v. Ζάλευκος (under the word Zaleucus); it was also law among the

Syracusans, _Athenaeus_, Deipnos., bk. XII. ch. 4. Comp. _Petit_, “Legg. Attic.,” (Laws of Athens), p. 476. The same is stated of the Lacedaemonians by _Clemens Alexandrinus_, Paedog., bk. II. ch. 10. Comp. _Wesseling_, on Diodorus Sic., IV. 4.—_Sidon. Apoll._, Epist., XX. 3. _Iamblichus_, De Vita Pythagor., ch. 31.—_A. Borremans_. Var. Lect., ch. 10. p. 94.—_Artemidorus_, Oneirocrit., bk. II. ch. 3.

[164] _Aulus Gellius_, Noct. Attic., bk. I. ch. 6.

[165] _Aulus Gellius_, Noct. Attic., bk. X. ch. 23.

[166] _Livy_, Hist. I. 4., II. 18.

[167] _Cicero_, Orat. pro Coelio, ch. 20., Si quis est, qui etiam meretriciis amoribus interdictum iuventuti putet, est ille quidem valde severus, negare non possum: sed _abhorret non modo ab huius seculi licentia, verum etiam a maiorum consuetudine atque concessis. Quando enim factum non est? quando reprehensum, quando non permissum?_ (If any is found to think that young men should be forbidden to indulge simple intrigues with harlots, I can only say he is an exceedingly stern moralist, I cannot deny he is right in the abstract. _But his view is opposed not merely to the free habits of the present age, but also to the usage and permitted licence of our fathers? When, I ask, has this not been done? when rebuked, when not allowed?_

_Horace_, Sat., bk. I. 2. vv. 31-35.,

Quidam notus homo, cum exiret fornice: Macte Virtute esto, inquit sententia dia Catonis. Nam simul ac venas inflavit tetra libido, Huc iuvenes _aequum_ est descendere; non alienas Permolere uxores.

(When a certain well-known citizen came out of a brothel, “Bravo! go on and prosper!” was the word of Cato, great and wise. For when fierce desire has swollen the veins, _right_ it is that young men should resort hither, and not grind their neighbours’ wives),—a passage that involuntarily reminds us of the fragment of _Philemon_ quoted above.

[168] They had indiscriminate intercourse with the women, who did not hold it disgraceful to appear half-naked (γυμναὶ) and to practise both among themselves and in common with the men gymnastic exercises, and this in the presence of spectators, even in that of young men. These were actually enjoined to practise copulation, and to have the whole body polished and freed from hair by professional male artistes). _Athenaeus_, Deipnos., bk. XII. pp. 517, 518.

[169] The law was in the first instance made only with a view to the future, in order to ensure the state a sufficiently large number of citizens; _Sozomenes_, Histor. Eccles., I. 9., Vetus lex fuit apud Romanos, quae vetabat coelibes ab anno aetatis quinto et vigesimo pari iure essent cum maritis.—Tulerant hanc legem veteres Romani, cum sperarent, futurum hac ratione, ut urbs Roma et reliquae provinciae imperii Romani hominum multitudine abundarent. (There was an old law among the Romans, which forbad bachelors after the age of 25 to enjoy equal political rights with married men.—The old Romans had passed this law in the hopes that in this way the city of Rome, and the provinces of the Roman empire as well, might be ensured an abundant population). For the same reason _Caesar_, after the African War when the city was much depopulated through the great number of the slain, established prizes for such citizens as had the most children).—_Dio Cassius_, Bk. XLIII. 226.—All this availed little. The Censors _Camillus_ and _Posthumius_ were soon obliged to introduce a tax on celibacy,—the “old-bachelors’ tax” (Aes uxorium).—_Festus_, p. 161., _L. Valerius Maximus_, bk. II. ch. 9.—Augustus endeavoured in vain by the Lex Julia de maritandis ordinibus (Julian Law concerning marriage in the different classes) to counteract the tendency; till the Lex Papia Poppaea originating with the Senate (B.C. 9.) was ratified; (_Tacitus_, Annal. III. 25.—_Dio Cassius_, (LIV. 16., LVI. 10.), though even this did not long remain in force. Comp. _Lipsius_, Excurs. ad Tacit. Annal. III. 25.—_Heineccius_, Antiquit. Roman. Jurispr. (Antiquities of Roman Law), I. 25. 6. p. 209.—_Hugo_, “Geschichte des römischen Rechts,” (History of Roman Law), I. p. 237., II. p. 861.

[170] Instit Divin., I. 20. 6., Flora cum magnas opes ex arte meretricia quaesivisset, populum scripsit haeredem, certamque pecuniam reliquit, cuius ex annuo foenere suus natalis dies celebraretur editione Ludorum, quos appelant Floralia. (Flora having acquired great riches by the harlot’s calling made the people her heir, and left a certain sum of money, the interest of which was to be applied to celebrating her birth-day by the exhibition of the games which are called Floralia.—I. 20. 10., Celebrantur cum omni lascivia. Nam praeter verborum licentiam, quibus obscoenitas omnis effunditur, exuuntur etiam vestibus populo flagitante meretrices, quae tunc mimarum funguntur officio et in conspectu populi, usque ad satietatem impudicorum hominum cum pudendis motibus detinentur. (They are solemnized with every form of licentiousness. For over and above the looseness of speech that pours forth every obscenity, harlots strip themselves of their clothing at the importunities of the mob, and then act as mimes,—pantomimic actors,—and in full view of the crowd indulge in indecent posturings, till their shameless audience is satisfied). It may be noted that scarcely 40 years after the introduction of the Floralia, P. Scipio Africanus in his Speech in defence of Tib. Asellus could say: Si nequitiam defendere vis, licet: sed tu in uno scorto maiorem pecuniam absumsisti, quam quanti omne instrumentum fundi Sabini in censum dedicavisti. Ni hoc ita est: qui spondet mille nummum? Sed tu plus tertia parte pecuniae perdidisti atque absumsisti in flagitiis. (If you choose to defend your profligacy, well and good! but as a matter of fact you have wasted on one strumpet more money than the total value, as you declared it to the Census commissioners, of all the plenishing of your Sabine farm. If you deny my assertion, I ask who dare wager a thousand sesterces on its untruth? You have squandered more than a third of the property you inherited from your father, and thrown it away in debauchery).—Gellius, Noct. Attic., VII. 11.—As not only did hetaerae build a temple to Aphrodité, but a similar one was also erected in their honour at Abydos (_Athenaeus_, XIII. p. 573.), and Phryné wished to rebuild Thebes at her own cost, on the condition that an inscription should be set up to the effect, “Alexander destroyed it; Phryné the hetaera restored it”, there is not the slightest reason for counting the above story as merely one of the ridiculous inventions common in the Fathers.

[171] _Valerius Maximus_, II. 10. 8.—_Seneca_, Epist 97.—_Martial_, Epigr. I. 1 and 36.

[172] Read the Speech of Cato in _Livy_, Hist., bk. XXXIV. 4., where the following passage is found amongst others: Haec ego, quo melior lactiorque in dies fortuna rei publicae est, imperiumque crescit, et iam in Graeciam Asiamque transcendimus, omnibus libidinum illecebris repletas, et regias etiam attrectamus gazas, eo plus horreo, ne illae magis res nos ceperint, quam nos illas. (All these changes, as day by day the fortune of the State is higher and more prosperous and her Empire grows greater, and our conquests extend over Greece and Asia, lands replete with every allurement of the senses, and we appropriate treasures that may well be called royal,—all this I dread the more from my fear that such high fortune may rather master us than we master it). Scarcely 10 years later the same author says (bk. XXXIX. 6.): Luxuriae enim peregrinae origo ab exercitu Asiatico invecta in urbem est. (For the beginnings of foreign luxury were brought into the city by the Asiatic army). _Juvenal_, Sat. VI. 299.:

Prima peregrinos obscoena pecunia mores Intulit et turpi fregerunt secula luxu Divitiae molles.

(Foul money it was that first brought in foreign manners; wealth weakened and broke down the vigour of the age with base luxury). But pre-eminently applicable are the following words (III. 60 sqq.) of the same poet:

Non possum ferre, Quirites! Graecam urbem, quamvis quota portio faecis Achaeae? Iam pridem Syrus in Tiberim defluxit Orontes, Et linguam et mores et cum tibicine chordas Obliquas, nec non gentilia tympana secum Vexit et ad Circum iustas prostare puellas.

(I cannot bear, Quirites, to see Rome a Greek city,—and yet how mere a fraction of the whole corruption is found in these dregs of Achaea? Long since has the Syrian Orontes flowed into the Tiber, and brought along with it the Syrian tongue and manners and cross-stringed harp—and harper, and exotic timbrels, and girls bidden stand for hire at the Circus).

[173] The usual derivation of the word _lupanar_ (brothel) is from Lupa, the wife of Faustulus (_Livy_, I. 4.); thus _Lactantius_, Divin. Instit., bk. I. 20 sqq., says, fuit enim Faustuli uxor et, propter vulgati corporis vilitatem, Lupa inter pastores, id est meretrix, nuncupata est, unde etiam lupanar dicitur. (For she was the wife of Faustulus, and because of the easy rate at which her person was held at the disposal of all, was called among the shepherds Lupa, (she-wolf), that is harlot, whence also Lupanar—a brothel—is so called). Comp. _Isidore_, bk. XVIII. etymol. 42. _Jerome_, in Eusebius’ Chronicle. However it is a fruitless effort to try and connect lupar and lupanar with lupus, the wolf. If we are not mistaken, the root-word is the Greek λῦμα, filth, and so, shameless person; from this comes _lupa_, just as from λῦμαρ was formed _lupar_, the oldest form for lupanar, which has maintained itself in the adjective _luparius_, and in _lupariae_ in _Rufus_ and _A. Victor_ as synonyms of lupanar. Indeed _Lactantius_ speaks of the hetaerae Leaena and Cedrenus as γυναῖκας λυκαίνας.

[174] The common derivation of _fornix_ (brothel) is from _furnus_ or fornax (an oven), or else makes it identical with fornix, an archway. _Isidore_, bk. X. 110., writes: a _fornicatrix_ is one whose person is public and common. These women used to lie under archways, and such places are called _fornices_, whence also _fornicariae_ (whores). Granted that the women used to resort in numbers to the arches in the town-walls through which sorties were made (_Livy_, XXXVI. 23., XLIV. 11.), yet several passages in ancient authors prove clearly that the _fornices_ were _houses_ (especially _Petronius_, Satir. 7., _Martial_ XI. 62.). The _ancient Glosses_ have:—“fornicaria”: πορνὴ ἀπὸ καμάρας ᾗ ἵστανται, (a harlot, from the chamber where they take their stand). But in all probability the brothels took their name from the circumstance of their being situated in the neighbourhood of the town-wall and its arches; for which reason the women were also called _Summoenianae_ (women of the Summoenium,—district under the walls). Martial, XI. 62., III. 82., I. 35., XII. 32. Or should we say that _fornix_ was formed from πορνικὸν?

[175] _Adler_, “Beschreibung der Stadt Rom,” (Description of the City of Rome), pp. 144 sqq.

[176] _Martial_, bk. VII. Epigr. 30., bk. X. Epigr. 94.

[177] _Martial_, bk. II. Epigr. 17.

[178] Hence Martial’s expression (XII. 18.), clamosa Subura (the clamorous Subura).

[179] Horace, Satir. I. 2. 30., Contra alius nullam nisi olenti in fornice stantem. (On the other hand another man cares for no woman but such as stand in the foul-smelling brothel).—_Priapeia_,

Quilibet huc, licebit, intret Nigra fornicis oblitus favilla.

(All that please, none will say nay, may enter here, smeared with the black spot of the brothel).—_Prudentius_, Contra Symmachum, bk. II., spurcam redolente fornice cellam, (a filthy chamber in the stinking brothel).—_Seneca_, Controv., I. 2., Redoles adhuc fuliginem fornicis. (You reek still of the soot of the brothel).—_Juvenal_, Sat VI. 130., says of the Empress Messalina:

Obscurisque genis turpis, fumoque lucernae Foeda lupanaris tulit ad pulvinar odorem.

(And disfigured and dim-eyed, fouled with the smoke of the lamp, she bore back the stink of the brothel to the imperial couch).

[180] _Juvenal_, Sat. VI. 122., 127.—_Petronius_, Sat. 8.—_Lipsius_, Saturn. I. 14. Hence Cella and Cellae (chambers) are constantly used in the sense of lupanar (brothel).

[181] _Martial_, bk. XI. 46., Intrasti quoties inscripta limina cellae, (As oft as you have crossed the thresholds of a “chamber” with inscription over). _Seneca_, Controv., bk. I. 2., Deducta es in lupanar, accepisti locum, pretium constitutum est, _titulus_ inscriptus est, (You were taken away to a brothel, you received your stand, your price was fixed, _your name written up_).—Meretrix vocata es, in communi loco stetisti, _superpositus est cellae tuae titulus_, venientes recepisti, (You were called a harlot, you took your stand in a public brothel, _your name-ticket was put up above your chamber_, you received such as came).—Nomen tuum pedendit in fronte, pretia stupri accepisti, et manus, quae diis datura erat sacra, capturas tulit, (Your name hung on your door, you took the price of fornication, and your hand, that was meant to offer sacred gifts to the gods, held the fees). This last passage interpreters have wished to understand as if the name-ticket were fastened on the woman’s forehead; but, not to mention that in this case _tibi_ would have to be read for _tuum_, it is a perfectly well known fact that _frons_ (front, forehead) was used in Latin for the face of a door (_Ovid_, Fasti, I. 135., Omnis habet geminas, hinc atque hinc, ianua frontes, (Every door has two faces, inside and out). _Seneca_ says _pependit_ (it hung there), and afterwards is promoted onto the list of the Leno (Brothel-keeper)!

