did. After some previous discourse about business, and they had drunk a

cup or two of toake together, he cast his eyes on me, and told his uncle he was surprised that he should use him in so uncivil a manner, as to detain his slave. Rer Moume replied, he was not conscious of keeping any slave of his from him, and if he would nominate the person, he should be instantly restored. “Why there he stands,” says Rer Vove. “I hope (says the uncle) you don’t mean Robin, the white man. Is he a slave of yours? I am ashamed of your imprudence to say so. Is it not to the white men, but more especially to his countrymen, the English, that we are indebted for the riches we enjoy? We, who formerly were insulted by the Amboer-lambo people, and other nations around us, are by these Englishmen’s guns made too powerful for them; and by the beads, looking-glasses, &c., which they bring in plenty, our late enemies are fond of our friendship and traffic. And don’t you think it a fine story for Will. to tell, that one of his countrymen, who happened to be shipwrecked in this country, was made a slave of by a black lord of Morandavo? But to satisfy you that I don’t treat him like a slave, he is at his liberty to go this moment where he pleases; and take his wife, his slave, and his cattle with him; nay, back with you, if you can prevail on him so to do; and give me your word and honour that you will make him a freeman.” After this manner he argued with his nephew, and reproached him with indiscretion as well as inhumanity, by treating a man in distress with too much severity, till he convinced him of his mistake; insomuch that he desired I would come and see him in the evening, which I did. At my entrance into the house I licked his knee as a testimony of my respect; but not his feet, to let him see that I knew I was a freeman. He used many arguments to induce me to live with him, and made me very large promises; which, probably, he might have performed: for he was no vile person, but only too rash and inconsiderate. He also set Guy to influence me, if possible, who made use of one engaging argument; namely, that Rer Vove intended to travel into the dominions of other princes, out of curiosity to see their various manners and customs. I told Guy the true reason why I would not consent to it; which was that I was much nearer the sea now than when with them; and that I did not question but Rer Moume would send me home by the first ship that came. After this I sat and drank toake with them, then took my leave, and was returning homeward, but Rer Vove followed me and desired I would never mention his amour with his kinsman’s wife; which I assured him I never would whilst I lived in the country; and so we parted good friends. It will not be improper, I presume, to make one cursory remark here, which is, that this gay young gentleman was highly to be commended for so readily conceding to his uncle’s arguments, attending to what he said with reverence, and being convinced by reason.

Thus I lived with Rer Moume as easy and happy as he could possibly make me; and the only misfortune that now attended me, was my residence in a foreign country, But my hard destiny had still one melancholy scene or danger more to affright me with before I left this island; and it was as horrible and shocking to human nature, as any I had hitherto undergone; and the more so, because altogether unexpected, not only by myself, but by every one else; which was thus introduced. There lived at Moherbo, one Francisco, an inoffensive man, born in the East Indies, of Portuguese parents; but as black as most of them. He had lived here many years to his satisfaction, never proposing to remove from off the island; he had been taken by pirates, who, at his request, set him ashore. This man, though a surgeon (as he said) by profession, had a mechanical head, especially to carpenters’ and joiners’ business, and had furnished himself with tools for his purpose; and used frequently to oblige the princes and lords with making them chests, &c. Rer Moume sent and desired him to get leave of Rer Trimmonongarevo to come and make him one; which he did. As this artificer spoke the Madagascar language freely, we were agreeable companions. He told me, as part of his secret history, that he was violently in love with a young woman, whose parents, though they were not inclined to the match, did not positively give him a denial. After he had stayed here nearly two months, and finished what Rer Moume had to do, he was dismissed with a generous reward.

When he had been some months at home, with Rer Moume’s leave I went to visit him at Moherbo, and found him very ill and melancholy, his mistress in his absence having married another person, which he took to heart. He had made her several presents during his courtship, and received her promise of marriage, which, on his ill treatment, he demanded of her parents again, and on their refusal complained to the king; he being in esteem and always near his person. His request was rejected, the king saying, he would never compel parents to dispose of their children against their inclinations. Upon which, Francisco said indiscreetly in the king’s hearing, that as soon as he was recovered of his illness, he would leave Moherbo, and live under Rer Moume. I had been here but a few days before he began to gather strength, and then he and I went to the king’s court. As I was standing by him the king cast an angry eye upon me, and asked, who that white man was with his gun upon his shoulder? Francisco answered, “It is Rer Moume’s white man, who came to give me a visit.” “Is it so,” said he, “then I know what he wants. Come hither. What is your business here, pray?” I, being conscious of his barbarous disposition, answered in a faint and trembling voice, “Only to visit my sick friend.” “Yes,” replied the king, “your friend there, in my hearing, said he would go to your master Rer Moume, as soon as he was recovered, and I suppose you are come to conduct him thither; but I will spoil your project. Here, Mesoro,” calling to the officer, “take this white slave to the place of execution, despatch him presently and bring his gun to me.” The people were struck with surprise as well as myself; however, I was led out for execution, and multitudes followed me, some of whom desired to shake hands with me, and take their leave of me, which the executioner permitted. I was so shocked with the tiger-like leap which this savage brute made at my life, that I became stupid, not knowing whether I was in a dream, till I came to the place of execution, where I saw the bones of several wretches lie unburied. Rousing from my lethargy, I began to weep piteously, and to pray to God to receive my soul. What a shocking turn of fortune was this! that one who but some few minutes before was surrounded by his friends, one whose mind was innocent and free from evil, whose actions were inoffensive, and of whom no man could justly complain, should, in a moment, be doomed to die an ignominious death by the hands of a common executioner, like a vile malefactor, on no other account, than to gratify the resentment of an old, doating, choleric savage. While I was thus bemoaning my hard fate, and the people pitying my deplorable case, instead of falling on the monster, and freeing themselves and me from his tyranny, a voice was heard at a distance, “Stay, stay, don’t kill Robin.” The words were soon repeated, and the messenger came forward with orders to bring me back; at which the people gave a general shout for joy. When I came before the king, not only his principal wife, but the rest of them were on their knees, with tears in their eyes; nay, some men too were expostulating with him, telling him he would bring irretrievable ruin and desolation on his country; the fatal effects of which his great grandchildren would certainly feel, when the white men should hear of his barbarity to one of their countrymen, who had done nothing to deserve it. This, at length, assuaged the heat of his fury; telling me I might thank my friends, or I had been dog’s meat by this time. “However,” says he, “I will mortify your pride still.” “Here,” says he to three men, “take him fettered as he is, and carry him and his gun to Rer Moume, and pray tell my son I expect he should treat him like a a slave as he is, and not let him strut about like a lord, with his gun upon his shoulder.” Hereupon, I fell prostrate on the ground and licked his feet, the people making signs to me so to do. Upon this he bid me thank his women; I then paid my respects to Ry Chemotoea and two or three more, and did so with all sincerity, for it was to their entreaties I owed my life.

We went directly on our journey, and every town we passed through, the people asked with astonishment, what crime the white man had been guilty of, that he should be thus bound? To whom my guard without palliating the case in the king’s favour told the truth, for which every one seemed to pity me, and resent the king’s ill usage of me. At night when we came to lie down to rest, they asked me whether I would have my hands untied or not? I asked them what were their orders; they said, “their orders were to keep me bound.” “Then,” said I, “though it is somewhat painful to me, yet you shall not hazard your lives for my ease.” So I lay as well as I could all night, and the next day travelled in the same manner; every now and then looking behind me with fear, lest he should change his mind, and send some one after us to despatch me, for I could not think myself safe till I saw Rer Moume again.

As we walked along, my guards told me I was the first who ever returned alive from the place of execution; which I could not but impute to an all wise and overruling Providence. They told me likewise, that he stabbed one of his chief wives, though when his passion was over he repented it, for yielding to an effort of nature, whilst his head was in her lap with intention to sleep. Another instance of his inhumanity, though attended with some justice, was, in ordering one of his own sons to be extended on a mat, and his throat to be cut before his face, for being too free with one of his wives.

