v. 12, 6, οἱ πάντες Ἕλληνες set up statues in Olympia to Trajan, and αἱ

ἐς τὸ Ἀχαικὸν τελοῦσαι πόλεις to Hadrian, and no misunderstanding has here crept in, the latter dedication must have taken place at the diet of Aegium.]

[163: So (only that the Dorians are wanting; comp. p. 259, note 2) the union is termed on the inscription of Acraephia (Keil, _Syll. Inscr. Boeot._ n. 31). But this very document, along with the contemporary one, _C. I. Gr._ 1625, furnishes a proof that the union under the emperor Gaius, instead of this doubtless strictly official appellation, designated itself also on the one hand as union of the Achaeans, on the other as τὸ κοινὸν τῶν Πανελλήνων, or ἡ σύνοδος τῶν Ἑλλήνων, also τὸ τῶν Ἀχαιῶν καὶ Πανελλήνων συνέδριον. This grandiloquence is nowhere so glaringly prominent as in those Boeotian petty country-towns; but even in Olympia, where the union especially set up its memorials, it names itself for the most part no doubt τὸ κοινὸν τῶν Ἀχαιῶν, but shows often enough the same tendency; _e.g._ when τὸ κοινὸν τῶν Ἀχαιῶν Π. Αἴλιον Ἀρίστωνα ... σύνπαντες οἱ Ἕλληνες ἀνέστησαν (_Arch. Zeit._ 1880, p. 86, n. 344). So too in Sparta, οἱ Ἕλληνες set up a statue to Caesar Marcus ἀπὸ τοῦ κοινοῦ τῶν Ἀχαιῶν (_C. I. Gr._ 1318).]

[164: In Asia, Bithynia, lower Moesia, the president of the Greek towns belonging to the province is also called Ἑλλαδάρχης, without more being thereby expressed than the contrast with the non-Greeks. But, as the name of Hellenes is employed in Greece in a certain contrast to the strictly correct one of Achaeans, this is certainly suggested by the same tendency which was most clearly marked in the Panhellenes of Argos. Thus we find στρατηγὸς τοῦ κοινοῦ τῶν Ἀχαιῶν καὶ προστάτης διὰ βίου τῶν Ἑλλήνων (_Arch. Zeit._ 1877, p. 192, n. 98), or on another document of the same man προστάτης διὰ βίου τοῦ κοινοῦ τῶν Ἀχαιῶν (Lebas-Foucart, n. 305); an ἄρξας τοῖς Ἕλλησιν σύνπασιν (_Arch. Zeit._ p. 195, n. 106) στρατηγὸς ἀσυνκρίτως ἄρξας τῆς Ἑλλάδος (_ib._ 1877, p. 40, n. 42) στρατηγὸς καὶ Ἑλλαδάρχης (_ib._ 1876, n. 8, p. 226), all likewise on inscriptions of the κοινὸν τῶν Ἀχαιῶν. That in this κοινόν, though it may perhaps be deemed to refer merely to the Peloponnesus (p. 264, note), the Panhellenic tendency none the less asserted itself, may well be conceived.]

[165: The Hadrianic Panhellenes name themselves τὸ κοινὸν συνέδριον τῶν Ἑλλήνων τῶν εἰς Πλατηὰς συνιόντων (Thebes: Keil, _Syll. Inscr. Boeot._ n. 31, comp. Plutarch, _Arist._ 19, 21); κοινὸν τῆς Ἑλλάδος (_C. I. Gr._ 5852); τὸ Πανελλήνιον (_ib._). Its president is termed ὁ ἄρχων τῶν Πανελλήνων (_C. I. A._ iii. 681, 682; _C. I. Gr._ 3832, comp. _C. I. A._ iii. 10: ἀ[ντ]άρχων τοῦ ἱερωτάτου ἀ[γῶνος τοῦ Π]αν[ελ]ληνίου), the individual deputy Πανέλλην (_e.g._ _C. I. A._ iii. 534; _C. I. Gr._ 1124). Alongside of these in the period subsequent to Hadrian the κοινὸν τῶν Ἀχαιῶν and its στρατηγός or Ἑλλαδάρχης still occur, who are probably to be distinguished from those just mentioned, although the latter now sets up his honorary decrees not merely in Olympia, but also in Athens (_C. I. A._ 18; second example in Olympia, _Arch. Zeit._ 1879, p. 52).]