[182] This is seen most clearly from the following passage in the “Vita Apollonii Tyrii”, (Life of Apollonius of Tyre), p. 695., Puella ait, prosternens se ad pedes eius: miserere, domine, virginitatis meae, ne prostituas hoc corpus sub tam turpi titulo. Leno vocavit villicum puellarum et ait, ancilla, quae praesens est et exornetur diligenter et scribatur et titulus, quicunque Tarsiam deviolaverit, mediam liberam dabit: postea ad singulos solidos populo patebit. (Says the girl, throwing herself at his feet: “Sir! have pity on my maidenhood, and do not prostitute this fair body under so ugly a name.” The Brothel-keeper (Leno) called the Superintendent (villicus) of the girls and says, “Let the maid here present be decked out with every care, and a name-ticket written for her; the man that takes Tarsia’s virginity shall pay half a “libera” (?), afterwards she shall be at the disposal of all comers at a “solidus” or “aureus”, gold coin worth 25 denarii, say 20 shillings—each). So we see even in the name there prevailed a certain luxury; and a young girl of handsome person would fain have a handsome-sounding name to match.

[183] _Petronius_ Satir. 20.—_Barth_, on Claudian, note 1173.—_Martial_, XIV. 148., 152.—_Juvenal_, VI. 194. From this the women themselves were often called _lodices meretrices_ (blanket harlots) in contradistinction to the Street-walkers.

[184] _Martial_, XIV. 39-42. XI. 105.—_Apuleius_, Metam., V. p. 162.—_Horace_, Satir. II. 7. v. 48.—_Juvenal_, Sat. VI. 131.—Tertullian, Ad Uxor., II. 6., Dei ancilla in laribus alienis—et procedet de ianua laureata et lucernata, ut de novo consistorio libidinum publicarum, (The handmaid of God in strange dwellings,—and she shall go forth from the door that is laurel-decked and lamp-lit, as it were from a new assembly-hall of public lusts), where the expression _consistorium libidinum_ (assembly-hall of lusts) for brothel is noticeable.

[185] Petronius, Satir. 95., Vos me hercule ne mercedem cellae daretis, (Ye would not, by heavens, give even the hire of the chamber). The fee amounted usually to an As. _Petronius_, Satir. 8., Iam pro cella meretrix assem exegerat, (Already had the harlot demanded the As for the chamber). _Martial_, I. 104., Constat et asse Venus, (And an As is the recognised price of Love). II. 53., Si plebeia Venus gemino tibi vincitur asse, (If you win for yourself a base-born Love for a couple of Asses). Comp. the inscription in _Gruter_, “Inscript. antiq. totius orbis Romani”, (Ancient Inscriptions of the whole Roman world). Amsterdam 1616., No. DCLII. 1.—_Heinsius_ on _Ovid_, Remedium Amoris 407.

[186] _Seneca_, Controv. I. 2., Nuda in litore stetit ad fastidium emptoris, omnes partes corporis et inspectae et contrectatae sunt. Vultis auctionis exitum audire? Vendit pirata, emit leno.—Ita raptae pepercere piratae, ut lenoni venderetur: sic emit leno, ut prostituerit. (Naked she stood on the shore at the pleasure of the purchaser; every part of her body was examined and felt. Would you hear the result of the sale? The pirate sold, the pandar bought.—For this the pirates spared their captive, that she might be sold to a pandar; for this the pandar bought her, that he might employ her as a prostitute).—_Quintilian_, Declam. III., Leno etiam servis excipitur, fortasse hac lege captivos vendes, (A pandar too is supplied with slaves; perhaps in this way you will sell your captives).—Lex § 1. de in ius vocando: Prostituta contra legem venditionis venditorem habet patronum, si hac lege venierat, ut, si prostituta esset, fieret libera, (Law § 1. Of the right of appeal: A female slave prostituted contrary to the condition of sale has the seller for patron, if she was sold on this condition, that, should she be prostituted, she should become free). These sales took place in the Subura. _Martial_, VI. 66.

[187] _Seneca_, Controv., I. 2., Stetisti cum meretricibus, stetisti sic ornata ut populo placere posses, _ea veste quam leno dederat_, (You stood with the harlots, you stood decked out so as to please the public, wearing the dress that the leno had given you). The dress of the public women was always gay-coloured and very bold; they had to wear the male toga (gown). _Cicero_, Philipp. II., Sompsisti virilem togam, quam statim muliebrem reddidisti. Primo vulgare scortum: certa flagitii merces, nec ea parva. (You assumed the man’s toga, which straightway you made a woman’s. First a common strumpet; sure was the profit of your shame, and not small either.)—_Tibullus_, IV. 10. _Martial_, II. 30. Hence public women were also called _togatae_ (wearing the toga or man’s gown). _Martial_, VI. 64. _Horace_, Sat I. 2. 63., Quid interest in matrona, ancilla, peccesque togata? (What difference does it make whether it is with a married woman, or a serving-maid, or a toga’d harlot (togata), that you offend?) Ibidem 80-83.,

Nec magis huic inter niveos viridesque lapillos (_Sit licet hoc, Cerinthe, tuum_,) tenerum est femur aut crus Rectius; atque etiam melius persaepe _togatae est_.

(Nor amidst all her showy gems and green jewels is her thigh more soft (though it is your belief, Cerinthus, that it is) or her leg straighter; nay! very often that of the toga’d harlot is the better limb).

It is well-known what trouble _Bentley_ gave himself to explain this _locus implicatissimus_ (most intricate passage), as he calls it, because he supposed the common reading to be corrupt and accordingly altered the text, all to bring out a comparison of Cerinthus’ thigh—a comparison that never was in Horace’s mind at all. Several years ago in our Work, “De Sexuali Organismorum Fabrica,” (On the Sexual Fabric of Organisms), Spec. I., Halle 1832. large 8vo., p. 61., we disentangled the matter and showed exactly how it stood, proving that the “Sit licet hoc, Cerinthe, tuum” (Though this be your (opinion), Cerinthus) must be taken as a parenthesis, consequently that the usual reading is the right one. But as the book would seem to have come into few hands, and least of all into those of Philologists, we may be allowed to take this opportunity of once more developing our view. The comparison is between the matron and the “togata”, and it is maintained that the matron, i. e. the noble Roman lady, possesses for all her jewelry neither a softer thigh nor a straighter leg than the “togata”, the girl of common stamp; that the latter in fact can often make a better show of both, even though her leg is as crooked as the matron’s is,—a peculiarity that _every_ female leg has, because in a woman the knee projects more forwards. _Aristotle_, Hist. Anim., IV. 11. 6., even in his time notes this fact: τὸ θῆλυ τῶν ἀῤῥένων καὶ γονυκροτώτερον. (the female is more knock-kneed also than the male). Comp. same author’s Physiognom., 3. 5. 6. _Adamant._, Physiognom., II. 107. ed. Sylb. _Polemo_, Physiognom., p. 179. Anatomical investigation moreover proves this most clearly. But as Cerinthus seems to be ignorant of it, in spite of its being a well known Act, he lets himself be deluded by the outward magnificence of attire and distinguished birth, and believes the matron to be the better built, and it is for this mistake the poet taunts him. Horace in this passage is merely giving a commentary on v. 63 above. Now compare what _Plautus_, Mostell., I. 3. 13, makes Scopha say to Philemation, Non vestem amatores mulieris amant, sed vestis fartum (’Tis not the dress of a woman that lovers love, but the _lining_ of the dress); also _Martial_, III. Epigr. 33.; and the folly of _Cerinthus_ is made quite obvious. The phrase—Sit licet hoc tuum (Though this be yours) in the sense, “though you look at it this way, take the dazzle of jewels as the criterion of a woman’s beauty”, surely needs no further confirmation.

[188] _Seneca_, Controv., I. 2., Da mihi lenonis rationes; captura conveniet. (Give me the brothel-keeper’s accounts; the fee will suit).

[189] _Seneca_, Controv., I. 2., Deducta es in lupanar, accepisti locum, _pretium constitutum est_. (You were taken to a brothel, you took your place, your price was fixed). _Ovid_, Amores, I. 10., Stat meretrix cuivis _certo_ mercabilis aere. (There stands the harlot that any man can buy for a _fixed_ sum). The fee was called _captura_ (fee) (compare _Schulting_, on Seneca, loco citato, and _Casaubon_ on Suetonius, Caligula 40.), _quaestus meretricius_ (harlot’s hire) (_Cicero_, Philipp. II. 18.) or simply _quaestus_ (hire); _merces_ (cost) and _pretium stupri_ (price of fornication); _aurum lustrale_ (brothel, literally _den_, money). The women used to demand its payment. _Juvenal_, Sat. VI. 125. Excepit blanda intrantes atque aera poposcit. (Blandly she welcomed her visitors as they entered and asked for the fee). Hence the expression “basia meretricum poscinummia” (harlots kisses that ask for money) in _Apuleius_, Met., X. p. 248. For the rest prices were very various among the brothel-harlots as they were with the others. Comp. _Martial_, X. 75., IX. 33., III. 54. The lowest fee was one As or 2 obols (three pence); hence girls of the sort were called by the Romans also _diobolares meretrices_ (two-obol harlots) (Festus) or _diobolaria scorta_ (two-obol whores) (_Plautus_, Poen., I. 2. 58.). Comp. p. 90 above.

[190] _Plautus_, Trinum., IV. 2. 47., Quae adversum legem accepisti a plurimis pecuniam. (You who contrary to the regulation accepted money from a great many men).

[191] Hence the women were also called _Nonariae_ (Ninth-hour women). _Persius_, Sat. I. 133. The Scholiast observes on the passage: Nonaria dicta meretrix, quia apud veteres a nona hora prostabant, ne mane omissa exercitatione illo irent adolescentes. (A harlot was called “Nonaria”, because in former times they used to act as prostitutes from the ninth hour only, for fear the young men should resort thither in the morning to the neglect of their athletic exercises).

[192] _Nonius Marcellus_, V. § 8., Inter _meretricem_ et _prostibulum_ hoc interest: quod meretrix honestioris loci est et quaestus: nam _meretrices_ a merendo dictae sunt, quod copiam sui tantummodo noctu facerent: _prostibula_, quod ante stabulum stent quaestus diurni et nocturni causa. (This is the difference between a _meretrix_ (harlot) and a _prostibulum_ (common strumpet): a meretrix is of a more honorable station and calling; for _meretrices_ were so named a _merendo_ (from earning wages), because they plied their calling only by night; _prostibula_, because they stand before the _stabulum_ (stall, “chamber”) for gain both by day and night).—_Plautus_, Cistell. fragm., Adstat ea in via sola: prostibula sane est. (She stands there in the way alone: surely she is a _prostibula_—common whore).

[193] _Plautus_, Poenul., I. 2. 54.,

An te ibi vis inter istas vorsarier _Prosedas_, pistorum amicas, reliquias alicarias, Miseras coeno delibutas, servilicolas, sordidas, Quae tibi olent stabulum, statumque, sellam et sessibulum merum, Quas adeo haud quisquam tetigit, neque duxit domum?

(It is your wish to pass your time there amongst those _common strumpets_, bakers’ mistresses, refuse of the spelt-mill girls, drabs besmeared with filth, slaves’ darlings, squalid creatures that reek of their stand and trade, of the chair and bare stool, women that no free man ever touched or took home?) This serves also to explain the passage in _Juvenal_, III. 136., Et dubitas alta Chionem deducere sella. (And you hesitate to hand down Chione from her high seat).

[194] _Martial_, XI. 45., I. 35. Usually however this appears only to have been done, when the customer was gratifying unnatural lusts.

[195] _Plautus_, Asin., IV. 1. 19., In foribus scribat, occupatam esse se. (Let her write on the door that she is engaged).

[196] _Martial_, XI. 62.,

Quem cum fenestra vidit a Suburana Obscoena _nudum_ lena _fornicem_ clausit.

(When she saw him from a window in the Subura, the foul brothel-mistress shut the _unoccupied “chamber”_).

_Juvenal_, VI. 121.,

Intravit calidum veteri centone lupanar, Et cellam _vacuam_ atque suam.

(She entered the brothel cosy with its old patch-work quilt, and the chamber that was _vacant_ and her own.). Messalina had hired, we see, a special “chamber” of her own, where she acted as a prostitute under the name of Lycisca.

[197] Juvenal, VI. 127.,

Mox, lenone suas iam dimittente puellas, Tristis abit—tamen ultima cellam clausit.

(Presently when time is up and the brothel-keeper dismisses his girls, sadly she takes her departure,—but she was the last to shut her chamber).

[198] III. 65., et _ad circum_ iussas prostare puellas (and girls bidden stand for hire _at the Circus_).

[199] Of Heliogabalus _Lampridius_, (Vita Heliog. ch. 26.) relates: Omnes de _circo_, de theatro, de stadio—meretrices collegit. (He collected all the harlots,—from _circus_, theatre and stadium—race-course). An old poem (_Priapeia_, carm. 26,) says:

Deliciae populi, _magno_ notissima _circo_ Quintia.

(The darling of the people, Quintia, so well known _in the Great Circus_). Comp. _Buleng._ De Circo ch. 56. Supposing this view to be correct, we might read in the passage of _Juvenal_, III. 136., as several Critics do, “alta Chionem deducere _cella_” (to lead Chione down from her lofty “chamber”).