We could not reach to our journey’s end this evening by two hours’ walk, so we rested, and the next morning we set out early and arrived safely at our town; where the people were all surprised to see me thus bound and guarded. Some ran before to inform the prince, who, before we came within his palisade, was sitting with his wives and several others round about him in great expectation. As soon as the men were seated, they told their message; I stood all the while with my hands bound behind me. After he had examined into the affair, and found how the case was, his countenance fell, the tears one while stood in his eyes as he viewed me with pity; anon he frowned with indignation, the women too shared in my distress. “And is this all,” says he, “the poor man has been so severely used for? Robin, come hither, I will show you how much I regard my father’s advice in this case.” Upon which he unloosed my hands, and ordered one of his attendants to fetch him a fine silk lamber, which he would make me put on directly; then taking my gun from the men, he gave it me again; and made me a present besides of six cows. I told him the messengers had been very civil to me, for which he not only thanked them, but made them a present of an ox. “It is my father, I own,” says he, “who has done this: for that reason I shall restrain my resentment and say little of it; but had any other man, though a near relation, nay, my own son, acted in this manner, he should have felt the weight of my anger.” My wife came and licked my feet, expressing both her concern for my ill treatment, and her joy for my return. This was about fifteen months from the first time I came to Rer Moume.

I was now possessed of nearly thirty head of cattle, and lived in affluence and ease. I killed a young bullock, and the part I kept to myself I flead, and salted after the English mode; of the tallow I made as good candles as I could. That part which I gave to my neighbours had the skin on, for we have the same friendly customs here as in other parts of the island, neither do their manners differ, except in the idle custom of the royal families killing cattle. Here they eat swine’s flesh, and think it as good as other provision. Rer Chulu kept a pack of dogs on purpose to hunt wild boars, but they are not of the hound kind. Their religion is the same exactly, and their superstitious regard to unlucky days and hours, implicitly believing all the umossee tells them; insomuch, that numbers of poor children are privately murdered, who are born on an Alhaida or a Jumor, which are Sunday and Friday; for when I came on board the ship, I carefully remarked how the days answered with ours; and found that Alhaida was Sunday; Alletenine, Monday; Talewter, Tuesday; Alarrerbere, Wednesday; Comemeeshey, Thursday; Jumor, Friday; and Sarbuchee, Saturday. Though these denominations are used throughout the island, yet they regard no one day more than another, only as they imagine some to be lucky and others unlucky, for they have no notion of a sabbath amongst them. Rer Moume, having lost the use of his limbs, sent all over the island for the most famous umossees he could hear of, to consult with them for relief; they being physicians as well as prophets. One of them, during my stay here, confined him for two months, bathing, sweating, and cupping him to little or no purpose; however, he made him ample satisfaction for his trouble, as he did all others who did him any service.

I lived with Rer Moume about two years and a half in all, at the end of which term, news was brought that two ships were arrived at Yong-Owl to trade. I was overjoyed to hear it, and flattered myself that W. Thornbury had not forgotten me. They stayed there several days, and slaves were sent to be sold, and guns and other goods were returned for them. I was at a loss how to break my mind to Rer Moume, hoping he would say something to me of his own accord; but as I was sitting with him one evening, two men came in with a basket of palmetto leaves sewed up, and delivered it to the prince; who opened it and finding a letter, asked the men, what they meant by giving him that? “The captain,” they said, “gave it us for your white man; but we thought proper to let you see it first.” “Pray,” says he, “give it him all.” “Here, Robin, your countrymen have sent you a present, what it is I don’t know, but to me it seems of very little value.” Accordingly I took the basket, and with the letter there were pens, ink, and paper, in order for my returning an answer. The superscription was this:

“To Robert Drury, on the island of Madagascar.”

I was so astonished, that at first I had not power to open it, concluding I was in a dream; but at length, recovering my surprise, and after a little recollection I opened it, and found it came from captain William Macket. The contents whereof were to the effect following:—

“That he had a letter on board from my father, with full instructions as well from him as his owners, to purchase my liberty let it cost what it would. And in case I could not possibly come down myself, to send him word the reason of it, and what measures he should take to serve me.”

Rer Moume perceived that my countenance changed whilst I was reading the letter, and asked me what was the matter? I told him, that the captain desired to speak with me, and that my father had sent for me home, and hoped that he would please to give his consent. “How do you know all this?” says the prince, “can you conjure?” Then turning to the messengers, “Have you, pray, heard any thing like this?” “Yes,” said they, “it is all the discourse at the seaside, that Robin’s father sent both these ships for him, and more than all this, the king your father expects him there with your leave, and desires to see him before he goes to the ship.” Rer Moume took the letter, and turning it over and over said, he had heard of such methods of conveying intelligence to one another, but never actually saw it before, and could not conceive which way it could be done without conjuration. I endeavoured to demonstrate to him, as well as I could, how we learned in our infancy the characters first, and then we put them together. “But,” says he, “I presume you have no inclination to leave us now, since you live here so much at your ease; you have several cattle and a slave, and if you shall want more you shall have them, you shall have too as many wives as you please, and be a great man.” I begged him to make my case his own, and that he would please to consider whether he should not be desirous of seeing his parents and native country, had he been absent so long as I had? “I think I should,” he said, “and therefore I will take it into consideration, and ask my wives’ advice about it, and give an answer in the morning.”

My readers may easily imagine what a night of disorder this was to my mind, agitated with hopes on one hand and with fears on the other; however, I took care to attend him as soon as ever he was stirring, and seated with his wives about him. After he had looked steadfastly on me for some time, “Robin,” says he, “I have opened your affair to my wives here, and your mother Ry Anzackar, and one or two more, consent to your going, but the rest are all against it; however, let them speak for themselves, it is out of respect to you that they are desirous you should continue amongst them.” Upon this, I turned towards them, and without waiting to hear what they had to offer, begged them to consider, as they were mothers, whether or no, if a child of theirs was in a strange country, they should not have an earnest inclination to see him, and he them? Hereupon the prince told me, if I was willing to stay, he would all along, as he had hitherto done, treat me like his own son, but he would not make use of compulsion, so that if I was resolutely bent on going he would dismiss me. Moreover, he told me, that my slave should go with me; that as to my cattle, they were mine to dispose of as I pleased. I replied, if he was so good as not to take my cattle from me, though they were in fact his own, they might still remain there as they were marked for mine; for I was fully determined to make one voyage more here, in hopes of having it in my power to make him some amends for the great care he had taken of me, by bringing a ship to traffic with him; (and in this I was very sincere, and afterwards as good as my word.) I asked him if he thought proper to demand any consideration of the captain for my freedom. He answered, nothing; but if my friends would make him a present of a good gun, he should accept of the favour, and call it Robin in remembrance of me. This noble, generous answer, and so prince-like, gave me such transports of joy, that I immediately kneeled down, and licked his feet with the utmost sincerity, as justly thinking I could never express my gratitude enough to this good, this indulgent prince. He would not dismiss me instantly, but did in a day or two after; and ordered the messengers to be taken care of in the mean time. When the day of my departure came, I had one remaining difficulty to get over, and that was the parting with my wife, the women of the prince’s family, and himself, which I did with as much reluctance, as when I left my natural parents at my departure from them; and they discovered an equally tender affection for me; he would not, however, let us go empty handed, but ordered an ox for our subsistence on our journey, and appointed likewise two of his own people to accompany the other two; and then we set forward.

I had yet one suspicious circumstance still to pass over, and that was to call on Rer Trimmonongarevo: this gave me no small uneasiness; but when we came near Moherbo, we were informed that he was gone to a place within an hour’s walk of the seaside. As soon as I approached him, he instantly made an apology for his too warm constitution, and confessed that he had sometimes done mischief in his passion, but hoped I would excuse him for what had passed; and said he was loth to let me go till the ship was near upon sailing, lest I should prove detrimental to the trade. I told him, I had no complaint to make, since his son had been so indulgent to me; and that if he pleased to dismiss me at my friend’s request, they would take it as a favour; but should he detain me, when they knew I was so near, I did not know what ill consequences might ensue thereupon. He kept me, however, this night, but dismissed me with his blessing the next morning; praying that God and the demons would be my guardians, and send me safely to my native country. So I licked his feet and took my last farewell of him, and of this odd and filthy custom likewise.