[166: That the remark of Dio of Prusa, _Or._ xxxviii. p. 148 R., as to the dispute of the Athenians and the Lacedaemonians ὑπὲρ τῆς προπομπείας, refers to the festival at Plataeae, is evident from (Lucian) Ἔρωτες 18, ὡς περὶ προπομπείας ἀγωνιούμενοι Πλαταιᾶσιν. The sophist Irenaeus also wrote περὶ τῆς Αθηναίων προπομπείας (Suidas, _s. v._), and Hermogenes, _de ideis_, ii. p. 373. Walz gives as the topic spoken of Ἀθηναῖοι καὶ Λακεδαιμόνιοι περὶ τῆς προπομπείας κατὰ τὰ Μηδικὰ (communication from Wilamowitz).]

[167: Two of these are preserved, for Cibyra in Phrygia (_C. I. Gr._ 5882), issued from the κοινὸν τῆς Ἑλλάδος by a δόγμα τοῦ Πανελληνίου; and for Magnesia on the Maeander (_C. I. Att._ iii. 16). In both the good Hellenic descent of the corporations concerned is brought out along with their other services to the Hellenes. Characteristic are also the letters of recommendation, with which these Panhellenes furnish a man who had merited well of their commonwealth to the community of his home Aezani in Phrygia, to the emperor Pius, and to the Hellenes in Asia generally (_C. I. Gr._ 3832, 3833, 3834).]

[168: Beyond doubt Plutarch in these words (_de defectu orac._ 8) does not mean to say that Greece was not able at all to furnish 3000 men capable of arms, but that, if burgess-armies of the old sort were to be formed, they would not be in a position to set on foot 3000 "hoplites." In this sense the expression may well be correct, so far as correctness can be expected at all in the case of general complaints of this sort. The number of communities of the province amounted nearly to a hundred.]

[169: [Dio, _Orat._ xxi. 501 R.]]

[170: This is told to us by Herodian, iv. 8, 3, c. 9, 4, and we have the inscriptions of two of these Spartiates, Nicocles, ἐστρατευμένος δὶς κατὰ Περσῶν (_C. I. Gr._ 1253), and Dioscoras, ἀπελθὼν εἰς τὴν εὐτυχεστάτην συμμαχίαν (= expeditio) τὴν κατὰ Περσῶν (_C. I. Gr._ 1495).]

[171: The φρούριον (_C. I. A._ iii. 826) cannot well be understood otherwise.]

[172: "You have no want of means," says Dio (_Or._ xxxi. p. 566), "and there are thousands upon thousands here, for whom it would be advantageous to be less rich;" and further on (p. 620), "you are richer than any one else in Hellas. Your ancestors possessed not more than you do. The island has not become worse; you draw the profit of Caria and a part of Lycia; a number of towns are tributary to you; the city is always receiving rich gifts from numerous citizens." He further states that new expenses had not been added, but the earlier outlays for army and fleet had almost fallen into abeyance; they had to supply annually at Corinth (and so to the Roman fleet) but one or two small vessels.]

[173: [Dio, _Orat._ xxxi. 649, 650.]]

[174: At the popular festivals, which in Tiberius's time a rich man gave at Acraephia in Boeotia, he invited the grown-up slaves, and his wife the female slaves, as guests along with the free (_C. I. Gr._ 1625). In an endowment for the distribution of oil at the fencing-institute (γυμνάσιον) of Gytheion in Laconia it is ordained that on six days in the year the slaves should also partake in it (Lebas-Foucart n. 243_a_). Similar largesses occur in Argos (_C. I. Gr._ 1122, 1123).]

[175: In answer to one of the numerous complaints, with which the towns of Asia Minor plagued the government on account of their disputes as to titles and rank, Pius tells the Ephesians (Waddington, _Aristide_, p. 51), that he was glad to hear that the Pergamenes had given to them the new title; that the Smyrnaeans had doubtless merely by accident omitted it, and would certainly in future be ready to do what was correct, if they--the Ephesians--would accord to them their right titles. To a small Lycian town, which applied to the proconsul for the confirmation of a resolution adopted by it, the latter replied (Benndorf, _Lykische Reise_, i. 71), that excellent ordinances require only praise, not confirmation; the latter is implied in the case. The rhetorical schools of this epoch furnished also the draughtsmen for the imperial chancery; but this alone mattered little. It belonged to the essence of the principate not to accentuate outwardly the subject-relation, and especially not against the Greeks.]

