Part 3

The precise time when Henry's attachment to her commenced is uncertain, but three years before her marriage, the Master of the Robes paid for some purple velvet for her; and on the 28th, for stuff prepared for her use. In December following, 180_l._ were given to her by the King's order: in April, 1530, her servant was paid for finding a hare;[141] and in May, the taylor and skinner were paid for her dresses; and bows, arrows, and other articles for shooting were bought for her.[142] The large share of the king's affection which she then possessed, and which was perhaps deemed to be the harbinger of her subsequent honors, is evident from the fact of the Mayor of London having sent her a present of cherries on the 5th of June; and the servant who brought them was rewarded with 6_s._ out of the privy purse. More bows were purchased for her on the 10th of that month; and in an entry in July as well as in the December preceding a person called George Taylor, is expressly styled, "my Lady Anne's servant." Linen cloth for her was paid for in September, in which month ten shillings were given for a cow that one of her greyhounds had killed. A remarkable entry occurs in November, in that year, from which it appears that Anne Boleyn had pawned one of her jewels to her sister Mary, and that Henry ordered 20_l._ to be given to redeem it; a few days afterwards, about twenty yards of crimson satin were purchased for her use. In December, eight guineas were given for budge skins or furs for her; on the 21st of that month she received twenty shillings in silver: the next day linen cloth for her shirts was paid for, and she was repaid 5_l._, which she had given to Henry Webb by the King's command. On the 23rd, the same sum was given to her for playing money, in groats, and on the 30th, Henry gave her 100_l._ as a New Years' gift. In February, 1531, her mercer's bill was again paid, and on the 17th, her servant Taylor, received 11_l._ 6_s._ 8_d._ to be "employed about my Lady Anne Rochford's business;" before the end of which month a farm was purchased for her at Greenwich, and for which 86_l._ 13_s._ 4_d._ were given. Her desk was garnished with laten and gold in April following; when her embroiderer was paid for work done for her. Early in May, 40_l._ were given her "to play;" on the 22nd, having lost 12_l._ 7_s._ 6_d._ at bowls to the Sergeant of the Cellar, that sum was paid to him out of the Privy Purse by his Majesty's commands; and on the 10th, eight yards of crimson cloth of gold were bought for her. From that time nothing more is said of Anne Boleyn until December, when her taylor's bill amounting to 28_l._ 6_s._ 4_d._ for her clothes was discharged; shortly after which her skinner's bill of 40_l._ 15_s._ 8_d._ was likewise paid. On the 29th of May, 1532, the King's watermen were remunerated for conveying her to Durham House. In June a splendid cloak and night-gown were purchased, and the price of all the materials, is detailed with the minuteness of a milliner's bill of the present day, from which it seems that both were made of black satin; that the former was edged, and the latter lined with velvet of the same colour; and that the cloak cost altogether 9_l._ 4_s._ 8_d._; whilst the night-gown was lined with black taffeta, and cost 10_l._ 15_s._ 8_d._: at the same time sixteen yards of green damask were also purchased for her.

In August in this year, her future elevation became so certain that the wife of one of the most distinguished courtiers of the time, in imitation of the example set nearly two years before by the Mayor of London, endeavoured to propitiate her favour by a present; as on the 17th of that month, Lady Russell, afterwards Countess of Bedford sent her a stag and a greyhound, which she gave to the King, who ordered 40_s._ to be paid to the servant who brought them. On the 1st of September, Anne Boleyn was created Marchioness of Pembroke, and on the 19th of that month, the Master of the Robes was paid for stuff which was delivered to her servant, probably for the costume in which she appeared at the ceremony; and about a fortnight afterwards certain silks were provided by him for her apparel, the costs of which were 56_l._ She accompanied Henry to Calais in October, 1532; and her reception by Francis the First as well as the prominent part which she performed in the festivities that attended the interview between the two Monarchs, are fully described by Hall. From these Accounts we learn that the Great Master sent her a present of grapes and pears at Calais on the 14th of October; that on the 11th of November, fifteen shillings were paid to her which she had won of Henry at cards at that place; that on the 20th a few days after her return from France, she, Sir Francis Bryan and Sir Francis Weston, formed a party with the King at Pope Julius' game at Stone Castle in Kent; and again on the 25th, 26th and 31st at Greenwich, on which occasions his Majesty was as usual unsuccessful; that on the 28th she won 11_l._ 13_s._ 4_d._ of Henry at Cards; and on the 25th of December more stuff was bought for her clothes. It is to be observed, that according to some authorities, Anne Boleyn was privately married to Henry, early in November, 1532, immediately after their arrival at Dover from Calais; but nothing is to be found in these accounts either corroborative of, or contradictory to, the assertion. During the three years the whole sum expended for her clothes, &c. was 468_l._ 6_s._ 1_d._, and within the same time she received in money 218_l._ These sums are not, it is true, remarkable for their amount, but they are sufficient to shew the manner in which she was treated by Henry, and the place which she occupied in his affections. Before concluding these observations relative to this celebrated woman, the singular manner in which her sister and herself are described must be pointed out. Until December, 1530, she is merely spoken of as "my Lady Anne," but from February to May, 1531, with one exception, she is called "Lady Ann Rochford," though from that time until her creation to the Marquisate of Pembroke, she is again styled "Lady Ann," after which event she is mentioned either as "my Lady Marquess," or "my Lady Marquess of Pembroke." Her sister Mary too, though married, is called Lady Mary Rochford. Rochford was the title of their father when elevated to the Earldom of Wiltshire, and was then borne by their brother George, who having become involved in his royal sister's supposed crime, died, like her, upon a scaffold.