When I came down to the seaside, the first man who spoke to me was William Purser, my old acquaintance in Feraignher; he came away to live in more security and plenty, as well as several others; and was at this time interpreter for the trade. Here were several houses, but such as the English call huts, erected by the inhabitants at a small distance from the factory, for the more commodious selling of milk and other provisions. There I met Mr Hill, the steward of the Drake, captain Macket’s ship, and two or three more of their crew, who took me for a wild man; and in a letter he sent off by a canoe to the captain, he told him the wild Englishman was come. I desired William Purser to inform them that I could speak but little English; and though by the conversation I had with William Thornbury I had regained some, yet I was frequently puzzled for words to speak freely for several days. Captain Macket soon came on shore, and captain Bloom with him, for here were two ships, the Drake and the Sarah. I gazed at them as intently as if I had never seen a white man dressed before; and what added to the wildness of my appearance, was, that I had nothing on but my lamber; my skin being swarthy and full of freckles, and my hair long and matted together, I really made a frightful figure; but they soon restored me to my original form, Mr Hill cut my hair off, and ordered me to be shaved, and dressed in a neat seaman’s habit, light and fit for the country. The captain asked me what ransom was expected for my freedom? I told him nothing but a gun for a present, to be kept in remembrance of me. He thereupon picked out a handsome and very good Buccaneer gun, as also some powder, flints, and case of spirits, as a present to Rer Moume. He gave likewise knives and beads to his two men, and a small gun to the messengers who went for me. For my own part, I presented the captain with my slave Anthony. After this he gave me the following letter from my father.

“To Robert Drury, on the island of Madagascar. “_Loughborough, February 27th, 1715._ “Son Robert Drury,

“I am informed by one Mr Thornbury, that he left you in health on the island of Madagascar, which I was glad to hear; my very good friend, Mr Terry, hath a friend, commander of a ship, the bearer hereof, that hath promised to do all he can to get you your liberty; I therefore desire you to do the captain all the service you can in the country; and so doing you will oblige our good friend Mr Terry, and your ever-loving father till death,

“JOHN DRURY.”

About three days after I went on board; but the sea and change of diet made me very sick for some time; after which the two captains went to Rer Trimmonongarevo, and I with them, in order to settle some matters in relation to the trade. It is a general custom all over the island for the king of each place to make terms, and settle one universal price, to which all the people are obliged to conform; and this method is, doubtless, not only very commodious, but prevents all quarrels and disorders. They presented the king with a fine gun, gilt and japanned. I was the interpreter, and though I carried on the correspondence, my dress had so altered me in these few days’ time, that he had no notion who I was, till upon inquiry who that Englishman was who spake so well their language, he was told it was Robin.

A few days after, there came messengers from Rer Moume, desiring the captains to come up the river Mernee, for he had a great many slaves to sell, but being lame he could not take a long journey; however, he would come down to the banks of that river, to a town near enough for trade. It was agreed that the Sarah should go, so they ordered a long-boat out to sound before them; I went on board, and we sailed with a gentle gale, but could find no convenient harbour or road in the mouth of the Mernee; however, there was a convenient place for anchoring, in a saltwater river, about three leagues on this side; from whence the two captains and myself went up in the boat a considerable way, till a canoe took us in and carried us to the town, where Rer Moume with his wives and people were waiting for us. Until I kneeled and kissed his knee, he did not know me, for my behaviour and grateful acknowledgments for his past favours, he and they soon recollected me, and were extremely glad to see me. Here we continued five days successively, bought all the slaves they had, and agreed to send our long-boat once a week as long as we stayed; and then they went on board, weighed anchor, and returned to their former road at Yong-Owl, where there arrived that very day a third ship, that belonged to the same owners, called the Mercury, captain White commander; he had eight or nine natives of Dillagoe in Africa on board him, who lived very merrily; they were all freemen, and went with him the whole voyage, six of whom lived to see their native country the next voyage he took, in which I was with him. Soon after this a ketch came in, which was fitted out in order to cruise off the coast, and be serviceable in several affairs; captain Henry Macket, the captain’s brother, was the commander of her; another ship was still expected, but she did not arrive till we were at Masseleege, otherwise called Munnongaro; they now agreed to separate for the more speedy despatch of business. Captain Bloom accordingly had his choice, which was to go to Port Dauphine, and captain Macket to Masseleege, where we arrived in a week’s time, and went several leagues up a great river, called Munnonbaugher; we had a fisherman for our pilot, who informed us that the king’s town was but about three hours’ journey up the country. The captain asked me, if I would venture to go there; I readily answered, that I would, and that I was not apprehensive of any danger; so the fisherman setting us ashore we went forward. Before we had gone far from the shore, the fisherman told me the king was gone out to war. Whereupon I flew into a great passion, asking him why he imposed upon us; he said the king’s wives would trade with us. I told him, we did not want provisions; and as for slaves they had no authority to dispose of them. The man, however, prevailed on me to go to their town, assuring me that four white men lived there, who came from the island of St. Mary’s. “Then, I presume, they are robbers of ships,” said I. “No,” he replied, “not now, for they have lived there several years; their names are captain Burgess, Zachary, John Pro, and Nick.” So I walked forwards with my gun on my shoulder, and the man carried another. I had also several knives and beads, which the captain gave me to buy provisions with, though I knew how to live without buying any victuals, yet I took them, as thinking they would be agreeable presents.

When I arrived at the town, a man ran before and informed the king’s head consort, whom I shall call queen, that a ship was arrived, and that one of the white men was coming to see her. At my arrival, a mat was ready placed for me to sit down on; no sooner was I seated, than I heard the queen ask for some of the white men to be interpreters between us, and one ran that moment to fetch them. I soon convinced her, however, that I wanted no assistants, and delivered my message, as ambassador from the captain, saying, “I was afraid no trade could be carried on, as the king was absent.” She said, “she expected him in a fortnight, and as there was a great number of slaves to be sold, she desired me to prevail on the captain to stay till his return.” By this time, came in two white men abreast, making a formidable and hostile figure; upon which I cocked my gun, laid the other by me, and planted myself directly before them. One was John Pro, a Dutchman, who spoke good English; he was dressed in a short coat with broad plate-buttons, and other things answerable, but without either shoes or stockings. In his sash, he had stuck a brace of pistols, and held one in his hand. The other was in an English dress, and had two pistols in his sash, and one in his hand, like his companion; they spoke to me in English, with the usual compliment, which I returned; but Nick looked me wishfully in the face, and after a short pause, took hold of my hand, saying, “Robert Drury, how have you done these many years? My name is Nicholas Dove,” said he, “I am one of the four boys who were saved with you when our ship’s company were massacred in Anterndroea; and the very same of whom no tidings could be given in the conference between deaan Crindo and king Samuel.” Upon this, I went home with them after I had finished with the queen, in order to know whether captain Macket would think proper to stay so long or not. John Pro assured me it would certainly be well worth his while; that there were a great number of slaves whom they wanted to dispose of; that the king, deaan Toke-offu, was a very honest fair-dealing man, as well as a great prince, and would return in a short time, though not so soon, he feared, as the queen said. They were gone to encounter with a king to the northward, and about five or six thousand of them went all the way up the river in canoes, that were large enough to contain about thirty men a piece, with their proper accommodations in them, to make fires and dress victuals, and such as I had never seen any where else. I wrote a letter to the captain the next morning, and sent it by the fisherman, in which I gave him a full and particular account of what had passed. In his answer, he desired me to send some men to carry him up to the town on their shoulders, in a hammock affixed to two poles.

John Pro lived in a very decent manner, and his house was furnished with pewter dishes, a standing-bed with curtains, and all other things of the like nature, except chairs; a chest or two, however, served for that use well enough. He had an outhouse on purpose for his cook-room, and cook-slave’s lodging, storehouse, and summer house; all these were enclosed in a palisade, as most of the great men’s houses are in this country; for he was rich, had many cattle, and several slaves. Nicholas Dove, indeed, was not near so rich. In the evening came captain Burgess and Zachary: I soon understood that these were the sloop’s crew, to which Arnold and Eglasse the Dutchman belonged; and, therefore, gave them the best account I could of their fortune in Feraignher.