[200] Already in _Livy_, II. 18., we read the account: Eo anno Romae, cum per ludos ab Sabinorum iuventute per lasciviam scorta raperentur, etc. (That year at Rome, when during the games harlots were carried off in their wantonness by the youth of the Sabines, etc.) _Plautus_, Casin. Prolog., 82-86.; this passage is repeatedly cited in this connection, but really has only a remote bearing on the matter. But in confirmation _Isidore_, XVIII. 42., says: Idem vero theatrum idem et prostibulum, eo quod _post ludos exactos meretrices ibi prosternerentur_. (But theatre and brothel were identical, for _after the games were over, harlots used to prostitute themselves there_). Comp. _Buleng._ De Theatro I. 16. and 49. _Lipsius_, Elect., I. 11. Of course these statements may refer equally well to the Floralia or, as _Isidore_ lived so much later, to the lascivious representations of brothel-life of which _Tertullian_ tells us. The latter writes, De Spectaculis ch. 17., Ipsa etiam prostibula, publicae libidinis hostiae, in scena proferantur, plus miserae in praesentia feminarum, quibus solis latebant: perque omnis aetatis, omnis dignitatis ora transducuntur, locus, stipes, elogium, etiam quibus opus est, praedicatur. (Nay, the very harlots, victims of the public lust, are brought forward on the stage, more wretched still in the presence of women, who alone used to be ignorant of such things; and they are discussed by the lips of every age and every condition, and place, origin, merits, even what should never be mentioned, are freely spoken of). In 1791 in a public theatre in Paris just such things were represented as _Juvenal_ in his Sixth Satire speaks of as being acted at Rome. Gynaeology Pt. III. p. 423. That whores were to be found in the Theatre as well as in the Circus is shown by _Lampridius_, Vita Heliogab., ch. 32., fertur et una die ad omnes _circi_ et _theatri_ et _amphitheatri_ et omnium urbis locorum _meretrices_ ingressus. (And access is given on one day to all the _harlots of circus, theatre and amphitheatre_ and all the places of the city). Comp. ch. 26., and _Abram._ on Cicero’s Speech for Milo ch. 24. p. 177. Perhaps at all these spots “chambers” (cellae) were put up, to which the word _locorum_ (places) above may very well refer.

[201] _Horace_, Epist. I. 14. 21.,

Fornix tibi et uncta popina Incutiunt urbis desiderium, video; et quod Angulus iste feret piper et thus ocius uva; Nec vicina subest vinum praebere taberna Quae possit tibi; nec meretrix tibicina, cuius Ad strepitum salias terrae gravis.

(The brothel and greasy cookshop make you long for the city, I can see; and the fact that this little nook (i.e. Horace’s Sabine farm) will yield the pepper-plant and thyme sooner than the grape, and no neighbourly tavern is at hand to give you wine, and no harlot flute-player to whose din you may thump the floor with your heavy feet). _Martial_, VII. 60., complains of the great number of such places. Here and at the money changer’s shops, but especially the latter, the Procurers were to be found. _Plautus_, Trucul. I. 1. 47.,

Nam nusquam alibi si sunt, circum argentarias Scorti lenones quasi sedent quotidie.

(For if they are nowhere else, at any rate round the banks harlots and pandars sit as it were daily). Comp. _Stockmann_ “De Popinis” (Of Cookshops). Leipzig 1805. 8vo.

[202] Codex Theodos. bk. IX. tit. VII. 1. p. 60. edit. Ritter.

[203] _Horace_, Epodes, XVII. 20., Amata nautis multum et institoribus (A woman much loved by sailors and traders).—_Petronius_, Satir. 99.—_Juvenal_, Sat. VIII. 173-175. _Seneca_, Controv., I. 3.

[204] _Columella_, Res Rustica, I. ch. 8., Socors et somniculosum genus id mancipiorum, otiis, campo, circo, theatris, aleae, popinae, lupanaribus consuetum, nunquam non easdem ineptias somniat. (That slothful and sleepy tribe of domestic slaves, habituated to ease, games, circus, theatres, dice, cookshop, brothels, would ever be dreaming the same sort of follies).

[205] _Suetonius_, Claudius, ch. 40., Nero, ch. 27—_Tacitus_, Annal., XIII. 25.

[206] _Paulus Diaconus_, XIII. 2., Horum mancipes tempore procedente pistrina publica latrocinia esse fecerunt: cum enim essent molae in locis subterraneis constitutae, per singula latera earum domuum tabernas instituentes, meretrices in eis prostare faciebant, quatenus per eas plurimos deciperent, alios qui pro pane veniebant, alios qui pro luxuriae turpitudine ibi festinabant. (The owners of these as time went on turned the public corn-mills into mischievous frauds. For the mill-stones being fixed in places underground, they set up stalls on either side of these chambers and caused harlots to stand for hire in them, so that by their means they deceived very many,—some that came for bread, others that hastened thither for the base gratification of their wantonness).

[207] _Festus_, p. 7., Alicariae meretrices appellabantur in Campania solitae ante pistrina alicariorum versari quaestus gratia. (Harlots were called alicariae (spelt-mill girls) in Campania, being accustomed to ply for gain in front of the mills of the spelt-millers).—_Plautus_, Poenul., I. 2. 54., Prosedas, pistorum amicas, reliquias alicarias. (Common strumpets, bakers’ mistresses, refuse of the spelt-mill girls).

[208] _Catullus_, LVIII. 1.,

Illa Lesbia, quam Catullus unam Plusquam se atque suos amavit omnes, Nunc in quadriviis et angiportis Glubit magnanimos Remi nepotes.

(The fair Lesbia, that Catullus loved above all women, more than himself and all his friends, now at cross-ways and in alleys skins the high-souled sons of Remus). We see from this that it was partly such freed-women girls that, past their prime and come down in the world, no longer visited by rich admirers, had to seek their living on the streets.—_Plautus_, Cistell.,

Intro ad bonam meretricem; adstat ea in via Sola; prostibula sane est.

(I am going in to a “good” harlot; _she_ stands in the road alone,—she is surely a common whore).—_Plautus_, Sticho: Prostibuli est stantem stanti suavium dare, (It’s a strumpet’s way to give a kiss standing to a standing lover); whence it might be concluded that only street-whores were called “Prostibula”.—_Prudentius_, Peristeph., XIV. 38.,

Sic elocutam publicitus iubet Flexu in plutea sistere virginem.

(When she had uttered this public address, he bids the maiden stand at the turn of the street).

[209] _Martial_, I. 35., Abscondunt spurcas et monumenta lupas. (The monuments too hide filthy strumpets). Hence they were called _bustuariae_ (women that haunt tombs). _Martial_, III. 93., Admittat inter bustuarias moechas. (Let him admit her among the fornicators of the tombs). Comp. _Turnebus_, Advers., XIII. 19.

[210] _Prudentius_, Symmach., I. 107.,

Scortator nimius, multaque libidine suetus Ruricolas vexare lupas, interque salicta, Et densas sepes obscoena cubilia inire,

(An inordinate fornicator, wont to vex the rustic harlots with multiplied lusts, and amidst the willow-plantations and thickset hedges to creep into foul lairs); where _Barth_, Advers., X. 2., for _ruricolas_ (haunting the country, rustic) would read _lustricolas_ (haunting wild dens),—those who prostituted themselves in wild-beasts’ dens, desert places. Hence also a brothel is called _lustrum_ (den) and _cellae lustrales_ (den-like chambers), and harlots’ hire _aurum lustrale_ (den-money).—_Credenus_, De Romulo et Remo: ὁ τοίνυν πάππος Ἀμούλιος διὰ τὴν πορνείαν παροξυνθεὶς εἰς τὰς ὕλας αὐτοὺς ἐξέθετο, οὓς εὑροῦσα γυνὴ πρόβατα νέμουσα ἐν τῷ ὄρει ἀνεθρέψατο. Εἴθιστο δὲ τοῖς ἐγχωρίοις λυκαίνας τὰς τοιαύτας καλεῖν γυναῖκας διὰ τὸ ἐπίπαν ἐν τοῖς ὄρεσι μετὰ λύκων διατρίβειν, διὸ καὶ τούτους ὑπὸ λυκαίνης ἀνατραφῆναι μυθολογεῖται. (So their grandfather Amulius exasperated by his wife’s adultery took the children into the woods and exposed them there; but his wife, as she was pasturing sheep, found them, and reared them on the mountain. Now it was the custom of the inhabitants of those parts to call women of this kind “she-wolves” (λυκαίνας) on account of their living entirely on the mountains with the wolves, whence also the tale is told that these babes were fostered by a she-wolf).

[211] _Horace_, Sat. I. 2. 1., Ambubaiaram collegium (Society of—Syrian—Singing-girls).—_Suetonius_, Nero, ch. 27.

[212] _Plautus_, Cist., I. 1. 39.,

Eunt depressum, quia nos sumus libertinae, Et ego et mater tua, ambae meretrices sumus.

(They go about to depreciate us, because we are freed-women, both I and your mother, we are both courtesans).—_Livy_, XXXIX. 9.

[213] They were called for this reason _vestita scorta_ (dressed out whores). _Juvenal_, Satir. III. 135.—_Horace_, Sat. I. 2. 28.,

Sunt qui nolint tetigisse, nisi illas Quarum subsuta talos tegat _instita_ veste.

(There are men who will refuse to touch any woman but those whose frilled tunic has a _flounce_ touching their heels).—Comp. _Burmann_ on Petronius, pp. 64 and 95.—_Ferrarius_, De re vestiar. (On costume), bk. III. ch. 23.

[214] _Horace_, Odes II. 11. 21., Quis _devium scortum_ domo eliciet Lyden? (Who will entice from her home the _sequestered harlot_ Lydé?).

[215] Annal., II. 85. In fact mention had been made of Vestilia, member of a Praetorian family, as being a public prostitute.

[216] Bk. IV. Epigr. 71. Already in his time _Ovid_ dared to say: casta est, quam nemo rogavit. (she is chaste—whom no man has solicited).

[217] Although the goddess Isis was worshipped at Rome as early as Sulla’s time (_Apuleius_, Metam., XI. p. 817. edit. Oudendorp), she did not possess a public temple there till the Triumvirate (711 A. A. C.) _Dio Cassius_, bk. XLVII. 15. p. 501., XLIII. 2. p. 692., LIV. 6. p. 734., XL. 47. p. 252. edit. Fabricius.—_Tertullian_, Apologet., ch. 6. _Spartian_, Caracalla, 9. _Suetonius_, Domitian, 12.

[218] _Ovid_, Ars Amandi, I. 27.—_Burmann_ on Propertius, p. 348. _Josephus_, Antiq. Jud. XVIII. 4. Hence in _Juvenal_, Sat. VI., 488., Isiacae sacraria lenae (sanctuaries of Isis—the brothel-mistress).

[219] _Tibullus_, bk. I. carm. 3. 27.

Nunc dea, nunc succurre mihi; nam _posse mederi, Picta_ docet _templis multa tabella tuis_.

(Now goddess, even now help me; for that thou _canst_ heal, many a painted tablet in thy temples shows). _Gerning_, “Reise durch Oestreich und Italien” (Journey through Austria and Italy). Vol. II. pp. 188-199.—_St. Non_, “Voyage pittoresque” (Picturesque Tour), Vol. II. pp. 170 sqq. Hardly anything is yet known as to the connection of the worship of Isis with the healing of disease, least of all with regard to establishments for the sick; for the particulars collected by _Hundertmarck_ (“De principibus Diis Artis medicae tutelaribus” (Of the principal Gods that presided over the Medical Art). Leipzig 1735. 4to. and “Diss. de Artis Medicae incrementis per aegrotorum apud Veteres in Vias Publica et Templa expositionem” (Treatise on advances in medical Art due to the practice of the Ancients of exposing the sick in Public Ways and Temples). Leipzig 1739. 4to.) are quite insufficient.

[220] _Juvenal_, Sat VI. 121, 131. _Tacitus_, Annal., XI. ch. 37.—_Dio Cassius_, IX. p. 686. Messalina adulteriis et stupris non contenta (iam enim etiam in cella quadam in palatio et ipsa sessitabat et alias prostituebat) maritus simul multos ritu legitimo habere cupivit. (Messalina not satisfied with adultery and fornication (for already in a certain chamber within the very palace she was in the habit of sitting as a prostitute herself and also of making other women do the same), was eager to have many husbands at once under sanction of the laws).—_Xiphilinus_, LXXIX. p. 912., Denique in palatio habuit cellam quandam, in qua libidinem explebat, stabatque nuda semper ante fores eius, ut scorta solent. (At last she had in the palace a certain chamber, in which she was wont to satiate her lustfulness, and used to stand always stripped before its doors, as whores do). _Suetonius_, Caligula, ch. 41., Ac ne quod non manubiarum genus experiretur, lupanar in palatio constituit: distinctisque et instructis pro loci dignitate compluribus cellis, in quibus matronae ingenuique starent. (And that there might be no species of gain left that she had not tried, she established a brothel in the palace; and a number of chambers were set apart and furnished in conformity with the dignity of the locality, and there matrons and men of birth stood for hire).

[221] _Ulpian_, Lex ancillarum ff. de haered. petit. (Law as to female-slaves making claim of heirship). Pensiones, licet a lupanario praeceptae sint: nam et multorum honestorum virorum praediis lupanaria exercentur. (Rents, even though they be received from a brothel; for many honourable men have brothels kept on their estates).