Before these proofs of the esteem in which Anne Boleyn was held by Henry are contrasted with her subsequent fate, it is impossible to avoid reflecting on the little regard which was then paid to the virtuous Katherine. That her name should be but twice mentioned speaks volumes on her secluded situation; and whilst all that wealth and power could command were lavished on the new favourite, the magnanimous wife was equally neglected by her husband, his satellites, and the world. Remorse seems, however, at length to have touched Henry's heart, for a few years after her death, namely, in November, 1539, the following entry occurs in the "Book of Quarterly Payments," in the Library of the Royal Society.

"Item, to Mrs. Blanch Twyford, by the Lord Privy Seal's letter, for her long and painful service done unto the Princess Dowager, by way of the King's reward--66_l._ 13_s._ 4_d._"

Mrs. Twyford was bequeathed 10_l._ by Katherine's will.

The Princess, afterwards Queen, Mary, is frequently noticed, but all which we learn is, that she was ill in June or July, 1531, and apparently again in March, 1532; and that from 10_l._ to 20_l._ were occasionally given to her for pocket-money, or to be distributed in charity. The Duke of Richmond, Henry's natural son, is also spoken of; as well as his niece, the Lady Margaret Douglas, daughter of the Earl of Angus, but she is here called Lady Margaret Anguishe.

A few entries are strongly indicative of the superstition of the age; the most striking of which are the King's offerings to the images of our Lady at Calais, Boulogne, Dover, Walsingham and of the Pue; and of persons being "touched for the evil," to whom 22_l._ 2_s._ 6_d._ were paid in three years, each having received 7_s._ 6_d._, and which proves the number "touched" in that period to have been fifty-nine. They came wherever his Majesty was, whether in town, or on his progresses, and even at Calais.

A few entries require to be separately noticed, as well as being referred to in the index; namely, the PRESENTS brought to the King, the PRICES OF LABOUR, SERVANTS' WAGES and LIVERIES, the VALUE OF LAND, HOUSE RENT, and the different kinds of MONEY which are mentioned.

Upon the presents brought, few remarks are required, for it will at once be seen that they chiefly consisted of articles of food of every description, including fish, poultry, game, baked lampreys, swans, pies, fruit, meat, puddings, brawn, cranes, birds; of dogs, horses, foxes, hawks, deer, mules, wild boars, and on one occasion, a lion; of fishing-rods, whistles, wood-knives, &c. and indeed whatever was then in common use.

Nor were these offerings sent only by the higher classes of society; even the poorest of Henry's subjects presented him with something which they fancied would be acceptable to his palate. The bringer uniformly received a gratuity "in reward" proportionate to the value of the gift; thus, the German who brought a lion was paid 6_l._ 13_s._ 4_d._; he who brought a stag, 20_s._; Lady Sidney's servant for bringing quince pies, 6_s._ 8_d._; and Dyrick's wife of Greenwich received the same sum for a capon and chickens. Similar gratuities were given to the gardeners of the king's different seats for bringing fruit and herbs; and as no gift was too contemptible to be accepted, the money thus paid "in reward" sometimes exceeded the value of the donation. In most cases these offerings were doubtlessly tendered as testimonies of respect, but in many the "reward" was, perhaps, the real motive. As the index contains a reference to every thing presented to Henry, it is needless to enlarge on the subject.