Nicholas Dove, however, told me more than I knew before, viz.—That he ran away and got to Port Dauphine; that after the expiration of two years, he got to Mattatanna Road, in a large canoe, and there entered himself on board a pirate, that cruised principally among the Moors, from whom they frequently took great riches, and carried them to St. Mary’s. This place having a good harbour, they made it their settlement and general rendezvous. It is a small island, but three leagues from Madagascar, in the latitude of 16 deg. 33 min. south; but as their ship grew old and crazy, and none of the Moorish ships, which they had taken, were fit for their business, they being also vastly rich, they removed to Madagascar, made one Thomas Collins, a carpenter, their governor, and built a small fort, which they defended with their ship’s guns; but here they led most licentious and profligate lives, stealing whatever they could come at, and ravishing the wives and daughters of the natives: living by this means for some time in a state of perpetual war. Upon this, I could not forbear reflecting that deaan Mernaugha was not so much to be blamed in ordering Eglasse to be killed for threatening him; since he had, doubtless, a competent knowledge by some means or another, to what a crew of vile abandoned wretches he once belonged. Nicholas Dove said, they had not gone out a pirating for nine years successively, contenting themselves with building a sloop by this governor’s assistance, and soon after left him and others, and settled here, where they had continued ever since. By him I understood that Mr Bembo got safe to England; but captain Drummond was killed before he could get off the island, though the particular manner and occasion, he could not inform me; but they told me one remarkable piece of news, namely,—that this captain Drummond was the very man, for whose murder, and his crews, one captain Green, commander of an East India ship, was hanged in Scotland; whether it be truth or not, I cannot determine. All I know of the case I have already related, and can only observe, that the time, the name, and the circumstances of his being here, where no news of him could be had for several years, give just grounds for the supposition. But to return to my history.

The queen sent me a calf for a present, and I in return, gave her a few knives and beads; I went to the shore with John Pro, to welcome the captain to the town. His surgeon, one Mr Strahan, was with him. The queen entertained them as elegantly as she could, and mutual presents passed in form.

We returned that evening to the ship, and built a house the next day for the more commodious carrying on of trade. The natives perceiving we were determined to stay, they built several others near it, to accommodate us with rice, milk, fruits, and other necessaries. I went frequently up to the town to hear what news I could, but it was a month or more before the people came back from the wars; they came down the river in canoes, as they went up, and met with great success. At length the king arrived with the corpse of his brother, who was killed in the fight. He deferred his burial for nearly a fortnight, till he had settled all his affairs with us, and had given audience likewise to his brother’s ambassadors, who were waiting for him.

As soon as captain Macket heard of his return, he came up to town again with a large retinue, and his trumpeter sounding before him. They went to J. Pro’s house whilst I attended on the king, with whom I had some very familiar conversation, as he had often heard of me; in the conclusion whereof, he told me that he desired the captain’s patience till he had sent for his people about him, and put himself in due order to receive him, which, in about two hours’ time, he did; and then all we white men, as well captain Burgess, and the rest, as those who came with us, marched two abreast, the trumpeter sounding before the captain, having a crowd of black mob after us; the shells blowing, and the drums beating at the same time in the king’s palisade by way of compliment. As deaan Toke-offu well knew how to treat white men, he had ordered two stools for the captain and surgeon to sit upon. After the mutual compliments were reciprocally passed, I being their interpreter, the manner of trade was soon settled and adjusted; and then the captain made a present to the king of a gun or two, &c., and the king presented him with a slave, &c. He gave me likewise a girl of twelve years old, whom I sold immediately to John Pro. The captain had thoughts of taking his leave this afternoon, but the king prevailed on him to stay till the next day, in order to make his court look the more grand when he received the ambassadors.

Accordingly, the next day, we were seated in order, when the ambassadors came with a numerous retinue, making just such an entry as Rer Vove did before his grandfather, when he returned from the wars. Some capering as they advanced, and firing their guns, and then retreating; others advancing in their places and doing the same. When the principal ambassador approached, he kneeled upon one knee, and licked the king’s knee, saying—

“Tyhew an deaan Unghorra en Zaftana Lohefute.” That is,— “The Supreme God bless the progeny of deaan Lohefute.”

Others came after him, repeating the same words. This done, business was now no more talked of, but the remainder of the day was spent in compliments and drinking of toake; but our captain took his leave, and made all the haste he could to despatch the affairs of trade. The next day they sent down several slaves to sell, and captain Macket fitted up Burgess’s sloop, and sent her to fetch the ketch from Yong-Owl; during which time, the Henry, captain Harvey, commander, arrived; a ship of five hundred tons’ burthen. While we continued here, deaan Toke-offu’s brother was buried, and all the natives shaved off their hair, which is the usual manner of their public mourning all over the island; and he who does not comply with this, is looked upon as disaffected to the government. When a private person dies, the friends and relations only do it.

It was about the middle of October when we arrived here, and the 24th of November before the king returned; but by the beginning of January, we had purchased more than our cargo of slaves, so we left part of them with the Henry, which remained after us. We sailed from the river Munnonbaugher in Munnongaro, or Masseleege, and arrived at Yong-Owl, where captain White was trading, not having then got his complement of slaves. On the 20th of January we departed from thence, and bid adieu to the island of Madagascar.

We did not touch at the Cape of Good Hope, but at St Helena, where I went ashore, and took all the care I could of the slaves who were sick. From thence we went to Barbadoes, where we stayed a week, then weighed, and sailed to Jamaica, where we delivered our cargo. The captain was not only tender of me whilst on board, but supplied me with money likewise at every port we came to, though by the little knowledge I had of its use, I committed several mistakes, which were subjects of laughter and merriment. As to liquors, I could scarce relish any, since I had lost toake, to which I had been so long accustomed. I was taken sick here, which proved very chargeable; but the captain sent me ashore, where, by his kind orders, I wanted for nothing. Whilst we were here, the Mercury, captain White from Madagascar arrived, but we were ready to sail with the fleet, under convoy of the Winchelsea, which was a forty-gun ship. On the 5th of July, we departed from Jamaica, beating through the windward passage. Under the Crooked Islands we saw two sloops, which the Winchelsea endeavoured to speak with, and imagining them to be pirates, struck his pendant, in order to look like a merchant ship, which deceived them so far, that the largest sloop gave chase, and hoisted a black ensign and jack; but finding her mistake, thought proper to alter her course, and stand in for the land again. Though the man-of-war could not follow her, yet our captain, whose ship was a good sailer, and mounted sixteen guns, did, and exchanged several broadsides with her. He stood close under the land, and as night came on, got away from us, but had the assurance to rob two of the stern-most ships in the fleet. Moreover, they threatened to tie captain Macket to the main-mast of his ship, and burn him, if ever they met with him again.

Not long after this we had the misfortune to run foul of the Winchelsea, which, tacking about unexpectedly, staved our bow to the water’s edge, and carried our foremast quite away; the man-of-war lost his head and sprit-sail-yard. We must all have been inevitably lost had the sea run high, but by good providence it was fair weather; so by the assistance of the Winchelsea’s crew and some others, we kept the water out, but were forced to go back to the Crooked Islands, and they accompanied us, where by the help of them, and some other ships, our breach being made up, we proceeded on our voyage; and on Saturday, September 9, 1717, arrived in the Downs, after I had been absent from my native country sixteen years and about nine months. Here, by the captain’s direction, I went ashore, he having first supplied me with what was necessary for my journey to London; yet did I not set forward till I had returned God thanks in the most solemn manner for my safe arrival, and for my deliverance from the many dangers I had escaped, and from the miseries I had so long undergone.

It may not be improper in this place to inform my readers by what a wonderful providence my father came to hear of my being alive in Madagascar. My brother was one day at the Crown alehouse, at Cherrygarden-stairs, in Rotherhithe, where William Thornbury was in the next box; and hearing him talk of that island to his friend, he said, he had a brother cast away there several years before, and should be glad to hear some tidings of him. Thornbury replied, he had never seen but one white man upon the island, and his name he had forgotten. My brother thereupon mentioned several names, and at last Robert Drury, which Thornbury no sooner heard, but said, that was it, and that his father lived at the King’s-head, in the Old Jewry.