[222] _Paulus Diaconus_, Hist. miscell., bk. XII. ch. 2., Aliam rursus abrogavit huiusmodi causam. Si qua mulier in adulterio capta fuisset, hoc non emendabatur, sed potius ad augmentum peccandi contradebatur. Includebant eam in angusto prostibulo et admittentes qui cum ea fornicarentur, hora qua turpitudinem agebant, _tintinnabula_ percutiebant, ut eo sono illius iniuria fieret manifesta. Haec audiens Imperator, permanere non est passus, sed ipsa prostibula destrui iussit. (Again he repealed another regulation of the following nature. If any should have been detected in adultery, by this plan she was not in any way, reformed, but rather utterly given over to an increase of her ill behaviour. They used to shut up the woman in a narrow room, and admitting any that would commit fornication with her, and at the moment when they were accomplishing their foul act, to strike _bells_, that the sound might make known to all the injury she was suffering. The Emperor hearing this, would suffer it no longer, but ordered the very rooms to be pulled down).

[223] De adult. lex X. (On adultery, law X.), Mulier quae evitandae poenae adulterii gratia lenocinium fecit, aut operas suas scenae locavit, adulterii accusari damnarique senatus consulto potest. (A woman who in order to avoid the penalty attached to adultery has practised procuration, or has sold her services to the stage, can be accused on the charge of adultery and condemned in virtue of a decree of the Senate).—_Suetonius_, Tiberius, 35., Feminae famosae, ut ad evitandas legum poenas iure ac dignitate matronali exsolverentur, lenocinium profiteri coeperant: quas ne quod refugium in tali fraude cuiquam esset, exsilio affecit. (Infamous women, in order to be relieved of the legal status and dignity of matrons and thus escape the penalties assigned by the laws, began to follow procuration as a calling. These he exiled, that none might find a way of escape in such a subterfuge).

[224] _Tacitus_, Annal., II. 85., Nam Vistilia, praetoria familia genita, _licentiam stupri apud aediles_ vulgaverat, more inter veteres recepto, qui satis poenarum adversum impudicas in ipsa professione flagitii, credebant. (For Vistilia, born of a family of Praetorian rank, had publicly notified before the aediles a permit for fornication, according to the usage that prevailed among our fathers, who supposed that sufficient punishment for unchaste women resided in the very nature of the calling.) Comp. _Lipsius_, Excurs. O. p. 509.—_Schubert_, De Romanorum aedilibus (On the Roman Aediles), bk. IV. Königsberg 1828., p. 512.

[225] _Livy_, bk. X. 31., bk. XXV. 2.

[226] _Seneca_, De vita beata ch. 7.—The aediles in fact exercised police supervision over the public welfare, and in particular over weights and measures and the sale of goods (_Suetonius_, Tiberius, ch. 34.), games of chance, etc. _Martial_, V. 85. bk. XIV. 1. Comp. _Schubert_, loco citato, bk. III. ch. 45.

[227] _Aulus Gellius_, Noct. Attic., bk. IV. 14.;—where an action at law is cited, in which the aedile Mancinus had wished to force his way at night into the lodging of Mamilia, a courtesan, who had thrown stones and chased him away. In the result we read: Tribuni decreverunt aedilem ex eo loco iure dejectum, quo eum venire cum coronario non decuisset. (The tribunes gave as their decision that the aedile had been lawfully driven from that place, as being one that he ought not to have visited with his officer). This happened, as is seen by comparison with _Livy_, bk. XL. ch. 35., in the year B. C. 180.

[228] _Suetonius_, Caligula, ch. 40., Vectigalia nova atque inaudita ... exercuit; ... ex capturis prostitutarum quantum quaeque uno concubitu mereret. Additumque ad caput legis, ut tenerentur publico et quae meretricium et qui lenocinium fecissent, nec non et matrimonia obnoxia essent. (He levied new and hitherto unheard of imposts; ... a proportion of the fees of prostitutes,—so much as each earned with one man. A clause was also added to the law, directing that both women who had practised harlotry and men who had practised procuration should be rated publicly; furthermore that marriages should be liable to the rate).

[229] _Lampridius._ Alexander Severus, ch. 24., Lenonum vectigal et meretricum et exoletorum in sacrum aerarium inferri vetuit, sed sumptibus publicis ad instaurationem theatri, circi, amphitheatri et aerarii deputavit. (He forbad that the tax on harlots and on male debauchees should be paid into the sacred Treasury of the State, but allotted it as a public contribution towards the repair of the theatre, circus, amphitheatre and treasury). Also at Byzantium a similar duty was paid under the name of χρυσάργυρον (tribute of gold and silver), which however the Emperor Anastasius abolished, and at the same time ordered the tax-rolls to be burned. (_Zonaras_, Annal.—_Nicephorus_, Hist. eccles., bk. XVI. ch. 40.).

[230] Compare _Ch. G. Gruner_, “Dissertatio de Coitu eiusque variis formis quatenus medicorum sunt.” (Treatise on Coition and its Different Forms in their Medical Aspect). Jena 1792. 4 vols. German edition: “Üeber den Beischlaf” (On Coition). Leipzig 1796. 8 vols. Comp. Salzburg med. chir. Zeitung. Jahrg. 1796. III. 5.—_Forberg_, p. 118, loco citato.

[231] Epistle to Titus, ch. I. v. 5. Πάντα μὲν καθαρὰ τοῖς καθαροῖς· τοῖς δὲ μιασμένοις ... οὐδὲν καθαρὸν, ἀλλὰ μεμίανται αὐτῶν καὶ ὁ νοῦς καὶ ἡ συνείδησις. (To the pure all things are pure; but to them that are defiled ... nothing is pure; but both their mind and their conscience are defiled.)

Also _Clement of Alexandria_, one of the Fathers of the Church, who speaks largely on this special point of Paederastia, says (Paedagog., Bk. III. ch. 3.) εἰ γὰρ μηδὲν ἄπρακτον ὑπολείπεται, οὐδὲ ἐμοὶ ἄῤῥητον. (For if nought is left undone by them, neither shall aught be left untold by me).

[232] _Antonius Panormites_, “Hermaphroditus”. First German edition, with explanatory appendices, by Frider. Carol. Forberg. Coburg 1824. 8 parts. The Editor’s Appendices treat (pp. 205-393): De figuris Veneris (Concerning the modes of Love), and in particular, ch. I. De fututione (Of Copulation)—pp. 213-234; ch. II. De paedicatione (Of Sodomy)—pp. 234-277; ch. III. De irrumando (Of vicious practices with the mouth)—pp. 277-304; ch. IV. De masturbando (Of masturbation)—pp. 304-321; ch. V. De cunnilingis (de eis qui cunnos mulierum lingunt, Of men who lick women’s private parts)—pp. 322-345; ch. VI. De tribadibus (Of women who practise vice with one another)—pp. 345-369; ch. VII. De coitu cum brutis (Of unnatural copulation with animals)—pp. 369-372; ch. VIII. De spintris (Of pathic Sodomites)—p. 373. All the important passages in ancient authors are here noted in every case, and given in the original.

The following work was unfortunately not procurable by us: _C. Rambach_, Glossarium Eroticum,—a Commentary to the Poets and Prose-writers of Classical Antiquity and Supplement to all Lexicons of the Latin Language. 2nd. edition. Stuttgart 1836.

[233] Patentiora sunt nobis Italis Hispanisve, quis neget? Veneris ostia. (With us, Italians or Spaniards, the orifices of Love are more open,—who can deny the fact?). _Aloysia Sigaea_ Satira sotadica, p. 305. Compare _Martial_, I, Bk. XI. epigram 22. Less frequently, and only for later times, may the reason have existed which Martial specifies in the case of the young wife, _Martial_ Bk. XI. epigr. 78:

Paedicare semel cupido dabit illa marito, Dum metuit teli vulnera prima novi.

(She—the newly-wed wife—will allow her longing husband just _once_ to lie with her as with a man, while she still dreads the first wounds of the unfamiliar weapon). Comp. Priapeia, carmen II.

[234] For this reason the Greeks called the pathic sodomite also σφιγκτὴρ or σφίγκτης. _Hesychius_: _σφίγκται_ οἱ κίναιδοι καὶ ἁπαλοὶ. (σφίγκται = sodomites and effeminate men). _Photius_: _σφίγκται_ Κρατῖνος τοὺς κιναιδώδεις καὶ μαλθάκους. (σφίγκται used by Cratinus = sodomitish and womanish men). _Strato_ in Antholog. MS.:

Σφιγκτὴρ οὐκ ἔστιν παρὰ παρθένῳ, οὐδὲ φίλημα Ἁπλοῦν, οὐ φυσικὴ χρωτὸς εὐπνοΐη.

(With a virgin there is no sphincter, no frank kiss, no natural fragrance of the skin).

_Hesychius_ sub verbo:

μεγαρικαὶ σφίγγες· Καλλίας πόρνας τινὰς οὕτως εἴρηκειν.

(Hesychius (Lexicon) on the phrase μεγαρικαὶ σφίγγες says: Callias speaks of certain harlots by this title).

_Suidas_ sub verbo:

μεγαρικαὶ σφίγγες.

αἱ πόρναι οὕτως εἴρηνται, ἴσως δὲ ἐντεῦθεν καὶ σφίγκται οἱ μαλακοὶ ὠνομάσθησαν· ἢ καὶ ἀπὸ Μαίας οὕτω λεγομένης ἐν Μεγάροις·

Ἀλλ’ ἔστιν ἡμῖν Μεγαρική τις μηχανή.

ἀντὶ τοῦ, πονηρά· διεβάλλοντο γὰρ ἐπὶ πονηρία οἱ Μεγαρεῖς.

(Suidas (Lexicon) on the phrase μεγαρικαὶ σφίγγες says: harlots are so called, and perhaps for the same reason debauched men are entitled σφίγκται; or else from a saying current in Megara to this effect:—But we have a certain _Megarian_ trick,—that is a _knavish_ one. For the Megarians were ill spoken of for their knavishness).

[235] Epistle to the Romans, ch. I. vv. 24-26, 27.

[236] _Athanasius_, Oratio contra Gentes, ch. 26. in “Opera Omnia studio Monachorum Ord. St. Benedicti.” (Complete Works of St. Athanasius, edit. by the Monks of the Order of St. Benedict). Padua 1777. folio.—Vol. I. p. 1.

[237] Amores, chs. 20, 21. The hetaera Glycera would seem, according to _Clearchus’_ report, to have said, καὶ οἱ παῖδες εἰσι καλοὶ, ὅσον ἐοίκασι γυναικὶ χρόνον. (And boys are beautiful for so long as they resemble a woman). _Athenaeus_, Deipnos. bk. XIII. p. 605 D. According to _Hellanicus_, as _Donatus_, on _Terence’s_ Eunuch., I. 2. 87. notifies, the custom of emasculating boys would seem to have come from the Babylonians. _Herodotus_, III. 92., says that the Babylonians were bound to deliver every year as tribute to the Persian king 500 castrated boys.

[238] As a matter of curiosity a tale of _Phlegon_, De Rebus mirabilibus, ch. 26., may find a place here. According to the report of the physician _Dorotheus_ a Cinaedus (pathic sodomite) at Alexandria in Egypt bore a child, which was preserved at that place. The text reads, Δωρόθεος δέ φησιν ὁ ἰατρὸς ἐν Ὑπομνήμασιν, ἐν Ἀλεξανδρείᾳ, τῇ κατ’ Αἴγυπτον, κίναιδον τεκεῖν· τὸ δὲ βρέφος ταριχευθὲν, χάριν τοῦ παραδόξου, φυλάττεσθαι. (Now Dorotheus the Physician says in his Memoirs, that at Alexandria in Egypt a _cinaedus_ brought forth; and that the babe was mummified and kept as a curiosity). The same thing is reported in the following chapter of a slave with the Roman army in Germany under the command of T. Curtilius Mancias. These stories may possibly borrow some probability from modern investigations as to the “foetus” within the “foetus”. The expression “to sow seed on barren rocks” occurs, it may be mentioned, very frequently in connection with paederastia in the Fathers.

[239] _Juvenal_, Sat. VI. 366 sqq.,

Sunt quas eunuchi imbelles ac mollia semper Oscula delectent et desperatio barbae. _Et quod abortivo non est opus_, illa voluptas Summa tamen, quod iam calida matura iuventa Inguina traduntur medicis, iam pectine nigro. Ergo exspectatos ac iussos crescere primum, Testiculos, postquam coeperunt esse bilibres, Tonsoris damno tantum rapit Heliodorus.

(Women there are to find delight in unwarlike eunuchs and kisses ever soft and the lack of a beard that can never grow, and this especially because then there is no need for any abortive. But the pleasure is greatest when the organs are delivered full-grown to the surgeons, just in the heat of youth, just when the down of puberty is darkening. Then when the testicles, long looked for and at first encouraged to grow, begin to be of double balanced weight, lo! Heliodorus whips them off,—to the barber’s loss).

_Martial_, VI. 67.,

Cur tantum Eunuchos habeat tua Gellia, quaeris Pannice? vult futui Gellia, non parere.

(Why your Gellia is fain to have eunuchs only, do you ask, Pannicus? Because she wishes to be f-ck-d, not to be a mother). In longam securamque libidinem exsectus spado, (A eunuch castrated with a view to long-continued and _harmless_ lust), says St. Jerome. The information given by _Galen_ (De usu Partium bk. XIV. 15. edit. Kühn, vol. IV. p. 571) is notable, to the effect that the athletes at Olympia were castrated, that their strength might not be wasted by coition. Have the words “Olimpia agona” (Olimpic—Olympic—games) been in some way misunderstood in the passage?