Of the PRICE OF LABOUR the best evidence, besides the wages of servants, which will be more particularly noticed, are the sums paid for different articles purchased. We learn, also, that two men in July, 1530, were paid 13_s._ 4_d._. for ten days' work in mowing, _i. e._, 8_d._ a-day each. In February, 1532, the hire of seven horses, and the expences of the same number of men for sixteen days, sent into Wales, and other places, at 1_s._ 8_d._ per day for each man, amounted to 9_l._ 6_s._ 8_d._, and in July in the same year 1_l._ was paid for the hire of ten men for three days, in drawing the fishponds at Ampthill, at 8_d._ a day each.

The WAGES OF SERVANTS differed of course according to their situations; those of a Falconer were generally a groat a day, and he was allowed one penny a day for the food of each hawk intrusted to his care; but those of Nicholas Clamp, one of the principal falconers, were 10_l._ per annum. A Huntsman received 35_s._ 5_d._ a quarter, and as well as most of the other servants, he had 4_d._ per day for his board wages. The allowance for the board of the boys of the stable was 1_s._ 8_d._ per week each; and of the boys that "run the King's geldings," or as they are sometimes called, "the King's riding boys," 2_s._ a week each, whilst on one occasion we find six days' meals for them paid for at the rate for each of them five pence a day. The keeper of the Barbary horse was allowed 1_s._ 8_d._ per week for his board, his wages being 4_l._ a year; the Hen-taker was however better paid, as he received 45_s._ 7_d._ a quarter. The regular wages of the King's watermen were 10_s._ a quarter; but it would appear that they were paid extra upon every occasion when they were employed. Sexton the Fool's, servant's wages, were 15_s._ a quarter. The gardeners of York Place and of Beaulie, or New Hall, in Suffolk, received about 12_l._ per annum; the gardener of Greenwich 20_l._ a year; and the gardeners of Windsor and Wanstead 4_1._ a year.

Of the VALUE OF LAND, only one entry affords positive information. It relates to land bought to enlarge the little Park of Windsor, for which purpose 4_l._ were paid for two acres of meadow; but some idea may be formed on the subject from the following items: a farm at Greenwich, purchased for Anne Boleyn in February, 1531, cost 66_l._ 13_s._ 4_d._ but unfortunately we have no idea of its extent; in November, 1530, fourteen loads of Hay, and six loads of Oats cost, with the carriage to Greenwich Park, probably from the immediate neighbourhood, 6_l._ 2_s._ 8_d._; and in January, 1532, is an entry of 7_l._ 4_s._ 4_d._ for the same quantity of hay at 5_s._ 6_d._ the load, and of six loads of oats at 9_s._ the load, including the carriage to the same place: hence we find that the carriage cost 13_s._ 4_d._; but in May following oats were 6_s._ 6_d._ the load.

Of the RENT OF HOUSES we have the subjoined particulars; that of a House for the Henchmen, or to use the words of the MS. "of the house where the Henchmen lie," was 2_l._ per annum, whilst that "of the one hired for Lord Rochford at Greenwich was 10_l._ a year." When some ambassadors proposed going to Waltham, a house was hired for them, and the owner was paid 20_s._; and it appears from "the Book of Quarterly Payments" before mentioned, that "the rent of a house in London for the standing of the great standards with the rich coats of the guards for half a year" was 17_s._ 4_d._

LIVERIES. Independently of the falconers, huntsmen, watermen, and other servants, the King's painters regularly received liveries, the cost of which was generally 22_s._ 6_d._: this sum included 2_s._, the allowance for the badges which were affixed to them; but we find Patch the Fool's man, allowed 23_s._ 4_d._ for his livery coat, and to others 26_s._ 8_d._ were sometimes given for that purpose.

The following are the sums accounted for monthly, from November 1529 to December 1532:

£ _s._ _d._ 1529 November 1910 15 9 December 1449 9 6 1530 January 4120 13 6[143] February 4750 4 3[144] March 2561 6 7 April 881 18 0 May 667 11 9 June 421 12 4 July 418 12 9 August 130 4 9 September 309 9 11 October 1025 13 4 November 642 6 0 December 4464 16 9[145] 1531 January 943 8 7 February 528 8 2-1/2 March 500 10 3-3/4 April 516 17 6-1/2 May 632 7 8 June 393 6 6 July 399 19 9 August 1554 18 0 September 592 16 9 October 347 12 0 November 525 16 4 December 620 19 9 1532 January 3043 9 5[146] February 323 2 6 March 318 16 5 April 846 17 7 May 273 19 9 June 736 12 9 July 8007 9 11[147] August 645 15 1 September 525 4 1 October 2539 3 1[148] November 3954 7 9[149] December 961 10 6 ------------------ Total amount accounted for, 53,488 5 4-3/4