When I came to London, (it being Sunday about three o’clock in the afternoon,) I thought it improper to go in sermon-time to the King’s-head, in the Old Jewry, the house in which my father lived before he retired into the country, but went to the Bell alehouse, (then the British coffeehouse,) at the lower end, and desired to be admitted; assuring the master I was but just come on shore. He seeing me in a sea jacket, and hearing me speak in broken English, took me for a foreigner, and let me in; asking me what countryman I was, and from whence I came? I told him an Englishman, which at first he would scarcely believe, till he recollected me by the questions I asked; namely, who kept the King’s-head? Whether John Drury did not keep it some years ago? He told me, that John Drury went to live in the country, and left it to his brother William, who died some time since; and that his widow kept the house. “How!” said I, “is William Drury dead?” “Yes,” answered he, “and John Drury his brother too died about a year ago.” This news so dejected me, that I burst out into tears, and afterwards bemoaned my hard fate before him; by this he perceived who I was, having heard of my being abroad, and of my friends expecting me soon in England. Hereupon he asked me, if my name was not Drury? I answered, it was, and that I had been unfortunate for many years; I was like to continue so, since my father was dead. As an addition to my sorrow, he told me, moreover, that my mother died with grief not long after she heard of our shipwreck, and that my father had married again. After sermon I went to the King’s-head, where they soon discovered who I was, and were overjoyed to see me; and there I had a full account of our whole family affairs. I found my father had left me two hundred pounds, and also the reversion of a house at Stoke Newington, then in the occupation of Mr Richard Beardsley. I stayed in town till I had visited all the friends I could remember, and then went to Loughborough to see my sister, and other relations, where I met with a very friendly reception, after they imagined I had been lost so many years before.

As soon as I had settled my affairs there, I returned to London. Captain Macket continued still as kind to me as ever, and said he would take care of me if things did not answer my expectations. He asked me to go with him again to Madagascar, but I had then agreed to live with a relation in the capacity of clerk, or bookkeeper. After captain Macket was gone, and things did not answer as I expected, I agreed with captain White, captain Macket’s friend, who was bound for Madagascar likewise, to go the voyage with him, and assist him in the trade, which my knowledge of the language and customs of the country had sufficiently qualified me for. So having left all my effects in a friend’s hands (except what I thought proper to take with me) I went on board the Mercury, and we sailed from the Downs, September 13, 1718.

AFTER-VOYAGE TO MADAGASCAR.

When I was but a boy, I had learned the art of navigation in some measure by going to India, though I had lost it again for want of practice; yet, applying myself to a proper mathematician for farther instruction, I soon recovered enough to enable me to keep a journal, and give such an account of this voyage as may be useful to those who have no knowledge of the island.

On the first of April, 1719, we arrived at the Cape of Good Hope, where we bought such provisions as we wanted, and on the tenth set sail for Natal; on the twenty-ninth we saw the land, in the latitude of 29 deg. 20 min. south, to the northward of Natal, about eleven leagues off. We sailed a west-south-west course along the shore, with a gentle breeze; at noon the point of Natal bore south-west by west, about two leagues distant; at two in the afternoon we came to an anchor in fourteen fathoms’ water, within two miles of the point of Natal, it bearing west-south-west. The current sets south-south-west and north-north-east. Here we traded for slaves, with large brass rings, or rather collars, and several other commodities. In a fortnight’s time we purchased seventy-four boys and girls. These are better slaves for working than those of Madagascar, being not only blacker, but stronger.

Captain White put six natives of Dillagoe on shore here, whom he took with him the former voyage. They had two or three king’s dominions to pass through before they came to their own country, and were under some apprehensions of being intercepted. The captain, therefore, furnished them with guns, ammunition, hatchets, and brass collars. Here I saw several humped cattle, like those in Madagascar; but the natives have short woolly hair, like Guinea negroes, and not like the people of Madagascar.

On the seventh day of June, we made the land on the east side of Madagascar. I went up to the mast-head, where, discerning high land to the southward, I took it for granted that we were to the northward of Port Dauphine; the captain, however, not relying on what I asserted, hoisted out the boat, and sent me and the second mate in her towards the shore to speak with any of the natives we could see. We rowed along the shore a considerable time, till I discovered a small town, and some of the inhabitants looking at us; but the sea broke so much three or four hundred yards off the shore, that we dare not venture to put the boat in; hereupon I pulled off my clothes and swam. Two of the natives observing me, swam to my assistance, and walked with me afterwards to a point about a mile farther, where they go off with their canoes. Here the boat got in, and I persuaded one of the fishermen to accompany us. This place is called Murnumbo, about ten leagues to the northward of Port Dauphine. Here was a strong current and large swell against us. The next day about sunset, we anchored in fourteen fathoms’ water, being unable to get into the bay. The ruins of the fort bore west-south-west of us, Cape Ramus south-west by south, and the point of the Seven Virgins, or Seven Hammocks, east. The next morning we weighed, stood into the bay, and anchored in three fathoms’ water; the French fort bore south-east by east, the ruins of the church south-south-east; we were within a cable’s length of the shore, on either side almost landlocked. However, as there is sometimes a strong north-east wind, it is always best to keep a good anchor and cable without.

Port Dauphine is in the latitude of 24 deg. 50 min. south. The bay into which you must sail, is on the east side of the point. You must take care of a rock on your starboard side. Your course to steer is west-north-west. When you are in you will see the ruins of a fort on a hill, called “the nose of the port;” you must keep close to this point till you open the bay, and when the fort bears south-east by east, or east-south-east, you may come to an anchor; and, if you will, may moor your ship to the rocks. About two miles to the southward there is a false bay, which may deceive strangers; therefore, as it is a rocky place, great care must be taken.

I went directly on shore to the king’s brother’s town, and acquainted him, that we were come to trade, but were in haste to be gone; and, therefore, if they had any slaves to sell, he must despatch them down forthwith. And this pretence must always be made, for they have no notion of the expense that attends a long delay. Messengers were immediately sent to the king, who sent word by an Irishman, (who had deserted from one captain Ware,) that he would be with us the next day, and came accordingly. This prince’s name was deaan Morroughsevea, he was dressed in a coat and breeches, and had a hat on his head. The first day was spent in the usual compliments, and making mutual presents. The price was adjusted the next day; whereupon we built a factory, and palisaded it round. The king soon returned, though we stayed here till the nineteenth of July. At which time the captain sending me with some presents to the king, I stripped off my clothes, and dressed myself like a native, with a lance in my hand. I think it was not less than twenty miles. The king was just going to dinner with salt fish, rice, and roast beef, when I got there. He very courteously desired me to sit down and partake of what he had before him; saying, all white men, except the French, were very welcome; for they had killed his grandfather, and carried an uncle of his away captive. After dinner he entertained me with some toake, and a dram of brandy, and then dismissed me with some presents to the captain, desiring we would return as soon as conveniently we could, for he was going to war with Unter Morrow Cherock to the northward, and hoped soon to have more slaves for us.

On the twentieth I came on board, and then we weighed, leaving four men and the natal slaves behind us. Here we purchased one hundred and thirty, and sailed with them to the Mattatanna Road; and on the twenty-sixth we made the Thumb-cap off Mattatanna, and came to an anchor within a league distance. Here is no going on shore in our boats, by reason of the great bar that is there, and the sea always breaking upon it; the canoes, however, came off to us, and I went on shore with them; and after that to the king’s town, which was a great way up the river. One ran before to inform him that the captain’s ambassador was coming: whereupon he put himself in great order, and appeared in state. He speaks English and French very well, and so do several of his family. He told me I was welcome. But as captain Macket had been before us, and bought three hundred and thirty slaves in less than twenty days, he endeavoured to raise the price upon us. I soon informed him, however, that I knew the country; and that if he had none to dispose of, I could tell where to go to market. At last we agreed, and I sent the captain word of what I had done. It was so dangerous going over the breakers, that I did not care how seldom I went. I did not like the place, for they were so harassed with a neighbouring enemy, that they were always on their guard, and could not sleep in safety, nor get even common necessaries; the country being in much the same state and condition as was Feraignher when I lived there. The captain, notwithstanding this, was obstinate; and after he had sent me a cargo on shore, as also a man to assist me, sailed away to Don Mascareen, an island then belonging to the French, and about one hundred leagues to the eastward.