[240] Genesis XIX. 4., Levit., XVIII. 2., XXIX. 13.

[241] _Welcker_, Aeschylus—Trilogy, p. 356.

[242] _Athenaeus_, Deipnosoph., p. 602., τοῦ παιδεραστεῖν παρὰ πρώτων Κρητῶν εἰς τοὺς Ἕλληνας παρελθόντος, ὡς ἱστορεῖ Τίμαιος. (The practice of paederastia having been introduced among the Greeks first by the Cretans, as Timaeus relates).—_Heraclitus Ponticus_, fragment, περὶ πολιτείας III. p. 7.—_Servius_ on Virgil—Aeneid bk. X. 325., de Cretensibus accepimus, quod in amore puerorum intemperantes fuerunt, quod postea in Laconas et totam Graeciam translatum est. (Of the Cretans we have been told that they were excessive in their love of boys, a practice afterwards imported into Laconia and all parts of Greece.) Comp. _K. O. Müller_, “Die Dorier”, (The Dorians), Vol. II. pp. 240 sqq. K. Höck, “Kreta”, (Crete), Vol. III. p. 106. Though in Crete as in all Dorian States Paedophilia was a universal and official institution, yet paederastia too was common enough, as is shown by the censure expressed by _Plato_ (De Legibus bk. I. 636., bk. VII. 836.) and _Plutarch_, (De puerorum educatione ch. 14.).—as also by the expression Κρῆτα τρόπον (Cretan fashion) given in _Hesychius_; and probably the word κρητίζειν (to play the Cretan) is to be understood from this point of view also. _Pfeffinger_, “De Cretum vitiis,” (Of the Vices of the Cretans). Strasbourg 1701. 4to. From this _Aristotle_ (Politics II. 7. 5.) may have got the idea that the lawgiver in Crete introduced paederastia in order to check the increase of population. _Hesychius_ says at any rate κρῆτα τρόπον, παιδικοῖς χρῆσθαι. (Cretan fashion, i.e. to indulge in boy-loves). Of the Scythians later on.

[243] Thus _Plutarch_, Eroticus, ch. 5., Ἡ δὲ ἀπὸ τῶν ἀῤῥένων ἀκόντων, μετὰ βίας γενομένη καὶ λεηλασίας, ἂν δὲ ἑκουσίως, σὺν μαλακίᾳ καὶ θηλύτητι _βαίνεσθαι_ κατὰ Πλάτωνα _νόμῳ τετράποδος καὶ παιδοσπορεῖσθαι παρὰ φύσιν_ ἐνδιδόντων, χάρις ἄχαρις παντάπασι καὶ ἀσχήμων καὶ _ἀναφρόδιτος_. (But the pleasure that is won from males against their will by dint of force or robbery, or if voluntarily, then only because in their wantonness and effeminacy they consent to men _treading them_, as Plato puts it, _like a four-footed beast_, and emitting seed with them unnaturally—this pleasure is a _graceless_ one altogether, and unseemly and _loveless_). The passage of Plato referred to here is in the Phaedrus, p. 250 E., ὥστε οὐ σέβεται προσορῶν, ἀλλ’ ἡδονῇ παραδοὺς _τετράποδος νόμον βαίνειν_ ἐπιχειρεῖ καὶ παιδοσπορεῖν, καὶ ὕβρει προσομιλῶν οὐ δέδοικεν οὐδ’ αἰσχύνεται παρὰ φύσιν ἡδονὴν διώκων. (And so he feels no reverence when he looks on him, but giving way to pleasure endeavours to _tread like a four-footed beast_ and to emit his seed, and using insolent violence in his intercourse, has no fear and no shame in pursuing pleasure in an unnatural way). As something παρὰ φύσιν (contrary to nature) we find paederastia further characterized in _Athenaeus_, Deipnosoph., bk. XIII. p. 605. _Lucian_, Amores, 19. _Philo_, De legg. spec., II. p. 306. 17. _Libanius_, Orat., XIX. p. 500. ἡ παράνομος Ἀφροδίτη. (Unlawful Love). _Galen_, De diagnos. et curat. anim. effect. (On the Diagnosis and Treatment of Diseases of Animals). edit. Kühn. Vol. V. p. 30. τῆς παρὰ φύσιν αἰσχρουργίας (of unnatural viciousness). In the _Anthologia Graeca_, bk. II. tit. 5. No. 10. is the distich following by an unknown author:

Υἱὸς Πατρικίου μάλα κόσμιος, _ὃς διὰ Κύπριν Οὐχ ὁσίην_ ἑτάρους πάντας _ἀποστρέφεται_.

(Son of Patricius, a very discreet man, who by _unholy love seduces_ all his comrades). But above all the passage in _Aeschines_, Orat. in Timarch. edit. Reiske, p. 146., is to the point in this connection: ὁρίζομαι δ’ εἶναι, τὸ μὲν ἐρᾶν τῶν καλῶν καὶ σωφρόνων, φιλανθρώπου, πάθος καὶ εὐγνώμονος ψυχῆς· τὸ δὲ ἀσελγαίνειν ἀργυρίου τινὰ μισθούμενον, ὑβριστοῦ καὶ ἀπαιδεύτου ἀνδρὸς ἔργον εἶναι ἡγοῦμαι· καὶ τὸ μὲν ἀδιαφθόρως ἐρᾶσθαι, φημὶ καλὸν εἶναι· τὸ δὲ ἐπαρθέντα μισθῷ πεπορνεῦσθαι, αἰσχρόν. (Now I make this distinction, that to love honourable and prudent friends is the passion of an amiable and reasonable soul; whereas to behave licentiously, hiring anyone for the purpose, I consider the act of a ruffianly and uncultivated man. Similarly, to be loved purely, I declare to be a noble thing; but, induced by pay, to allow oneself to be debauched, a foul thing). Anyone who has read this passage attentively, together with what follows in the Speech, cannot possibly any longer confound Paedophilia with Paederastia, or maintain that the latter was approved by the Greeks.

[244] _Aelian_, Var. Hist., III. 12.—_Xenophon_, De republ. Lacedaem, II. 13., Sympos., VIII. 35. _Plato_, De leg., VIII. p. 912.

[245] _Lucian_, Amores, 41., Μηδὲν ἀχθεσθῇς, εἰ ταῖς Ἀθήναις ἡ Κόρινθος εἴζει, (Do not be annoyed, if Corinth yields to Athens), on which the scholiasts add the explanation: ἢ ὡς τῆς Κορίνθου μὲν ἀνακειμένης Ἀφροδίτῃ (διὸ καὶ πολλὴ ἐν Κορίνθῳ ἡ γυναικεία μίξις) Ἀθηνῶν δὲ παιδεραστίᾳ κομώντων ἤτοι τῇ κατὰ φιλοσοφίαν καὶ σώφρονι ἢ τῇ τῷ ὄντι μιαρᾷ καὶ διαβεβλημένῃ. (while Corinth is devoted to Aphrodité (wherefore in Corinth there is much varied intercourse with women), Athens prides herself on paederastia, whether a love of boys that is philosophic and wise, or a love that is veritably vile and despicable). _Aristophanes_, Plutus, vv. 149-152.,

Καὶ τὰς χ’ ἑταίρας φασὶ τὰς Κορινθίας, Ὅταν μὲν αὐτάς τις πένης πειρῶν τύχῃ Οὐδὲ προσέχειν τὸν νοῦν· ἐὰν δὲ πλούσιος, _Τὸν πρωκτὸν αὐτὰς εὐθὺς ὡς τοῦτον τρέπειν_.

(And they say that the Corinthian hetaerae, should any poor man chance to solicit them, pay no attention whatever; but if it be a rich man, at once they turn their posterior to him).

[246] Clouds, vv. 973 sqq.—see also F. A. Wolf’s German translation.

[247] _Lysias_, Contra Pancl., 731., from which passage it would seem that each “Deme” had its own κουρεῖον (barber’s shop) in the city. _Demosthenes_, Contra Aristogit., 786, 7. _Theophrastus_, Charact., VIII. 5. XI. _Plutarch_, Sympos., V. 5. _Aristophanes_, Plut., 339.

[248] _Aristophanes_, Knights, 1380., where the expression τὰ μειράκια τἀν τῷ μύρῳ (the striplings, those in the myrrh-market) is intentionally ambiguous.

[249] _Aelian_, Var. Hist., VIII. 8. _Aeschines_, In Timarch., § 40. says that Timarchus resided at the Surgery of Euthydicus, not to learn medicine, but to sell his person.

[250] _Theophrastus_, Charact., V. edit. Ast, p. 183.

[251] _Theophrastus_, Charact., VIII. 4.

[252] _Xenophon_, Memorab., IV. 2. 1. _Diogenes Laertius_, III. 21.

[253] _Aeschines_, In Timarch., p. 35., τὰς ἐρημίας καὶ τὸ σκότος ἐν πλείστῃ ὑποψίᾳ ποιούμενος. (regarding the lonely localities and the darkness as in the highest degree suspicious). p. 112. p. 90., ἡ πρᾶξις αὕτη εἴωθε γίγνεσθαι λάθρα καὶ ἐν ἐρημίαις. (this practice is usually carried on secretly and in lonely places). p. 104, it is said that Timarchus had more experience περὶ τῆς ἐρημίας ταύτης καὶ τοῦ τόπου ἐν τῇ Πνυκὶ. (about this lonely spot and the locality of the Pnyx) than of the Areopagus. Comp. _Plato_, Sympos., p. 217 b.

[254] _Plato_, Sympos. p. 182. 6. _Xenophon_, Sympos. VIII. 34.—_Cicero_, De Republ., IV. 4., Apud Eleos et Thebanos in amore ingenuorum libido etiam permissam habet et solutam licentiam. (Among the Eleans and Thebans, in the love of free men, lust has actually a permitted and unchecked licence). _Maximus Tyrius_, Diss. XXXIX. p. 467. _Plutarch_, De pueror. educat., ch. 14. The Elean “boy-loving” was even more notorious than the Boeotian. _Xenophon_, De Republ. Lacedaem., II. 13. _Maximus Tyrius_, Diss., XXVI. p. 317.

[255] _Theognis_, Sentent., 39.

[256] Descript. Graeciae, Bk. I. ch. 43., Μετὰ δὲ τοῦ Διονύσου τὸ ἱερόν ἐστιν Ἀφροδίτης ναός· ἄγαλμα δὲ ἐλέφαντος Ἀφροδίτῃ πεποιημένον, Πρᾶξις ἐπίκλησιν· τοῦτ’, ἐστιν ἀρχαιότατον ἐν τῷ ναῷ·

[257] _Pollux_, Onomast., bk. VII. ch. 33. says: εἰ δὲ χρὴ καὶ τὰς αἰσχίους _πράξεις_ τέχνας ὀνομάζειν, (if that is we must call the more disgraceful πράξεις—doings, modes of intercourse—arts); and then cites the different designations of whores, brothels, etc.

[258] _Hesychius_ under the word χαλκιδίζειν. _Athenaeus_ Deipnos., bk. XIII. p. 601 e. _Plutarch_, Amat., 38. 2.

[259] _Σιφνιάζειν_· ἐπὶ τῶν τὰς χεῖρας προσαγόντων τοῖς ἰσχίοις, ὥσπερ _λεσβιάζειν_ ἐπὶ τῶν παρανομούντων ἐν τοῖς ἀφροδισίοις· σιφνιάζειν δὲ καὶ λεσβιάζειν, ἀπὸ τῆς νήσου Σίφνου καὶ τῆς Λέσβου· ὡς καὶ τὸ _κρητίζειν_ ἀπὸ τῆς Κρήτης· καὶ τὸ Σίφνιος δὲ ἀῤῥαβὼν, ὁμοίως _σιφνιάζειν γὰρ τὸ ἅπτεσθαι τῆς πυγῆς δακτύλῳ_. Λεσβιάζειν δὲ τὸ τῷ στόματι παρανομεῖν. _Hesychius_ s. v. Σίφνιοι· ἀκάθαρτοι· ἀπὸ Σίφνου τῆς νήσου. _Σίφνιος ἀῤῥαβών_· περὶ τῶν Σιφνίων ἄτοπα διεδίδοτο, ὡς τῷ δακτύλῳ σκιμαλιζόντων· δηλοῖ οὖν τὸν διὰ δακτυλίου αἰδούμενον ἐπὶ τοῦ κακοσχόλου. (To play the Siphnian: said of those who apply the hands to the loins; as “to play the Lesbian” of those who act viciously in carnal pleasures.) Σιφνιάζειν and λεσβιάζειν from the islands Siphnos and Lesbos; just as the expression κρητίζειν (to play the Cretan) from Crete. Also the phrase “_Siphnian_ surety”; for in the same way “to play the Siphnian” means to finger the posterior. But “to play the Lesbian”; to act viciously with the mouth.—_Hesychius_ under the word Σίφνιοι: Siphnians, i.e. unclean persons; from the island of Siphnos. “_Siphnian_ surety”: of the Siphnians abominable tales were told, to the effect that they poked the posterior with the finger. Signifies therefore one who acts disgracefully in connection with the anus, said of the idle voluptuary. Comp. σκιμαλίσαι, σκινδαρεύεσθαι in the same—Hesychius.

[260] Comp. _Libanius_, In Florent., p. 430. _Toup_, Opusc. critic., Leipzig 1780. p. 420.

[261] _Athenaeus_, Deipnos., bk. XIII. p. 517 f.