[176: A formal alteration of the tax-organisation does not follow of itself from this change, and is not hinted at in Tacitus, _Ann._ i. 76; if the arrangement was made because the provincials complained of the pressure of taxation (_onera deprecantes_), better governors might help the provinces by suitable redistribution, and eventually by procuring remission. That the furtherance of the imperial postal service was felt specially in this province as an oppressive burden is shown by the edict of Claudius from Tegea (_Ephem. ep._ v. p. 69).]

[177: The Athenian insurrection under Augustus is certainly attested by the notice derived from Africanus in Eusebius, _ad ann. Abr._ 2025 (whence Orosius, vi. 22, 2). The riots against the _strategoi_ are often mentioned; Plutarch, _Q. sympos._ viii. 3, _init._; (Lucian), _Demonax_, 11, 64; Philostratus, _Vit. soph._ i. 23, ii. 8, 11.]

[178: The magistrate even of culture, that is the freethinker, is advised to attach the largesses which he makes to the religious festivals; for the multitude is strengthened in its faith, when it sees that the men of rank in the city lay some stress on the worship of the gods, and can expend something upon it (Plutarch, _Praec. ger. reip._ 30).]

[179: A model sample is the inscription (Lebas-Foucart, ii. p. 142 n., 162 _j._) of Μ[ᾶρκορ] Αὐρ[ήλιορ] Ζεύξιππορ ὁ καὶ Κλέανδρορ Φιλομούσω, a contemporary therefore of Pius and Marcus, who was ἱερεὺς Λευκιππίδων καὶ Τινδαριδᾶν, of the Dioscuri and their wives, the daughters of Leukippos, but--in order that with the old the new might not be wanting--also ἀρχιερέος τῶ Σεβαστῶ καὶ τῶν θείων προγόνων ὠτῶ. He had in his youth, moreover, been βουαγὸρ μικκιχιδδομένων, literally herd-leader of the little ones, namely, director of three-year-old boys--the "herds" of boys of Lycurgus began with the seventh year, but his successors had overtaken what was wanting, and embraced in the "herd" and provided with "leaders" all from one year old onward. This same man was victorious (νεικάαρ = νικήσας) κασσηρατοριν, μωαν καὶ λωαν: what this means, may be known perhaps to Lycurgus.]

[180: "Inland Attica," says an inhabitant of it in Philostratus, _Vitae Soph._ ii. 7, "is a good school for one who would learn to speak; the inhabitants of the city of Athens on the other hand, who hire out lodgings to the young people flocking thither from Thrace and Pontus and other barbarian regions, allow their language to be corrupted by these more than they impart to them good speaking. But in the interior, whose inhabitants are not mixed with barbarians, the pronunciation and language are good."]

[181: Karl Keil (Pauly, _Realencycl._ 1² p. 2100) points to τινός for ἧς τινός and τὰ χωρία γέγοναν in the inscription of the wife of Herodes (_C. I. L._ vi. 1342).]

[182: Dittenberger, _Hermes_, i. 414. Here, too, may be adduced what the stupid champion of Apollonius makes his hero write to the Alexandrian professors (_Ep._ 34), that he has left Argos, Sicyon, Megara, Phocis, Locris, in order that he might not, by staying longer in Hellas, become utterly a barbarian.]

[183: Tacitus (on the year 62, _Ann._ xv. 20) characterises one of these rich and influential provincials, Claudius Timarchides from Crete, who is all powerful in his sphere (_ut solent praevalidi provincialium et opibus nimiis ad iniurias minorum elati_), and has at his disposal the diet and consequently also the decree of thanks--a due accompaniment very desirable for the departing proconsul in view of possible actions of reckoning (_in sua potestate situm an proconsulibus, qui Cretam obtinuissent, grates agerentur_). The opposition proposes that this decree of thanks be refused, but does not succeed in bringing the proposal to a vote. From another side Plutarch (_Praec. ger. reip._ c. 19, 3) depicts these Greeks of rank.]