As soon as he was gone, I removed my factory to the king’s town, as thinking it more safe. I often lent the natives guns and ammunition to repel their enemies, and once I went with them. I bought fourteen slaves in three days, but finding provision dear, I went more artfully to work; I agreed for the slaves they offered to sale, and left something as earnest in their hands, but would not complete the bargain. Here I had a scurvy trick put upon me, which I relate, that others may beware of the like impositions. One night, notwithstanding all my care, I missed two women slaves, who were fastened by the arms together. I complained thereof to the king, who, pretending to know nothing of it, ordered inquiry to be made after them, but to no purpose, till I published a reward of six pounds of gunpowder to him who would restore them. The man who sold them to me brought them again, pretending he had found the place where they had concealed themselves, and demanded the reward. I charged him with imposing on me, but not being then able to make good my assertion, he complained to the king, who threatened me hard in case I did not give the man the reward. I returned his menaces in warm terms, offering to defend myself with my fire-arms, as I had six ready loaded by me. What with tears and flatteries, the women confessed before the next morning, that their first master had injured me, and misused them after he had them again. I went to the king’s brother directly, and assured him I would take care that no white men should ever trade there for the future; but in the end, he desired I would speak with the king first, which I did. He reconciled us before our ship returned, which was in the middle of September, and then without captain White, who had been dead and buried some time before at Don Mascareen. He went there to sell slaves to the French, and buy up others for the West India cargo, but there happened to be no call for any.

Captain Christal, who was then commander, sent one of his officers to assure me I might depend on the same civility and friendship as I had received from his predecessor, for he approved my conduct, and completed the bargains I had begun, and brought my slaves on board.

Mattatanna in the latitude of 22 deg. 15 min. south, is a wild coast, where our boats can at no time come ashore; these slaves, and those of Port Dauphine are esteemed the best in the island. Before we went from hence, I heard that deaan Morroughsevea of Port Dauphine, was killed in the expedition he went on, after I left him. Before I proceed farther in my account of this voyage, as I am now on the east side of the island, I shall take notice of the principal places on it.

About seven leagues to the northward of Mattatanna, is Melancaro. Here is a river with eight feet of water on the bar, which divides the two kingdoms of Mattatanna and Tronghe. The inhabitants of the latter are numerous and obliging, but cannot trade for want of canoes. About ten leagues from Tronghe is Maninzarce; they would willingly trade with the English, but as they have no canoes, and it is a wild shore, where our boats cannot land, it is impracticable. About twenty leagues farther to the northward is Mungaro; the natives whereof are always at war with the inhabitants of Port St. Mary’s and the pirates. The king’s name is Maulaunza. They have no canoes here, but if a captain would take some with him from Mattatanna, they would gladly trade with him. St. Mary’s is an island three leagues off the main, in latitude 16 deg. 30 min. and has a good harbour. Here are about twenty white men, formerly pirates, who now live on their ill-gotten treasures.

Antogeal is in the latitude of 16 deg. 15 min. Here is a clear deep bay, keep the north shore on board. At the bottom of it, is a small island of two or three miles in circumference, in which is a good harbour. The Dutch had formerly a fort on it. Here are grampuses and whales, which the natives have the art of taking. Barimbass is in latitude 15 deg.: the inhabitants have canoes, and will come off at first sight of a ship. The king is very courteous to white men, and takes pleasure in trading with them.

Our next business was to go to Port Dauphine, where the death of their king was confirmed; we found the country in sad confusion, and in no condition for trading; so we took our men, slaves, and goods on board, and proceeded round the southernmost end of the island.

The country next adjoining to Port Dauphine, or Antenosa, is Anterndroea, where the Degrave was wrecked, and which was the melancholy scene of my captivity. Joining to this is Merfaughla, which lies a little to the southward, in latitude 26 deg. south. The want of canoes in both these countries renders them incapable of trading. The next port is St. Augustine-bay, in which is a fresh water river, with twelve feet of water at spring tides; it flows south-south-east, and north-north-west. Tulea lies seven leagues to the northward, and is a very good harbour.

As you sail from St. Augustine-bay to Yong-Owl, there are several little islands. The two first are in the latitude of 21 deg. about five leagues distant from the main island. A little farther is a single island with lofty trees on it; and still farther to the northward, there are three sandy islands, with breakers between them. A north-east course carries you clear and along shore, but keep in fifteen, sixteen, or seventeen fathoms’ water. On the banks are nine, ten, or twelve fathoms’ water. When you are past the sandy islands, the coast is clear to Yong-Owl. This is an open road in the latitude of 20 deg. 20 min. There is good anchoring in sixteen fathoms’ water, not above a mile from the shore. There is no high land near the shore on all this coast, but there are high mountains up the country. Munnonhaugher is a river which they call Manzerroy, in which is fourteen or fifteen fathoms’ water. It flows east and west twelve feet right up and down on spring tides: you go up the river six or seven leagues to the usual place where they traffic. A little to the southward of this is another river, called Luna, to which a ship comes from Arabia once a year. This place is called Masseleege, or the country of Munnongaro, whereof deaan Toke-offu is the sovereign, and of which I have already given a sufficient account.

Our business now was at Yong-Owl, where we arrived on the 16th of October; the captain went with me up the country to Moherbo, and took his musicians with us. As soon as I came on shore, I was informed that Rer Trimmonongarevo was dead, and Rer Moume succeeded him, and lived at Moherbo. I sent a messenger before me to acquaint him that I was coming to pay my duty to him, and had brought a ship to trade here pursuant to my promise; but as soon as we came to a town on this side Moherbo, we saw abundance of people pulling down a wooden house, in which the corpse of Rer Trimmonongarevo was interred; the reason whereof, as the natives told me, was as follows:—“That Rer Trimmonongarevo had appeared to Rer Moume in the night time, and asked him why he put him above his father Lohefutee? and he seemed to resent his son’s ill conduct, and ordered his body to be taken up, and put lower than his father’s, and his house likewise, which was erected for a monument to be levelled with his father’s.” When I came to Rer Moume, he did not know me in my new dress; I soon let him understand who I was, for I could not forbear to lick his knees. His generous and humane deportment towards me, made me esteem him as my father, and he was equally overjoyed to see me. His wives, likewise, expressed their pleasure. I went to review my cattle, for, according to his promise, he had kept them all for me; and as they were now considerably increased, I marked the young ones with a particular signet, for he insisted that they still are mine.

We got our whole complement of slaves here in ten weeks’ time, and sailed from hence January 7. We touched at St. Helena and at Barbadoes, from thence we proceeded to Rapphanick river in Virginia, where we sold our slaves, took in tobacco, and then set sail for England. On the 11th day of September, 1720, we arrived in the Downs.

Thus have I endeavoured to give a true and faithful narrative of what I thought most remarkable in this island. I have seen the “Atlas Geographicus,” which is, I presume, a collection of what has been written concerning this island. And though there are some things mentioned there, of which I give no account, I see no reason to depart from any particular herein contained, or to make any additions. I have related only what I saw, and know to be fact. There is an insect amongst them I have not mentioned, called the scorpion, a troublesome animal, and the only venomous creature I ever saw there. As to what is asserted in the “Atlas” before-mentioned, that the natives are Mahometans, I have read, since I came to England, some account of the Mahometan religion, but can find no conformity or similitude in it to this of Madagascar; on the contrary, Mahomet pretended to have familiar converse with God, but these people would be shocked to hear that deaan Unghorray, their Supreme God, ever conversed with the greatest monarch. There is one custom I have omitted, and that is, their abstaining from their women at certain times, as the Jews do. The Virzimbers, whom some imagine to be the first inhabitants of this island, I have said before, differ in some points of religion; but then it is to be understood in the forms and manner of their worship and ceremonies, for they have owleys as others have, and entertain the same notions of a Supreme God, the lords of the four quarters of the world, spirits, &c.

ROBERT DRURY.

N.B. The author, for some years before his death, was to be spoken with every day at Old Tom’s coffeehouse in Birchin-lane; at which place several inquisitive gentlemen have received from his own mouth the confirmation of those particulars which seemed dubious, or carried with them the least air of a romance.

SEQUEL.

Very little is known of the subsequent life of Robert Drury, but that little is satisfactory both in regard to his veracity and respectability in his humble situation. On his return to England, he went in the first place to Loughborough, in his native county, in which town he had a sister and other relatives. He afterwards came to London, where he obtained the situation of porter at the East India House; and it is said that his father left him two hundred pounds, and the reversion of a house at Stoke Newington. His extraordinary adventures procured him much attention, and many curious persons were in the habit of calling upon him at his house in Lincoln’s-inn-fields, then unenclosed; when he used to amuse them by throwing a javelin in the manner of the natives of Madagascar, who had taught him to hit a small mark at a very surprising distance. Mr Duncombe, who died in 1769, the translator of Horace, and editor of the works of his brother-in-law, Hughes the poet, had a friend who had frequently witnessed this feat, and conversed with Drury, a fact which is mentioned in the second volume of Hughes’s “Letters” by Duncombe, page 258. Nothing farther is known of the life of Robert Drury, nor has the time of his death been recorded.