[262] _Dionysius of Halicarnassus_, Exc. p. 2336. _Valerius Maximus_, Bk. VI. 1. 9. _Suidas_, under Γαΐος Λαιτώριος (Caius Laetorius).

[263] Bk IX. Epigr. 9. Comp. _Suetonius_, Nero 28, 29. _Dio Cassius_, LXII. 28., LXIII. 13. _Juvenal_, Satir. I. 62., and especially _Tacitus_, Annal., Bk. XV. 37.—_Tatian_, Orat. ad Graec., p. 100., Παιδεραστία μὲν ὑπὸ βαρβάρων διώκεται, προνομίας δὲ ὑπὸ Ῥωμαίων ἠξίωται, παίδων ἀγέλας, ὥσπερ ἵππων φορβάδων, συναγείρειν αὐτῶν πειρωμένων. (Paederastia is followed by barbarians generally, but is held in pre-eminent esteem by Romans, who endeavour to get together herds of boys, as it were of brood mares). _Justin Martyr_, Apolog., I. p. 14., Πρῶτον μὲν ὅτι τοὺς πάντας σχεδὸν ὁρῶμεν ἐπὶ πορνείᾳ προάγοντας, οὐ μόνον τὰς κόρας, ἀλλὰ καὶ τοὺς ἄρσενας· καὶ ὃν τρόπον λέγονται οἱ παλαιοὶ ἀγέλας βοῶν, ἢ αἰγῶν, ἢ προβάτων τρέφειν, ἢ ἵππων φορβάδων, οὕτω νῦν δὲ παῖδας, εἰς τὸ αἰσχρῶς χρῆσθαι μόνον, καὶ ὁμοίων θηλειῶν, καὶ ἀνδρογύνων, καὶ ἀῤῥητοποιῶν πλῆθος κατὰ τὸ πᾶν ἔθνος ἐπὶ τούτου τοῦ ἅγους ἔστηκεν. (First because we behold nearly all men seducing to fornication not merely girls, but also males. And just as our fathers are spoken of as keeping herds of oxen, or goats, or sheep, or of brood mares, so now they keep boys, solely for the purpose of shameful usage, treating them as females, or men-women, and doing unspeakable acts. To such a pitch of pollution has the multitude throughout the whole people come).

[264] That boys were kept in the brothels at Rome as paramours is seen from a host of passages in Ancient authors, e. g. _Martial_, bk. XI. Epigr. 45.,

Intrasti quoties inscriptae limina cellae _Seu puer_ arrisit, sive puella tibi.

(As oft as you have crossed the threshold of a “chamber” inscribed with name on door, whether it were _boy_ that threw you a smile, or girl). They, as well as women, had to pay the Whore-tax. Comp. above p. 118. Note 6.

[265] Bk. III. Epigr. 71.

[266] _Caelius Aurelianus_, Acut. morb. (Acute Diseases), bk. III. ch. 18., Aliorum autem medicorum, excepto Themisone, nullus hanc passionem conscribit, cum non solum raro, verum etiam coacervatim, saepissime invasisse videatur. Memorat denique Themison, apud Cretam multos satyriasi interfectos. (But of other physicians none, with the exception of Themison, describes this complaint, though it appears to have attacked the population very frequently not only sporadically, but actually as an epidemic. In fact Themison records that in Crete men died of Satyriasis).

[267] “Handbuch der medicin. Klinik” (Manual of Clinical Medicine), Vol. VII. pp. 88 and 670.

[268] Bk. VI. Epigr. 37.

[269] _Martial_, Bk. XI. Epigr. 99.

[270] _Martial_, XI. 88.

[271] _Martial_, VI. 49.

[272] _Martial_, Bk. XII. Epigr. 33.

[273] _Martial_, Bk. I. Epigr. 66. The old Grammars had the following lines:

_Haec ficus_, fici vel ficus, fructus et arbor, _Hic ficus_, fici, _malus est in podice morbus_.

(Feminine:—_ficus_, gen. -i and -us, fig and fig-tree; masculine:—_ficus_, gen. -i, _is an evil disease of the fundament_.)

[274] Satir. Bk. I. Sat. VIII. 46.

[275] _Martial_, Bk. VII. Epigram 71.

[276] There still remains some doubt in our mind as to the meaning of another Epigram of _Martial’s_, Bk. IV. Epigr. 52.

Gestari _iunctis_ nisi desinis, Hedyle, _capris_ Qui modo ficus eras, iam caprificus eris,

(Unless you cease, Hedylus, to _go with “she-goats” in copulation_, you who were but now a fig-tree, will presently be a wild fig-tree (goat-fig)). If _capra_ (she-goat) here has the meaning of _scortum_ (common strumpet),—and it cannot very well signify anything else,—the passage is an undoubted proof that such swellings were a consequence of coition with _common_ prostitutes, and that the latter were ordinarily affected with them.—In _Petronius_, Sat. ch. 46., it is said of some one: Ingeniosus est et bono filo etiamsi in nave morbosus est. (He is of good abilities and good fibre, but he is diseased with swellings on the fundament.) _Burmann_ notes on this: In nave—id est mariscas habet. Navis est podex ficosus. Hinc dictum illud Casellii apud Quintilianum, (De Instit. Orat. VI. 3. 87.) Consultori dicenti, _navem dividere volo_, respondentis, _perdes_. (_In nave_—that is, he has swellings. Navis (literally a ship) means a fundament afflicted with swellings. Hence the _bon mot_ of Casellius, quoted in _Quintilian_. In reply to a client who said “I wish to cut (divide into shares) my ship” (navis,—means also diseased fundament), he retorted, “It’ll be fatal!”)

[277] Bk. VII. Epigr. 34. _Persius_, Satir. I. 33., Hic aliquis—Rancidulum quiddam balba de nare locutus. (Hereupon some one spoke something offensive through stuttering nose—in a stuttering nasal voice). _Sidonius Apollinaris_, Epist. bk. IX., Orationem salebrosas passam iuncturas per cameram volutatam balbutire. (To stammer out through the palate’s vault all a-tremble a speech where the periods are joltingly united).

[278] _Joannes Jac. Reiske_, and _Joannes Ern. Faber_, “Opuscula medica ex monumentis Arabum et Ebraeorum,” (Medical Tracts—from Arabic and Hebrew Writings), edit. _Ch. G. Gruner_. Halle 1776. 8vo., p. 61 Note: Ita tamen miror, ab antiquitatis patronis argumentum inde allatum non fuisse, quod veterum cinaedi passi fuerint in naribus et in palato vitium, a quo clare non potuerint eloqui, sed ῥέγχειν, stertere et rhonchissare debuerint. Cf. diserta sed acris oratio Dionis Chrysostomi Tarsica prior etc. (Yet I wonder at this, that the advocates of its antiquity have not drawn an argument from the fact that among the Ancients the _cinaedi_ suffered from an affection of the nose and palate, that prevented their speaking distinctly, and made them ῥέγχειν, snore and snort, Comp. the eloquent, but censorious, Speech of the Rhetor Dio Chrysostom, First Tarsica, etc.) _Gruner_ in his Antiq. Morborum (Antiquity of Diseases), p. 77., likewise cited this reference, but it appears without having personally compared the passages with precision.

[279] Speeches, edit. by Joannes Jac. Reiske. 2 Vols. Leipzig 1784 large 8vo., Vol. II. Speech XXXIII (not XXXII, as given in Reiske and Gruner), pp. 14 sqq.

[280] Ἀκολάστοις (intemperate). This word often occurs in the sense of paederast, especially when the latter is spoken of as pursuing the vice passionately. Thus _Aeschines_, in Timarch., pp. 63, 183. _Plato_, Sympos., 186 c.

[281] Τὸν δέ γε ἄγριον τοῦτον καὶ χαλεπὸν ἦχον. (This rough and harsh tone of voice). The word ἄγριος (rough, savage) is specially used of the paederast, _Aristophanes_, Clouds 347., and the Scholiast on the passage; the same is true of χαλεπὸς (hard, harsh). The Scholiast on _Aeschines_, In Timarch., p. 731 R., ἀγρίους τοὺς σφόδρα ἐπτοημένους περὶ τὰ παιδικὰ καὶ χαλεποὺς παιδεραστάς. (rough men that are above measure agog for boy-loves,—hard paederasts.) All through the Speech are found a host of allusions to the expressions in common use to signify paederastia, which may well make the right understanding of it difficult.

[282] Τὸ πρᾶγμα (the thing) has the same meaning here as πρᾶξις (doing, intercourse) in _Aeschines_, In Timarch., pp. 159, 160. _Plato_, Sympos., 181 b.

[283] Κινεῖται (is raised, is stirred), from which the word Κίναιδος, _cinaedus_, is derived.

[284] On the _digitus medius_ (middle finger) or _infamis_ compare _Upton_ on Arrian’s Diss. Epictet, II. 2. p. 176.—“_Abhandlung von den Fingern_, deren Verrichtungen und symbolischen Bedeutung.” (Treatise on the Fingers, their Gestures and Symbolic Meaning). Leipzig 1756. pp. 172-221. But in particular _Forberg_, loco citato p. 338. note h.: Cum digitus medius porrectus, reliquis incurvatis, tentam repraesentet mentulam cum coleis suis, factum est, ut medium digitum hoc modo ostenderent (Graeci uno verbo dixerunt σκιμαλίζειν) cinaedis, sive pelliciendis, sive irridendis. (In as much as the middle finger stretched out, the other fingers being bent under, represents the extended penis with its bags (testicles), it came about that the Greeks used to show the middle finger in this way (the Greeks expressed it by one word σκιμαλίζειν) to cinaedi, whether to beckon them or by way of derision.). _Martial_, I. 93., Saepe mihi queritur Celsus.... Tangi se digito, Mamuriane, tuo. (Often Celsus complains to me that he is touched by your finger, Mamurianus.) VI. 70., Ostendit digitum, sed impudicum. (He shows a finger, but an indecent one). Οἱ δὲ Ἀττικοὶ καὶ τὸν μέσον τῆς χειρὸς δάκτυλον καταπύγωνα ὠνόμαζον. (Now the Attics used to call the middle finger of the hand the _lewd_ finger.) _Pollux_, Onomast., II. 4. 184. _Suetonius_, Caligula, ch. 56., Osculandam manum offerre, formatam commotamque in obscoenum modum. (To offer his hand to be kissed, put into an obscene shape and moved in an obscene way.) _Th. Echtermeyer_, “Progr. über Namen und symbol. Bedeut. der Finger bei den Griechen und Römern.” (Names and Symbolic Meaning of the Fingers amongst the Greeks and Romans.) Halle 1835. 4to., pp. 41-49., treats very exhaustively of this subject.

[285] On account of the resemblance of its harsh, screeching note? _Reiske_ remarks on this passage: Est autem κερχνίς avis quaedam a stertendo sic dicta, vel stridore, quem edit similem iis qui stertunt. (But the κερχνίς,—hawk, is a bird so called from the snoring, or harsh note it utters, like men who snore). Comp. _Schneider_, Lexicon, under words κέρχνος and κέρχω (hoarseness, to make hoarse).

[286] _Horace_, Odes II. 8.,

Ulla si iuris tibi peierati Poena, Barine, nocuisset unquam, Dente si nigro fieres, vel uno Turpior ungui, Crederem.

(If _any_ punishment for perjured faith had ever hurt you, Barinus, if you had had but a blackened tooth, or had been disfigured in one single nail, I would believe).

[287] Epistle to the Romans, Ch. I. vv. 24, 26, 27.

[288] Names of noted women are given by _Martial_, bk. XI. Epigr. 95. Comp. below. p. 118. note 3.

[289] Rerum Gestarum bk. XIV. ch. 19.—_Petronius_, Satir., ch. 68., says of a slave: duo tamen vitia habet, quae si non haberet, esset omnium nummorum: recutitus est et _stertit_. (Yet has he two faults, lacking which he would be a man above price: he is circumcised and he snorts.)—Terence, Eunuch., Act V. sc 1. v. 53, Fatuus et insulsus, bardus, _stertit noctes et dies_. Neque istum metuas ne amet mulier. (Foolish and silly, a stupid fellow, _he snores all night and all day_. Have no fear that a woman could love him.)

[290] Bk. XII. Epigr. 87.,

_Paediconibus os olere_ dicis. Hoc si sic, ut ais, Fabulle, verum est, Quid tu credis olere cunnilingis?

(You say paederasts’ breath smells foul. If what you allege is true, Fabullus, what sort of a breath think you have _cunnilingi_?—_cunnilingi_, i. e. illi qui pudenda mulierum lingunt, men who lick women’s private parts).

[291] _Lucian_, Philopatr., ch. 20. relates: Ἀνθρωπίσκος δέ τις, τοὔνομα Χαρίκενος, σεσημμένον γερόντιον, _ῥέγχον τῇ ῥινὶ_, ὑπέβηττε μύχιον, ἐχρέμπτετο ἐπισεσυρμένον· ὁ δὲ πτύελος κυανώτερος θανάτου· εἶτα ἤρξατο ἐπιφθέγγεσθαι κατισχνημένον. (But a little man, whose name was Charicenus, a tiny mouldy old man, _snorting through his nose_, gave a deep cough and cleared his throat with a long-drawn hawking,—and his spittle was blacker than death. Then he began to speak in a thin voice). The same is said of an Egyptian boy in Lucian’s Navigium, ch. 2. _Aulus Gellius_, Noct. Attic., Bk. III. ch. 5., gives the following story: Plutarchus refert, Arcesilaum philosophum vehementi verbo usum esse de quodam nimis delicato divite, qui incorruptus tamen et castus et perinteger dicebatur. Num cum _vocem eius infractam_, capillumque arte compositum et oculos ludibundos atque illecebrae voluptatisque plenos videret: _Nihil interest_, inquit _quibus membris cinaedi sitis, posterioribus an prioribus_. (Plutarch reports a biting phrase made use of by the philosopher Arcesilaus of a certain rich and over-dainty man, who yet had the name of being unspoiled and temperate and highly virtuous. Noting his _broken voice_, and hair artfully arranged, and rolling eyes full of allurement and wantonness, “It makes no odds,” he said, “which members ye play the _cinaedus_ with, whether those behind or those in front.”) Comp. § 16. below.