Besides pounds, shillings, pence, &c. the following coins are frequently mentioned, an account of the value of which between 1529 and 1532, may be acceptable:--

ANGELS.[150]--A gold coin of the value of 7_s._ 6_d._

ANGELLOTS,[151] or ANGELET, is described to have been a half-angel, current for 3_s._ 9_d._; but in the only place where it is mentioned in these Accounts, it must have been inserted by a mistake of the writer for _Angel_, as eighteen Angellotes are said to have amounted to 6_li._ 15_s._ i.e. 7_s._ 6_d._ each.

CROWNS.[152]--A silver coin generally worth 5_s._; but all the entries in which it is mentioned prove that its value was then but 4_s._ 8_d._

CROWNS OF THE ROSE.[153]--Gold pieces coined by Henry the Eighth in 1526: they were current for 4_s._ 6_d._

CROWNS OF THE SUN.[154]--French gold coins, so called from the Mint mark. They were current in this country for 4_s._ 6_d._

RIALS, OR ROYALS.[155]--A gold coin then worth 11_s._ 3_d._ a half and quarter real or royal were of proportionate value.

SOVEREIGNS.[156]--A gold coin of the value of 22_s._ 6_d._ from 1518 to 1534; after which they were current for 20_s._ The only entry in which they are mentioned is of a person having in 1531 borrowed 11_li._ 5_s._ in "Souferayns," _i. e._ ten sovereigns, for the King.

FOOTNOTES:

[3] Hall, Ed. 1809, p. 761.

[4] p. 6.

[5] p. 4.

[6] p. 22.

[7] p. 24.

[8] p. 26.

[9] p. 37.

[10] See _Addenda_.

[11] p. 60.

[12] p. 62.

[13] p. 63.

[14] p. 65.

[15] p. 66.

[16] p. 67.

[17] p. 68.

[18] p. 71.

[19] _Ibid._

[20] p. 72.

[21] p. 74.

[22] p. 80.

[23] pp. 87, 89.

[24] pp. 83, 87, 88.

[25] Hall, p. 774.

[26] p. 93.

[27] _Ibid._ item the third.

[28] p. 94.

[29] See note in p. 294.

[30] p. 98.

[31] Hall, p. 774.

[32] p. 105.

[33] p. 106.

[34] pp. 108, 113.

[35] p. 117.

[36] p. 118.

[37] _Ibid._

[38] See note in p. 302 under BOOKS.

[39] Hall, p. 781.

[40] p. 120.

[41] p. 127.

[42] _Ibid._

[43] pp. 128-129.

[44] p. 136.

[45] p. 139.

[46] p. 140.

[47] p. 142.

[48] p. 144.

[49] p. 145.

[50] p. 150.

[51] p. 148.

[52] p. 150.

[53] p. 151.

[54] _Ibid._

[55] pp. 151-2.

[56] p. 152.

[57] _Ibid._

[58] p. 156.

[59] p. 154.

[60] p. 159.

[61] _Ibid._

[62] p. 160.

[63] _Ibid._

[64] p. 161.

[65] p. 163.

[66] _Ibid._

[67] p. 169.

[68] Hall, p. 787.

[69] p. 170.

[70] p. 171.

[71] p. 172.

[72] _Ibid._ and p. 177.

[73] p. 177.

[74] p. 179.

[75] Hall, p. 784.

[76] p. 180.

[77] pp. 188, 189.

[78] pp. 190-192.

[79] p. 193.

[80] p. 195.

[81] p. 198.

[82] Hall, p. 784.

[83] p. 205

[84] Hall, p. 786.

[85] p. 207.

[86] pp. 208-9.

[87] p. 210.

[88] p. 213.

[89] p. 215.

[90] p. 218.

[91] p. 230.

[92] p. 218 to p. 230.

[93] p. 230.

[94] p. 236.

[95] p. 238

[96] p. 239.

[97] p. 242.

[98] _Ibid._

[99] p. 243.

[100] p 246.

[101] p. 247.

[102] p. 248.

[103] _Ibid._

[104] p. 249.

[105] p. 253.

[106] p. 254.

[107] Hall, p. 789.

[108] Hall, p. 790.

[109] p. 256.

[110] pp. 260, 262.

[111] p. 263.

[112] Hall, p. 790.

[113] p. 266.

[114] p. 267.

[115] Hall, p. 791

[116] Hall, p. 794.

