes, after the manner and form accustomed. For their demerits according to the articles ensuing:
_How many ways the prize is won._
First, whoso breaketh most spears, as they ought to be broken, shall have the prize.
Item, whoso breaketh three times, in the sight of the helm, shall have the prize.
Item, whoso meeteth two times, coronal[72] to coronal, shall have the prize.
Item, whoso beareth a man doun with stroke of spear shall have the prize.
_How many ways the prize shall be lost._
First, whoso striketh a horse shall have no prize.
Item, who striketh a man, his back turned, or disarmed of his spear, shall have no prize.
Item, whoso hitteth the toile[73] three times shall have no prize.
Item, whoso unhelms himself two times shall have no prize, unless his horse do fail him.
_How broken spears shall be allowed._
First, whoso breaketh a spear between the saddle and the coronal[74] of the helm shall be allowed for one.
Item, whoso breaketh a spear from the coronal upwards shall be allowed for two.
Item, whoso breaketh a spear, so that he striketh his adversary doun, or put him out of his saddle, or disarms him in such wise as he may not run the next course after, or breaketh his spear coronal to coronal shall be allowed as three spears broken.
_How spears broken shall be disallowed._
First, whoso breaketh on the saddle shall be disallowed for spear-breaking.
Item, whoso hitteth the toile once shall be disallowed for two.
Item, whoso hitteth the toil shall, for that blow the second time be disallowed three.
Item, whoso breaketh a spear, within a foot to the coronal, shall be adjudged as no spear broken, but a faint attaint.[75]
_For the Prize to be given and who shall be preferred._
First, whoso beareth a man doun out of the saddle, or putteth him to the earth, horse and man, shall have the prize before him that striketh coronal to coronal two times.
Item, he that strikes coronal to coronal two times, shall have the prize before him that strikes the sight three times.
Item, he that strikes the sight three times shall have the prize before him that breaketh more spears.
Item, if there be any man that furnisheth in this wise, which shall be deemed to have bidden longest in the field helmed, and to have run the fairest course, and to have given the greatest strokes, and to have holpen himself best with his spear he shall have the prize.
JOHN WORCESTER.
_At Tourney._
Two blows at the passage, and ten at the joining, more or less as they make it. All gripings, shocks and foul play forbidden.
_How Prizes and Tourney and barrier are to be lost._
He that giveth a stroke with a pike from the girdle downwards, or under the barrier, shall win no prize.
He that shall have a close gauntlet, or anything to fasten his sword to his hand, shall have no prize.
He whose sword falleth out of his hand shall win no prize.
He that stayeth his hands in fight or the barrier shall win no prize.
He whosoever shall fight and doth not shew his sword to the judges before, shall win no prize.
Yet it is to be understood that the Challengers may win all these prizes against the Defendants.
The Maintainers may take aid or assistance of the noblemen, of such as they shall like best.
[Footnote 72: Coronal = (_a_) The head of a tilting lance of iron, furnished with two, three, or four blunt points, which give a good hold on shield or helmet when striking but do not penetrate; (_b_) the ornamentation on the helmet, to which the plume or crest was usually attached.]
[Footnote 73: The barrier separating the two competitors.]
[Footnote 74: See note on previous page.]
[Footnote 75: Attaint was the technical term for a hit.]
A LITTLE PROHEME TO THE BOOK CALLED _GRAMMATICA RUDIMENTA_, BY DEAN COLET (1527).
APPENDIX IX. NUM. XIII.
+Source.+--Knight's _Life of Colet_.
Albeit many have written, and have made certain introductions into Latin Speech, called Donates and Accidence in Latin tongue and in English, in such plenty that it should seem to suffice; yet nevertheless for the love and zeal that I have to the new School of Powles, and to the children of the same, somewhat I have also compiled of the matter, and of the viii parts of grammar have made this little book, not thinking that I could say anything that had been said better before, but I took this business having great pleasure to shew the testimony of my good mind unto that school.
In which little work if any new things be of me, it is alonely that I have put these parts in a more clear order, and have made them a little more easy to young wits, than (me thinketh) they were before. Judging that nothing may be too soft, nor too familiar for little children, especially learning a tongue unto them all strange. In which little book I have left many things out of purposes, considering the tenderness and small capacity of little minds. And that I have spoken also I have affirmed it none otherwise, but as it happeneth most commonly in the Latin Tongue. For many be the exceptions, and hard it is anything generally to assure in a speech so various. I pray God all may be to his honour, and to the erudition and profit of children, and my countrymen Londoners especially, whom digesting this little work I had alway before mine eyen, considering more, what was for them, than to shew any great cunning, willing to speak the things often before spoken, in such manner as gladly young beginners and tender wits might take and conceive. Wherefore I pray you all little babes, all little children learn gladly this little treatise, and commend it diligently unto your memories, trusting of this beginning that ye shall proceed and grow to perfect literature, and come at the last to be great clerks. And lift up your little white hands for me, which prayeth for you to God, to whom be all honour and imperial majesty and glory, AMEN.
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Transcriber's note:
Apparent typographical errors have been corrected. The use of hyphens has been rationalised.
Notices of other books in the series have been moved to the end of the text.