[292] Paedagog., bk. III. ch. 4. p. 230.

[293] _E. G. Bose_, νόσῳ θηλείᾳ· (Discussion of the νόσος θήλεια of the Scythians). Leipzig 1774. 4to.—_Chr. Heyne_, “De maribus inter Scythas morbo effeminatis et de Hermaphroditis Floridae.” (On the transformation of males into females among the Scythians as the result of disease, and on the Hermaphrodites of Florida). Göttingen 1779., Vol. I. pp. 28-44.—_E. L. W. Nebel_, “De Morbis Veterum obscuris.” (On some Obscure Diseases of the Ancients) Sect. I. Giessen 1794. No. I. pp. 17, 18.—_Graaf_, “Morbus femineus Scytharum.” (Feminine Disease of the Scythians). Würzburg N. D. 8vo., is cited by _Friedreich_. p. 33.—_C. W. Stark_, “De νούσῳ θηλείᾳ apud Herodotum Prolusio.” (Disquisition on the νούσος θήλεια in Herodotus). Jena 1827. 64 pp. 4to.—_J. B. Friedreich_, “Νοῦσος θήλεια”, a Historical fragment in his “Magazin für Seelenheilkunde” (Magazine of Medical Psychology). Pt. I. Würzburg 1829., pp. 71-78., and in his “Analekten zur Natur- und Heilkunde” (Selections in Natural and Medical Science) Würzburg 1831. 4to., pp. 28-33.

[294] _Herodotus_, Hist. Bk. I. ch. 105. Τοῖσι δὲ τῶν Σκυθέων συλήσασι τὸ ἱρὸν τὸ ἐν Ἀσκάλωνι, καὶ τοῖσι τούτων αἰεὶ ἐκγὁνοισι, ἐνέσκηψε ἡ θεὸς _θήλειαν νοῦσον_· ὥστε ἅμα λέγουσί τε οἱ Σκύθαι διὰ τοῦτό σφεας νοσέειν, καὶ ὁρᾷν παρ’ ἑωυτοῖσι τοὺς ἀπικνεομένους ἐς τὴν Σκυθικὴν χώρην ὡς διακέαται, τοὺς καλέουσι _Ἐναρέας_ οἱ Σκύθαι.—for translation see text.

[295] “Recherches et Dissertations sur Herodote.” (Researches and Dissertations on Herodotus). Dijon 1746. 4to., pp. 207-212. Ch. XX., Ce que c’étoit que la maladie des femmes, que la Déesse Venus envoya aus Scythes. (What was the nature of the “Women’s Disease” which the goddess Venus sent on the Scythians).

[296] _Costar_, “Defence des Œuvres de Voiture.” (Defence of the Works of Voiture), and “Apologie” p. 194.

[297] _Sprengel_, “Apologie des Hippocrates.” (Defence of Hippocrates). Leipzig 1792. Pt. II. p. 616.

[298] _De Girac_, “Réponse à l’Apologie de Voiture par Costar.” (Reply to Costar’s Apology of Voiture). p. 54.

[299] _Bayer_, “Memoria Scythica in Commentat. Petropolitan,” (Memoir on the Scythians,—in St. Petersburg Commentaries). 1732., Vol. III. pp. 377, 8.

[300] Part. VI. p. 35.

[301] _Patin_, “Comment. in vetus monument. Ulpiae Marcellin.” (Commentary on the ancient Monument of Ulpia Marcellina) p. 413.

[302] _Hensler_, “Geschichte der Lustseuche.” (History of Venereal Disease). Altona 1783., Vol. I. p. 211.

[303] _Degen_, Translation of Herodotus (German), Vol. I. p. 81. note.

[304] _Mercurialis_, Various Readings. Bk. III. d. 64.

[305] _Sauvages_, “Nosologia methodic.” (Systematic Nosology). Lyons 1772., Vol. VII. p. 365.

[306] _Koray_ on Hippocrates, “De aere aq. et loc.” (On influence of Air, Water and Locality)., Vol. II. p. 326.

[307] In _Euripides’_ Hippolytus, v. 5., Venus says of herself:

τοὺς μὲν σέβοντας τἀμὰ πρεσβεύω κράτη, σφάλλω δ’ ὅσοι φρονοῦσιν εἰς ἡμᾶς μέγα.

(I love and protect him who recognises my right, and undo him whose pride rebels against me).

[308] _Plato_, Sympos. 192 b., πρὸς γάμους καὶ παιδοποιΐας οὐ προσέχουσι τὸν νοῦν φύσει, ἀλλὰ ὑπὸ τοῦ νόμου ἀναγκάζονται, ἀλλ’ ἐξαρκεῖ αὐτοῖς μετ’ ἀλλήλων καταζῆν ἀγάμοις. (To marriage and the procreation of children they pay no attention whatever naturally, but are only forced by the law to do so. It is enough for them to live out their lives with one another unwed).

[309] “Histoire d’Herodote, par M. Larcher.” (Herodotus’ History, translated (French) by Mons. Larcher). Vol. I. Paris 1786., p. 368. Un homme d’esprit, mais peu instruit, croyoit que le sentiment de M. le President Bouhier se detruisoit de lui-même. Peut on supposer, disoit il, que Vénus aveugle en sa vengeance, se soit fait à elle même l’affront le plus sanglant, et qu’aux dépens de son culte, elle ait procuré des adorateurs au Dieu de Lampsaque, qu’elle ne doit chérir que lorsqu’il vient sacrifier sur ses autels. (A witty but superficial critic considered the opinion of the president Bouhier to be self-contradictory. Can Venus be supposed, he argued, so blind in her vengeance as to have put on herself the deadliest of affronts, and at the expense of her own worship to have given adorers to the god of Lampsacus, whom she must only patronize when he comes to sacrifice at her altars?)

[310] _Natalis Comes_, Mythologia p. 392., according to the report of several Scholiasts. The Scholiast on _Lucian_, Amores ch. 2., writes Ἐπεὶ καὶ ταῖς Λημνίαις γυναιξὶν ἔγκοτος Ἀφροδίτη γενομένη, εἶτα _δυσώδεις αὐτὰς ποιήσασα, ἀποκοίτους αὐτὰς ποιῆσαι τοὺς ἄνδρας αὐτῶν ἠνάγκασεν_. (When Aphrodité, angered with the women of Lemnos, had then _made them malodorous, and so compelled their husbands to expel them from their beds_). Similarly the Scholiast on _Apollonius Rhodius_, Argonaut., I. 609., αἱ Λήμνιαι γυναῖκες ... τῶν τῆς Ἀφροδίτης τιμῶν κατολιγωρήσασαι, καθ’ ἑαυτῶν τὴν θεὸν ἐκίνησαν· _πάσαις γάρ δυσοσμίαν ἐνέβαλεν, ὡς μηκέτι αὐτὰς τοῖς ἀνδράσιν ἀρέσκειν_. (The Lemnian women, by neglecting the honours due to Aphrodité, stirred the goddess’ anger against them. For _she inflicted on them all an ill-odour, so that they were no longer pleasing to their husbands_). To the same purport the Scholiast on _Euripides_, Hecuba v. 887., who cites Didymus as authority: Ἐν Λήμνῳ γυναῖκες ἐτέλουν ἐτήσιον ἑορτὴν Ἀφροδίτῃ· ἐπεὶ οὖν ποτε καταφρονήσασαι τῆς θεοῦ, ἀπέλιπον τὸ ἔθος, _ἡ Ἀφροδίτη ἐνέβαλεν αὐταῖς δυσωδίαν, ὡς μὴ δύνασθαι τοὺς ἑαυτῶν ἄνδρας αὐταῖς πλησιάσαι_· αἱ δὲ νομίσασαι, ὑπὸ τῶν ἀνδρῶν καταφρονεῖσθαι, τούτους πάντας ἀπέκτειναν. ὁ δέ Δίδυμος οὕτω. (At Lemnos the women used to celebrate a yearly festival in honour of Aphrodité. And so when on one occasion they scorned the goddess and neglected the custom, Aphrodité afflicted them with an ill odour, so that their own husbands could not come near them. And they concluding they were scorned by their husbands, killed them all. Didymus confirms this). The Lesbian _Myrtilus_ or _Myrsilus_ gives a different account of the origin of the evil smell of the Lesbian women, representing it in the First Book of his “Lesbica” as a consequence of the magic arts of Medea, who had landed with Jason at Lemnos. The story was taken from the lost Work of Myrtilus by _Antigonus Carystius_, Histor. mirab. collect., edit. J. Meursius. Leyden 1629. 4to., ch. 130. p. 97., Τὰς δέ Λημνίας δυσόσμους γενέσθαι, Μηδείας ἀφικομένης μετ’ Ἰάσονος καὶ φάρμακα ἐμβαλλούσης εἰς τὴν νῆσον· κατὰ δέ τινα χρόνον καὶ μάλιστα ἐν ταύταις ταῖς ἡμέραις, ἐν αἷς ἱστοροῦσι τὴν Μήδειαν παραγενέσθαι, δυσώδεις αὐτὰς οὕτως γίνεσθαι ὥστε μηδένα προσϊέναι. (And that the Lemnian women became malodorous, when Medea came thither with Jason and cast poisonous drugs on the island; and that for some length of time and particularly in those days when Medea is related to have been there, they were so ill-smelling that no man could approach them.) Also the Scholiast on _Apollonius Rhodius_, I. 165., says: τῶν ἄλλων ἱστορούντων, ὅτι κατὰ χόλον τῆς Ἀφροδίτης αἱ Λημνιάδες δύσοσμοι ἐγένοντο, Μυρτίλος ἐν πρώτῳ Λεσβικῶν διαφέρεται· καὶ φησὶ τὴν Μήδειαν παραπλέουσαν, διὰ ζηλοτυπίαν ῥίψαι εἰς τὴν Λήμνον φάρμακον, καὶ δυσοσμίαν γενέσθαι ταῖς γυναιξίν, εἶναί τε μέχρι τοῦ νῦν κατ’ ἐνιαυτὸν ἡμέραν τινὰ, ἐν ᾗ διὰ τὴν δυσωδίαν ἀποστρέφονται τὰς γυναῖκας ἄνδρές τε καὶ υἱεῖς. (Whereas others relate that in consequence of the anger of Aphrodité the women of Lemnos became evil-smelling, Myrtilus in the first Book of the “Lesbica” tells a different tale. He says that Medea, sailing past the land, moved by envy cast a poison on the island, and so an ill odour fell on the women; further that there is down to the present time a day once a year, on which owing to this foul odour husbands and sons turn and flee from the women.) Finally there is an Epigram of _Lucillius_ in the _Greek Anthology_ (edit. H. de Bosch, Vol. I. p. 416.) Bk. II. Tit. 14. no. 4., mentioning the evil smell of the Lemnian women:

Οὔτε Χίμαιρα τοιοῦτον _ἔπνει_ κακὸν, ἡ καθ’ Ὅμηρον, Οὐκ ἀγέλη ταύρων (ὡς ὁ λόγος) πυρίπνους, _Οὐ Λῆμνος σύμπασ’_, οὐχ Ἁρπυιῶν τὰ περισσὰ, Οὐδ’ ὁ Φιλοκτήτου ποὺς ἀποσηπόμενος, Ὥστε σε παμψηφεὶ νικᾶν, Τελέσιλλα, Χιμαίρας, Σηπεδόνας, ταύρους, ὄρνεα, _Λημνιάδας_.

(Neither the Chimaera of Homer had so ill a smell, nor yet the herd (as the story goes) of fire-breathing bulls, not _all Lemnos_, not the foulest of the Harpies, nor even Philoctetes’ putrefying foot. So you see, Telesilla, you outdo—the vote is unanimous,—Chimaeras, putrefactions, bulls, birds, _Lemnian women_!) The stench of Telesilla outdid, we see, all known evil smells, even that of the Lemnian women, etc. Also in _Valerius Flaccus_, bk. II. 99-241., is found this myth of the Lemnian women.

[311] Hence Iphis, in _Ovid_, Metam., IX. 723 sqq., says:

Iphis amat, qua posse frui desperat, et auget Hoc ipsum flammas: ardetque in virgine virgo. Vix tenens lacrimas: Quis me manet exitus, inquit, Cognita quam nulli, quam prodigiosa novaeque Cura tenet Veneris? si dii mihi parcere vellent. _Naturale malum_ saltem et de _more_ dedissent. Nec vaccam vaccae, nec equas amor urit equarum. Femina femineo correpta cupidine nulla est. Vellem nulla forem.

(Iphis loves one that she knows, alas! she can never enjoy, and this fact itself increases her passion. A maiden burns for a maiden. Hardly keeping back her tears she cries: What fate awaits me,—me who suffer sorrow of Venus known to none, a sorrow monstrous and of strange new sort? If the gods were willing to spare me, they would have given me a _natural_ curse surely, one _of ordinary kind_. No cow burns for a cow, no mare for the love of mares, nor any woman is taken with love for a woman. Would I were no woman!)