[184: Herodes was ἐξ ὑπάτων (Philostratus, _Vit. Soph._ i. 25, 5, p. 526), ἐτέλει ἐκ πατέρων ἐς τοὺς δισυπάτους (_ib._ ii. _init._ p. 545). Otherwise nothing is known of consulships of his ancestors; but certainly his grandfather Hipparchus was not a senator. Possibly the question is even only as to cognate ascendants. The family did not receive the Roman franchise under the Julii (comp. _C. I. A._ iii. 489), but only under the Claudii.]

[185: The first Roman Olympionices, of whom we know, is Ti. Claudius Ti. f. Nero, beyond doubt the subsequent emperor, with the four-in-hand (_Arch. Zeit._ 1880, p. 53); this victory falls probably in Ol. 195 (A.D. 1), not in Ol. 99 (A.D. 17), as the list of Africanus states (Euseb. i. p. 214, Schöne). In this year the conqueror was rather his son Germanicus, likewise with the four-in-hand (_Arch. Zeit._ 1879, p. 36). Among the eponymous Olympionicae, the victors in the stadium, no Roman is found; this wounding of the Greek national feeling seems to have been avoided.]

[186: An agonistic institute thus privileged is termed ἀγὼν ἱερός, _certamen sacrum_ (that is, with pensioning: Dio, li. 1), or ἀγὼν εἰσελαστικός, _certamen iselasticum_ (comp. among others, Plin. _ad Trai._ 118, 119; _C. I. L._ x. 515). The Xystarchia too is, at least in certain cases, conferred by the emperor (Dittenberger, _Hermes_, xii. 17 f.). Not without warrant these institutes called themselves "world-games" (ἀγὼν οἰκουμενικός).]

[187: The emperor Gaius declines, in his letter to the diet of Achaia, the "great number" of statues adjudged to him, and contents himself with the four of Olympia, Nemea, Delphi, and the Isthmus (Keil, _Inscr. Boeot._ n. 31). The same diet resolves to set up a statue to the emperor Hadrian in each of its towns, of which the base of that set up at Abea in Messenia has been preserved (_C. I. Gr._ 1307). Imperial authorisation for such erections was required from the first.]

[188: At the revision of the town-accounts of Byzantium, Pliny found that annually 12,000 sesterces (£125) were set down for the conveyance of new-year's good wishes by a special deputation to the emperor, and 3000 sesterces (£32) for the same to the governor of Moesia. Pliny instructs the authorities to send these congratulations thenceforth only in writing, which Trajan approves (_Ep. ad Trai._ 43, 44).]

[189: That the land-routes of Greece were specially unsafe, we do not learn; as to what was the nature of the insurrection in Achaia under Pius (_Vita_, 5, 4), we are quite in the dark. If the robber-chief generally--and not precisely the Greek one--plays a prominent part in the light literature of the epoch, this vehicle is common to the bad romance-writers of all ages. The Euboean desert of the more polished Dio was not a robber's nest, but it was the wreck of a great landed estate, whose possessor had been condemned on account of his wealth by the emperor, and which thenceforth lay waste. Moreover it is here apparent--as indeed needs no proof, at least for those who are non-scholars--that this history is just as true as most which begin by stating that the narrator himself had it from the person concerned; if the confiscation were historical, the possession would have come to the exchequer, not to the town, which the narrator accordingly takes good care not to name.]

[190: The naive description of Achaia by an Egyptian merchant of Constantius's time may find a place here:--"The land of Achaia, Greece, and Laconia has much of learning, but is inadequate for other things needful; for it is a small and mountainous province, and cannot furnish much corn, but produces some oil and the Attic honey, and can be praised more on account of the schools and eloquence, but not so in most other respects. Of towns it has Corinth and Athens. Corinth has much commerce, and a fine building, the amphitheatre; but Athens has old pictures (_historias antiquas_), and a work worth mentioning, the citadel, where many statues stand and wonderfully set forth the war-deeds of the forefathers (_ubi multis statuis stantibus mirabile est videre dicendum antiquorum bellum_). Laconia is said alone to have the marble of Croceae to show, which people call the Lacedaemonian." The barbarism of expression is to be set down to the account, not of the writer, but of the much later translator.]