A VOCABULARY OF THE MADAGASCAR LANGUAGE.

A

All _earbe_ alive _valu_ ants _vetick_ arm _vorecka_ ask _munganton_ aunt _l’rorvovvaranuke_ above _ambunna_ adding _tovoungay_ adorn _merervaugher_ advise _mearnorro_ afar off _larvitch_ afraid _mertorhocks_ after _afarrong_ aged _antichs_ agree _melongore_ aiming _munondroer_ age _antitch_ alone _earare_ altar _fesoronegher_ alter _youvoyea_ amaze _chareck_ anchor _tumborto_ anger _maluke_ angle _merminter_ ankle _pucopuke_ anoint _whosora_ answer _mungonore_ any body _lerhulu_ appoint _mermutore_ arm-pit _kelleck_ archer _permawlay_ arise _fuher_ army _taffick_ arrow _anucfalla_ ascend _munonego_ ashes _lavanuck_ asleep _lentey_ awoke _mertearro_ argument _meanconne_ alligator _voarha_

B

Body _jorzarmaner_ boy _jorzarloyhe_ brother _royloyhe_ basin _lerveerferuchs_ brass _sarber_ black _minetay_ bull _omebayloyhe_ brains _bettu_ breast _trotter_ belly _troke_ back _lambosick_ beef _haner_ bird _voro_ belly-full _vinchy_ beads _arraer_ blood _raw_ bandy _sekearf_ boil _mundavy_ broil _metonu_ boil over _mundroer_ butterfly _tondrotto_ blunderbuss _bosse_ bite _munghabecks_ broke _foluck_ buy _mevele_ broth _ro_ blow _chuffu_ beat _fufuho_ bullock _vosists_ bitter _merfaughts_ backbone _towler lambosick_ bad _rawcthe_ big _bay_ bald-head _soroluher_ barrel _brecker_ bee _ranatcntala_ before _ungulore_ beg _mungortock_ behind _affarro_ bottle _folokuke_ bosom _arrongher_ beheaded _tompucluher_ bullet _baller_ bastard _sarray_ by and by _andreck anna arny_ broom _mermoffer_ beard _somuchs_ breath _onygha_ bones _towler_ beans _antuck_ bed _keban_ basket _harro_ ball _hechurch_ borrow _mungaborrow_ book or paper _terra toss_ buffuler _howlu_ bee-hive _tohoke_ bundle _mevorovore_ blind _chemerheter_ burning _mundavengher_ bell _potchew_ belly-ache _merrawrafu_ bread _moffu_ bladder _tervenneer_ beauty _sengger_ baked _tongoffu_ bow _ranafalla_ bark _hulitcharzo_ barrel of a gun _cornu_ burden _enter_

C

Child _annack_ carravances _vungember_ cocoa-nut _wooernew_ cloud _rawho_ cold _merninchy_ calabash _vartarvo_ copper _sarbermaner_ cat _chacker_ cow _omebayvovva_ cattle _omebay_ cheek _fawho_ crow _quark_ call _kyhu_ clear _merlu_ crooked _maluke_ cock _kuholoyhe_ capon _kuho vosist_ candle _charreck_ choose _mcchutors_ covetous _mertete_ cotton _hawsey_ conjuror _umossee_ climb _munganeeher_ chest _sundoke_ coffin _harzowonger_ come _haveer_ cock crow _kuhumunganu_ chin _somo_ calf _anuack an omebay_ clout _seeke_ clean _merrere_ comb _morrotondro_ common or plain _munto_ coward _merwoozo_ calf of a leg _veete_ canoe _lacker_ change _mernercollu_ carry _entu_ creep _lomorly_ circumcised _meforer_ cane _tangerer_ caul _sassuchhaner_ choke _bohair_ cream _hendro_ cannon _futore_ cotton-tree _zare_ chamelion _taw_ cloudy _merauho_ cloud _rauho_ cry _tomonghe_ cutlass _vearawrer_ come here _mehoveatowe_ civil _woocust_ come down _mejuchore_ come along _aloyho_ cartouch box _fitter pinner_

D

Daughter _annackampeller_ dark _myeak_ dish _ampondrer_ dog _amboer_ dry _mungetterhetter_ day _hawndro_ dirty _merlauchs_ drum _azzoloyhe_ drunk _wooersekarfe_ dead _morte_ dripping _solick_ done _effer_ duck _cherere_ deaf _merrengha_ dust _lumbook_ dew _aundew_ door _varavongher_ divide _vackue_ drone _ferzimber_ dream _munganofee_ dropped _larchuck_ dropped it _larchorho_

E

Earth _tonna_ ear _sofee_ eye _moffu_ eyelids _voloheak_ eyebrows _volohondring_ elbow _hehu_ enemy _raffaloyhe_ eat _humonner_ even _merer_ enough _tondra_ ell _hanarlavver_ egg _tule_ evening _arever_ eight _varlo_ eighty _varlofolo_ eight hundred _varlozawto_ eight thousand _varlo arevo_ east _teenongher_

F

Father _royya_ or _arber_ fence _faretchs_ forehead _hondring_ foot _feendeer_ fruit _wooerarzo_ finger _tonedro_ fish _feer_ fishing lines _tollevinter_ friend _lonego_ four _effutchs_ five _deeme_ fifteen _folodeemeamby_ five and twenty _rowafolo deeme amby_ five and thirty _talufolo deeme amby_ five and forty _effuchfolo deemu amby_ five and fifty _deemefolo deeme amby_ five and sixty _enuingfolo deeme amby_ five and seventy _fetofolo deeme amby_ five and eighty _varlofolo deeme amby_ five and ninety _seveefolo deeme amby_ five hundred _deeme zawto_ five thousand _deeme arevo_ fat _vonedruck_ flower _turvolo_ flea _peer_ fly _lawletchs_ fickle _harraravvo_ fool _addoller_ fly away _tumeelingher_ file _choffer_ full _fennu_ full moon _volormer autchs_ fright _mertawhoutchs_ fight _mealleer_ fighting _mealle_ fire _ossu_ fishing _merminter_ flint _offovarto_ flesh _nofuch_ fox _foser_ forty _effuch folo_ fan _fernimper_ fly _tumeeling_ feathers, or hair, _volo_ fetters _parra-pingo_ flame _lellar_ flower, or blossom, _vonegha_ flesh-fork _fundrambahaner_ freemen _lovohitchs_ fill it up _fennuyea_ forget _hawlingho_ flux _tonchoruck_ fry _mungendy_ flag _floy_ flood _fororawno_ fetch _mungolor_ fist _fettock_ fortunate _moss_ fast _fortuchs_

G

God _deaan Unghorray_ grandfather _rozackloyhe_ grandmother _rozackampeller_ grandchild _zaffu_ guinea corn _ampember_ ground _ton_ gold _volarmaner_ green _michne_ goat _osa_ get up _fahavvo_ go _mundaher_ go along _mundahanner_ garment _sekey_ or _lamber_ gun _ampegaurrutchs_ girl _jorzorampeller_ great _bay_ goose _onego-onego_ guinea-hen _congar_ guts _tenaugh_ get farther _mesorangha_ grass _habbetchs_ give me some _mungay may_ give you none _chemung a may_ give _youmayow_ good _suer_ guard _ambenner_ grow _metombo_ great way _larvitchs_ gunpowder _pounday_ not good _chesuer_ get you gone _meangor_ garlic _tonegulick_ grindstone _sungherer_ grind _sungheru_ good while _ailer_

H

House _trangho_ honey _tentala_ heat _merfanner_ hail _avandrar_ head _luher_ hair _volo_ hand _tongher_ heart _fu_ hog _lambo_ hook _vinter_ horn _tondrook_ hide _mevonoor_ hyde _hulutchs_ hungry _homerserray_ hundred _zawto_ hat _satook_ hoof _hooto_ here _inteer_ hear _merray_ hen _coohovovva_ hearken _metinoor_ hot _moy_ hill, or mountain, _vohitcht_ head-ache _luhermungalelu_ husband _valley_ hatchet _fermackey_ halt _tarehu_ how do you _whosuer_ hunt _mungoro_ hole _lavvack_ how many _fera_ hoe _soro_ horse _suwaller_ heel _hehu_ hedgehog _sorer_ hiccough _suecendrotch_ hire _metombozzar_ hark _metinore_ hammer _furnurore_