[117] p. 273.

[118] _Ibid._

[119] _Ibid._

[120] _Ibid._

[121] _Ibid._

[122] p. 274.

[123] _Ibid._

[124] _Ibid._

[125] p. 275.

[126] p. 277.

[127] p. 278.

[128] _Ibid._

[129] p. 279.

[130] p. 280, second item.

[131] _Ibid._ ninth item.

[132] Hall, p. 795.

[133] p. 283.

[134] pp. 251, 271, 281.

[135] p. 265.

[136] See "Hounds," in the Index.

[137] See "Fools," the two "Williamses," "Thomas Smith," &c. in the Index.

[138] See "Anne Boleyn," in the Index

[139] As every thing mentioned in the following pages is referred to in the Index, it has not been thought necessary to repeat the references to them.

[140] _Original Letters_, First Series, vol. i. p. 121.

[141] See "Addenda."

[142] Cardinal du Bellai, in a letter to the Grand Master of France, the Duke de Montmorency, in 1532, says "Sometimes Madame Anne joins our party, each equipt with the bows and arrows, as is, you know, the English style in hunting." "The Lady Anne presented me with a complete hunting suit, including a hat, a bow and arrow, and a greyhound."

[143] Of this sum, which is so much greater than the usual monthly disbursements, 1743_l._ 8_s._ were for the expences of an embassy to the Emperor; 1340_l._ 7_s._ 6_d._ for the King's losses at play; 100_l._ paid into his own hands; 200_l._ advanced to one of his Majesty's servants for Henry's use, and 100_l._ for the wages of the crews of two of his ships.

[144] This sum included 4400_l._ paid to Sir Bryan Tuke, evidently for public affairs; probably embassies.

[145] This includes 1333_l._ 6_s._ 8_d._ for the payment of the "retinue" or garrison of Calais; 2490_l._ 1_s._ 4_d._ expended in jewels; and 100_l._ as a new year's gift to Anne Boleyn.

[146] Including 1886_l._ 15_s._ 4_d._ for jewellery and plate, and 833_l._ for other articles to a merchant stranger, and for cloth of gold.

[147] The cause of this sum being so disproportionate to either of the others may be explained by there being included in it 2000_l._ lent to the Cofferer of the Household until Michaelmas next following; 2000_l._ placed in the hands of Thomas Alvard "to be by him safely kept for his Graces's use and behoof;" hence 4000_l._ of it cannot be considered to have been spent, a remark which also applies to a few other entries; and 2000_l._ for the King's buildings at Westminster.

[148] In this month Henry's interview with Francis the First, at Calais, occurred, and which accounts for the increased expenditure.

[149] Of this sum 3587_l._ 17_s._ 8_d._ were paid for jewellery.

[150] p. 121-192, and _sæpe_.

[151] p. 100.

[152] pp. 106, 107, 185, 192, 271, and _sæpe_.

[153] _sæpe_.

[154] _sæpe_.

[155] p. 156.

[156] p. 104.

EXPLANATION OF THE ABBREVIATIONS USED IN THESE ACCOUNTS.

Cham[~b]r chamber charg[s] charges co[~m]aunde commandment co[^v] cover deli[^v]ed delivered di[^v] divers di' half e[^v]y every falco[~n]s falconers garde[~n] gardener g[s] k[s] t[s] &c gs, ks, ts, &c. _thus_, wag[s], wages; hawk[s], hawks; shert[s], sherts, &c. g[~c]e grace j[~h]u Jesus ke[pf] keeper king[s] kings [-l]res letters [^m] } }master mais[^t] } [^m]cer mercer o^{r} our o[^v] over [pf] par, _thus_, [pf]ke, park pec[s] pieces po[^u] poor s'[^v]nt servant s'vice service S[=m] part[s] Summa Partis S[=m] to'[-l][s] solu[^c] }Summa totalis solucionis hu[~i] mens' }hujus mensis v[s] vers, _thus_, plov[s], plovers, &c. Walt[~h]m Waltham West[^m] Westminster w^{t} with iij^{xx} three times twenty, _i. e._ sixty iiij^{xx} four times twenty, _i. e._ eighty M^{l} one thousand M v C liiij 1554 M^{l} M^{l} M^{l} xliij 3043 iiij M D C xlix 4649, &c.

AN ACCOUNT OF THE EXPENCES OF THE PRIVY PURSE OF KING HENRY VIII.

NOV. MDXXIX.-DEC. MDXXXII.

YET PAYMENT[S] IN NOVEMBRE. [1529.]