[191:

Λευκάδος ἀντί με Καῖσαρ, ἰδ' Ἀμβρακίης ἐριβώλου, Θυῤῥείου τε πέλειν, ἀντί τ' Ἀνακτορίου, Ἄργεος Ἀμφιλόχου τε, καὶ ὁππόσα ῥαίσατο κύκλῳ ἄστε' ἐπιθρώσκων δουρομανὴς πόλεμος, εἵσατο Νικόπολιν, θείην πόλιν· ἀντὶ δὲ νίκης φοῖβος ἄναξ ταύτην δέχνυται Ἀκτιάδος.

_Anthol. Gr._ ix. 553.]

[192: When Tacitus, _Ann._ v. 10, names Nicopolis a _colonia Romana_, the statement is one liable to be misunderstood, but not exactly incorrect; but that of Pliny (_H. N._ iv. 1, 5), _colonia Augusti Actium cum ... civitate libera Nicopolitana_, is erroneous, as Actium was as little a town as Olympia.]

[193: Ὁ ἀγὼν Ὀλύμπιος τὰ Ἄκτια, Strabo, vii. 7, 6, p. 325; Ἀκτιάς Josephus, _Bell. Jud._ i. 20, 4; Ἀκτιονίκης oftener. As the four great Greek national festivals are, as is well known, termed ἡ περίοδος, and the victor crowned in all four περιοδονίκης, so in _C. I. Gr._ 4472 τῆς περιόδου is appended also to the games of Nicopolis, and the former περιόδος is designated as the ancient (ἀρχαία). As competitive games are frequently called ἰσολύμπια, so we find also ἀγὼν ἰσάκτιος (_C. I. Gr._ 4472), or _certamen ad exemplar Actiacae religionis_ (Tacitus, _Ann._ xv. 23).

[194: Thus a Nicopolite terms himself ἄρχων τῆς ἱερᾶς Ἀκτιακῆς βουλῆς (Delphi, _Rhein. Mus._ N. F. ii. 111), as in Elis the expression is used: ἡ πόλις Ἠλείων καὶ ἡ Ὀλυμπικὴ βουλή (_Arch. Zeit._ 1876, p. 57; similarly _ibid._ 1877, pp. 40, 41 elsewhere). Moreover the Spartans, as the only Hellenes that took part in the victory at Actium, obtained the conduct (ἐπιμέλεια) of the Actian games (Strabo, vii. 7, 6 p. 325): their relation to the βουλὴ Ἀκτιακή of Nicopolis we do not know.]

[195: The description of its decay in the time of Constantius (_Paneg._ 11, 9) is an evidence to the opposite effect for the earlier times of the empire.]

[196: The excavations at Dodona have confirmed this; all the articles found belong to the pre-Roman period except some coins. Certainly a restoration of the building took place, the time of which cannot be determined; perhaps it was quite late. When Hadrian, who is named Ζεὺς Δωδοναῖος (_C. I. Gr._ 1822), visited Dodona (Dürr, _Reisen Hadrians_, p. 56) he did so as an archaeologist. A consultation of the oracle during the imperial period is only reported--and that not after the most trustworthy manner--in the case of the emperor Julian (Theodoretus, _Hist. Eccl._ iii. 21).]

[197: The ordinance of Caesar is attested by Appian, _B. C._ ii. 88, and Plutarch, _Caes._ 48, and it very well accords with his own account, _B. C._ iii. 80; whereas Pliny, _H. N._ iv. 8, 29, names only Pharsalus as a free town. In Augustus' time a Thessalian of note, Petraeos (probably the partisan of Caesar, _B. C._ iii. 35), was burnt alive (Plutarch, _Praec. ger. reip._ 19), doubtless not by a private crime, but according to resolution of the diet, and so the Thessalians were brought before the tribunal of the emperor (Suetonius, _Tib._ 8). Presumably the two incidents and likewise the loss of freedom stand connected.]

[198: In the time of the republic Scodra seems to have belonged to Macedonia (iii. 181) {iii. 173.}; in the imperial period this and Lissus are Dalmatian towns, and the mouth of the Drin forms the boundary on the west.]

[199: The towns founded in these regions outside of Macedonia proper bear quite the character of colonies proper; _e.g._ that of Philippi in the Thracian land, and especially that of Derriopus in Paeonia (Liv.