I J

Jar _senevolo_ idle _merwoozzo_ jealous _mermerrothhe_ jest _somoneger_ joint _sandre_ I won’t _zawho merloy_ I will _atawuck_ I’ll do no more _chemernowquere_ itch _hauta_ I _zawho_ iron _ve_ island _nosa_

K

King _panzaccar_ kick _timpaughho_ kill _vonu_ kidneys _wooerhaner_ ketch _sumboro_ knife _messu_ kite _perponge_ knee _luhalleck_

L

Ladle _suddro_ land _tata_ or _tonna_ lance _luffu_ lie down _mundraer_ light _merzavvo_ lightning _munghaluchs_ lights _rabuchhaner_ look, or see, _merchinsover_ looking-glass _hachoro_ low _eever_ let go _ellyfoy_ lie _mervanda_ love _taark_ little _kala_ live _valu_ lemon _voersarra_ loss _lavo_ leaf _ravven_ lead _ferock_ lips _soneghe_ leg _tomebook_ liver _attinhaner_ louse _hough_ long _lavvar_ lend _mungaborro_ lock, or key, _fungheily_ lock of a gun _sophe ampegar satch_ long while _alelur_ locust _verloller_ lizard _roso_ left hand _tongher avveer_ lean _merheer_ looseness _ohorawha_ lobster _orur_ lick _lalouw_ don’t love it _hallucht_

M

Man _loyhe_ mad _tounzaccar_ many _mawrow_ maggot _oletchs_ mother _ranna_ moon _voler_ men _hulu_ milk _ronoonu_ monkey _vergee_ midnight _mutungalla_ mouth _vovvor_ muskmelon _wantange_ mud _futuck_ million _arrla_ muskittoes _moco_ morning _emerrawha_ to-morrow _hummerrawha_ mead _toak_ marrow _manuccover_ melt _tennoo_ milt _arrachaner_ mouse _varlarvo_

N

Nail of finger _oho_ navel _feutch_ nine _seve_ neck _woozzo_ ninety _seve folo_ nine hundred _seve zawto_ nothing _shemishe_ night _aulla_ north _avarruchs_ needle _fingihts_ no _charra_ nose _oroong_ nigh _merreena_ net _arratto_ nettles _fundrozo_

O

Oath _mefontorr_ one _eser_ old _antichs_ ox _vositchs_ oil _tongon tongher_ open _sucorffu_ t’other day _orertroung_

P

Potatoes _ovemarme_ plantain _ounche_ plantation _tateck_ plant _fumbulayher_ pap _nunu_ partridge _hattacottoe_ pine-apple _mernasse_ pillar _ounder_ plumb _lomoty_ powder _poundey_ point _metrondroer_ pistol _plato_ poison _vorick_ prisoner _sambuch_ pot _velongha_ pipe _keloyhe_ poor _rarroc_ people _hulu_ pepper _saccavero_ plunder _mundravor_ pitch _leta_ pleasant _mertarva_ pirate _kindoc_ purslain _toyanomebaloyhe_ periwinkle _dedder_ pigeon _dahew_

Q

Quick _merlacky_

R

Rain _orer_ rainbow _avvar_ rammer _funhochuck_ razor _feharratchs_ red _maner_ rice _varray_ rich _manzarry_ rise _fuher_ rough _meraffu_ run _lomoy_ rope _tolle_ runaway _leffer_ ripe _mossock_ ribs _towlertahazuc_ right hand _tongher avanner_

S

Sand _fasse_ salt _serer_ sail _loy_ son _annacloyhe_ sun _andro_ slave _andavo_ steer _rorvovva_ sugarcane _farray_ sugar _serermarme_ sweet _marme_ star _verseer_ spoon _suto_ silver _volerfutey_ scull _harrandluker_ shoulder _soroke_ sleep _meroro_ shot _berseer_ six _eanning_ seven _feeto_ seventeen _folofeetoambe_ seventy _feeto folo_ six hundred _eanning zawto_ seven hundred _feeto zawto_ six thousand _eanning arevo_ seven thousand _feeto arevo_ small _merlinick_ sunrise _terrack_ sunset _soffutch andro_ small _oruff_ small shot _pottchuck_ spittle _eva_ spit _mundorer_ south _ateemo_ sore _boy_ sour _mervoyha_ ship _sambo_ stink _manche_ strong _merharee_ short _fuher_ spirit _lulu_ seize _samboro_ shoe _hunghermaro_ stool _feketrar_ sick _merrawra_ sky _longitchs_ smooth _merlammer_ sound, noise, or barking of a dog, _mungano_ shoot _teferu_ shave _haharu_ soft _merlemma_ smothered _settuck_ smoke _lembook_ smoke a pipe _metroher tobacco_ shut the door _arradingho_ sell _vele_ sour milk _ronoonumandra_ sea _reac_ servant, sir _salamonger_ snares _faundric_ see _merheter_ I see it _he tucko_ shirt _commeser_ seat _fetuaruc_ speak _mevolengher_ sweet scented _maungetchs_ some _mishe_ speckle _wander_ shake _mungozooner_ stay _munding_ spring of water _vovo_ spring of the year _sarrar_ spring of a gun lock _allesoro_ swim _lomong_ shame _manghetchs_ split _vaccu_ small pox _creer_ staff _zahharr_ skin _huletchs_ side _tohazuc_ slender _merlenec_ spinage _orngha_ serpent _manerrander_ snake _mary_ spin _mundoroutchs_ stand _mechangonner_ steel _veoffo_ steal _mungaulutchs_ scissors _hette_ snore _mearoutchs_ sweat _lingetch_ sing _meansaw_ shore _tomeboho_ spit _fermerlarzor_ silly _mernay_ sheep _oundy_ spider _morrotongher_ stone _varto_ sink _tumborto_

T

Tamarind _keley_ tankard _furnumerrauno_ take _rumbessu_ think _mevetchevetch_ trumpet _anchever_ thirteen _folotaluambe_ three _talu_ thunderbolt _apmy_ thigh _fay_ thunder _hotook_ town _tannarr_ thread _fola_ thorn _forte_ told _mungaborrow_ tears _rawnomossu_ tobacco _tobacco_ toe _annackinc_ two _roaa_ ten _folo_ twenty _roaafolo_ thousand _arevo_ thief _ampegalutchs_ teeth _neefa_ tongue _leller_ tie _fahaugh_ trigger _funghatchu_ tail _ohe_ land turtle _hachaffu_ sea turtle _faunu_ tall _lavvor_ turn _metuleher_ tell one, two, &c. _mungesau_ tread _hechawho_ through _torawho_ thrive _munzarre_ take _rumbessu_ tutanag _ferockfutey_ timber _harzo_

U V

Uncle _ranaloyhe_ under _umbonna_ udder _vorotchs_ ugly _rawtche_ vomit _mundoer_ uncivil _chewoocust_

W

Water _rawno_ water melon _woerzarvo_ wax _luco_ warm _moy_ wave _onezur_ wind _ornghin_ wood _auler_ white _fute_ wild _melampo_ what _eno_ what’s this _eno toey_ what’s the matter _eno zow_ what are you doing _eno tough now_ wadding _hueto_ west _audreffer_ wood for firing _hatoy_ wonder _cherrec_ work _mearsar_ wife _walley_ weary _mocoutchs_ white man _verzarhar_ wide _mertarcheths_ whisper _bisabise_ wasp _fundroso_ wrist _soro_ wise _merhehitchs_ winter _fouser_ whistle _fuke_ weave _mernendru_ wet _lay_

Y

Yam _ove_ years _color_ year _taough_ yes _toquore_ yonder _aruea_ yesterday _umorla_

DAYS OF THE WEEK.

Sunday _Alhaida_ Monday _Alletenine_ Tuesday _Talorter_ Wednesday _Alarrerbeer_ Thursday _Commeeshe_ Friday _Jumor_ Saturday _Sarbueche_

THE END.

LONDON: Printed by W. CLOWES, Stamford-street.

TRANSCRIBER’S NOTES

1. Silently corrected obvious typographical errors and variations in spelling. 2. Retained archaic, non-standard, and uncertain spellings as printed. 3. Enclosed italics font in _underscores_. 4. Enclosed blackletter font in =equals=.