Similarly _Lucillius_ says of the paederast Cratippus in the Greek Anthology, bk. II. Tit. V. no. 1.;

Τὸν φιλόοπαιδα Κράτιππον ἀκούσατε· θαῦμα γὰρ ὑμῖν Καινὸν ἀπαγγέλλω· _πλὴν μεγάλαι νεμέσεις_· Τὸν φιλόπαιδα Κράτιππον ἀνεύρομεν ἄλλο γένος· τί; Τῶν ἑτεροζήλων ἤλπισα τοῦτ’ ἂν ἐγὼ; Ἤλπισα τοῦτο, Κράτιππε; μανήσομαι, εἰ λύκος εἶναι Πᾶσι λέγων ἐφάνης ἐξαπίνης ἔριφος.

(Of the boy-loving Cratippus will I tell you; for a strange new wonder I report. _Yea! great are the penalties he pays._ The boy-loving Cratippus we have found has another character. What character? I should have thought him to be of those whose love is eager on one side only. Did I think so, Cratippus? Well, I shall seem a madman, if—professing the while to all to be a wolf,—you of a sudden appear in the character of a kid).

But most important in this connection is the passage of _Aeschines_, Orat. in Timarch., p. 178., μὴ γὰρ οἴεσθαι, ὦ Ἀθηναῖοι, τὰς τῶν ἀτυχημάτων ἀρχὰς ἀπὸ θεῶν, ἀλλ’ οὐχ ὑπ’ ἀνθρώπων ἀσελγείας γίνεσθαι, μηδὲ τοὺς ἠσεβηκότας, καθάπερ ἐπὶ ταῖς τραγῳδίαισι, Ποινὰς ἐλαύνειν καὶ κολάζειν δᾳσὶν ἡμμέναις· ἀλλ’ αἱ προπετεῖς τοῦ σώματος ἡδοναὶ, καὶ τὸ μηδὲν ἱκανὸν ἡγεῖσθαι. (For you must not dream, Athenians, that the causes of calamities are from the gods, and that such are not rather due to the wickedness of mankind. Do not imagine the impious are driven by Furies, as is represented in the Tragedies, and chastised with blazing torches; nay! it is reckless indulgence in bodily pleasures that is the scourge, and immoderate desires). Comp. _Theon_, Progymn., ch. 7.—_Cicero_, Orat. in Pison., 20., Nolite putare, Patres Conscripti, ut in scena videtis homines consceleratos impulso deorum terreri Furiarum taedis ardentibus. Sua quemque fraus, suum facinus, suum scelus, sua audacia de sanitate ac mente deturbat. Hae sunt impiorum Furiae, hae flammae, hae faces. (Dream not, Conscript Fathers, that wicked men, as you see represented on the stage, are driven in terror, at the instigation of the gods, by the blazing torches of the Furies. ’Tis his own dishonesty, his own wickedness, his own baseness, his own recklessness, that destroys each man’s health and sanity. These are the furies that torment the impious, these the flames and torches).

[312] De Bello Peloponnesiaco, Bk. I. ch. 12. (edit. Bauer. Leipzig 1790. 4to., p. 33.), καὶ Φιλοκτήτης διὰ τὸν Πάριδος θάνατον _θήλειαν νόσον_ νοσήσας, καὶ μὴ φέρων τὴν αἰσχύνην, ἀπελθὼν ἐκ τῆς πατρίδος, ἔκτισε πόλιν, ἣν διὰ _τὸ πάθος Μαλακίαν_ ἐκάλεσε.—for translation see text above. Our view on this passage is shared by _Manso_, pp. 46 and 70.

[313] Bk. II. Epigr. 84. How _Meier_, loco citato p. 160., could derive a proof from this passage that Philoctetes had been the _pathic_ of Hercules is beyond our comprehension, seeing that Hercules had long been dead when Philoctetes was punished with this vice by Venus.

[314] Bk. II. Epigr. 89.

[315] Works of Ausonius; Delphin edition, revised by _J. B. Souchay_. Paris 1730. 4to., p. 4. Carm. 71. Following a ridiculous custom the “Obscoena e textu Ausoniano resecta” (Objectionable passages removed from the text of Ausonius) are printed together at the end of the Book, and separately paged.

[316] Instit. orat, Bk. X. ch. 1.

[317] Fab. 148.—_Barth_ on Statius’ Thebaid. V. 59.

[318] Tragoed. Hippolyt., 124.; and _Servius_ on _Virgil_, Aeneid, Bk. VI. v. 14., Venus vehementer dolens stirpem omnem Solis persequi _infandis amoribus_ coepit. (Venus, exceedingly indignant, proceeds to afflict all the descendants of the Sun _with abominable loves_.)

[319] Amores, ch. 2., οὕτω τις ὑγρὸς τοῖς ὄμμασιν ἐνοικεῖ μύωψ, ὃς ἅπαν πάλλος εἰς αὑτὸν ἁρπάζων ἐπ’ οὐδενὶ κόρῳ παύεται· καὶ συνεχὲς ἀπορεῖν ἐπέρχεταί μοι, τίς οὗτος Ἀφροδίτης ὁ χόλος· οὐ γὰρ Ἡλιάδης ἐγώ τις, οὐδὲ Λημνιάδων _ἔρις_, οὐδὲ Ἱππολύτειον ἀγροικίαν ὠφρυωμένος, ὡς ἐρεθίσαι τῆς θεοῦ τὴν ἄπαυστον ταύτην ὀργήν. (for translation see text above.) The word ἔρις—strife, in this passage is obviously corrupt, having got into the text probably by confusion with ἐρεθίσαι—to provoke, standing just below in the MS. _Jacobs_ proposed ἔρνος—scion, but according to _Lehmann_ this is too poetical a word for _Lucian_; ἐρεὺς—in the sense of _heir_, might very well be read, giving the same meaning. Could ὕβριν—insolence, have been the original word in the text? Lucian must have written the passage with a reference to the above mentioned punishment of the Lemnian women by Venus, and by Λημνιάδων—Lemnian women, we must understand not the descendants of the women of Lemnos, but these women themselves, _Apollonius Rhodius_ (Argon., I. 653.) also using Λημνιάδες δὲ γυναῖκες—Lemnian women, of these same inhabitants of the island. Now the Greeks characterized every form of behaviour of a kind to incur the anger of the goddess by the word ὕβρις—overbearing insolence; and this would exactly fit in the passage, for the οὐδὲ ... οὐδὲ—neither ... nor, calls for a correspondence of phrase in each clause, and ὕβρις and ἀγροικία—brutal insensibility, tally excellently. For ὕβρις in the sense indicated comp. _Clement of Alexandria_, Paedag., Bk. II. ch. 10., ἐπιθυμία γὰρ κακὴ ὄνομα ὕβρις, καὶ τὸν τῆς ἐπιθυμίας ἵππον, ὑβριστὴν ὁ Πλάτων (Phaedr. pp. 1226, 27.) προσεῖπεν, Ἵπποι θηλυμανεῖς ἐγενήθητέ μοι, ἀναγνούς. (for evil concupiscence is called ὕβρις, and the horse of concupiscence Plato named Ὑβριστὴς—Overbearing, having read “Wild horses ye became to me.”) We should then have to translate, supposing we read ὕβριν in the text, “I am neither puffed up with the insolence of the women of Lemnos, nor yet with the brutal insensibility of Hippolytus.” Very possibly an Attic writer would not have expressed himself so; but we must remember that _Fr. Jacobs_, a man of fine discrimination of Classical diction, denied from the first Lucian’s authorship of the passage _ob orationem difficilem valdeque impeditam_—because of its difficult and exceedingly awkward style. The unfavourable judgement which _Lehmann_ in his edition passes on this Work (Lucian’s Amores) so far as its general tenor is concerned, is based we may observe almost entirely on the confusion of paedophilia with paederastia. However under no circumstances has any actual allusion been made to the lewdness of the Lemnian women, if _Belin_, _de Ballu_, and others agree in this rendering.

[320] De special legib., Opera Vol. II. p. 304.

[321] _Ovid_, Metamorphos., bk. X. 238.

[322] _Ovid_, Metamorphos., bk. X. 298.—_Servius_ on Virgil, Eclog. X. 18. _Fulgentius_, Mytholog. III. 8.

[323] _Ausonius_, Epigr. C.,

De Hermaphrodito Mercurio genitore satus, genetrice Cythere, Nominis ut mixti, sic corporis Hermaphroditus, Concretus sexu, sed non perfectus, utroque: Ambiguae Veneris, neutro potiundus amori.

(Of Hermaphroditus.—Born of Mercury as sire, of Cythera as mother, Hermaphroditus, at once of compound name and compound body, combined of either sex, but complete in neither; a being of ambiguous love, that can enjoy the joys of neither passion.)

[324] Orat contra Alcibiad., I. p. 550., οἱ μὲν πολλοὶ αὐτῶν ἡταιρήκασιν. (the majority of them have become prostitutes.) Comp. _Meier_, loco citato p. 173., who in another place, p. 154 note 79., has authenticated the meaning of ἑταιρεῖν (to be a hetaera, prostitute, used of men, viz. to submit the body for pay to another to violate.)

[325] “De morbis acutis et chronicis, lib. VIII.” (On acute and chronic Diseases—8 Books.) edit. Amman. Amsterdam 1722. 4to. Chronic Diseases, Bk. IV. ch. 9. In this book diseases of the intestinal canal are treated, and immediately preceding the subject of Worms. So the vice must have been regarded as if it were a disease of the rectum, though the author says it had its origin in a mental derangement. Comp. _C. Barth_, Adversar., bk. IV. ch. 3., bk. XLIII. ch. 21, bk. XLVIII. ch. 3., bk. XXIII. ch. 2. bk. XIII. ch. 13., where several emendations are to be found of the corruptions of the text.

[326] Tribades dictae a τρίβω, frico, _frictrices_, sunt quibus ea pars naturae muliebris, quam clitoridem vocant, in tantam magnitudinem excrescit, ut possint illa pro mentula vel ad futuendum vel ad paedicandum uti. “Tribades”, so called from τρίβω,—I rub, _women that rub_, are such as have that portion of the woman’s parts which is called the clitoris grown to a size so excessive that they can use it as a penis whether for fornicating or for paederastia. So says Forberg, loco citato p. 345. Comp. _Hesychius_ ἑταιρίστριαι τριβάδες (lewd women, _tribades_.) The Lesbian women were especially notorious for it. _Lucian_, Dialog. meretr. 5., τοιαύτας (ἑταιριστρίας) ἐν Λέσβῳ λέγουσι γυναῖκας, ὑπὸ ἀνδρῶν μὲν οὐκ ἐθελούσας αὐτὸ πάσχειν, γυναιξὶ δὲ αὐτὰς πλησιαζούσας, ὥσπερ ἄνδρας. (such women—_tribades_, they say there are in Lesbos, who will not suffer it from men, but themselves go with women, as if they were men). But we must beware of connecting the word λεσβιάζειν (the act the Lesbian) with this; it means something quite different, as we shall see later on. The Milesian women were skilled _Tribades_, employing an artificial penis made of leather, which was called by the Greeks ὄλισβος. Aristophanes, Lysistrat. 108-110.,

οὐκ εἶδον οὐδ’ ὄλισβον ὀκταδάκτυλον, ὃς ἦν ἂν ἠμῖιν σκυτίνη ’πικουρία.

(Since when the Milesians betrayed us, I have never seen even an eight-inch _olisbos_, that would have been a leathern succour for us.) _Suidas_, s. v. ὄλισβος· αἰδοῖον δερμάτινον, ᾧ ἐχρῶντο αἱ μιλήσιαι γυναῖκες, ὡς _τριβάδες_, καὶ αἰσχρουργοί. ἐχρῶντο καὶ αὐτοῖς καὶ αἱ χῆραι γυναῖκες.—s. v. μισήτης· μισῆται δὲ γυναῖκες ὀλίσβῳ χρήσονται. (under the word ὄλισβος: a member of leather; which the Milesian women used, such as _tribades_ and bad women. They were used by widows also.—under the word μισήτης (lewd person): and lewd women will use the _olisbos_.) Comp. the Scholiast to the passage of Aristophanes quoted. There were also cakes shaped like an _olisbos_ and called ὀλισβόκολλοξ (_olisbos_-loaves)—_Hesychius_, which remind us of the cakes in the shape of a penis that were sold in Italy at the feast of SS. Cosmus and Damian. (see _Knight_, loco citato p. 62.)

[327] _Longao_ or _Longano_ signifies the rectum—straight gut, the large intestine, the _longus anus_, prolonged anus, as it were. The word is found frequently in _Caelius Aurelianus_ and in _Vegetius_, De re veterin. (On Veterinary medicine). II. 14., 21., 28. IV. 8. Since the large intestine was used for sausages (_Apicius_. De re coq.) (On Cookery, Bk. IV. ch. 2.), the sausage was also called _longano_ or _longavo_. _Varro_, De ling. lat. V. 111.

[328] We have not been able to ascertain whether the Fragment here quoted is extant in Greek as well, for the Fragments of Parmenides, by G. G. _Fülleborn_. Züllichau 1795. 8vo. were as inaccessible by us as were _Brandis’_ Commentationes Eleaticae.

[329] Physiognomicon ch. 3., in Scriptores Physiognomiae veteres (Ancient Writers on Physiognomy), edit. _J. G. Fr. Franzius_. Altenburg 1780 large 8vo., p, 51., _Κιναίδου σημεῖα_, ὄμμα κατακεκλασμένον, γονύκροτος, ἐγκίσεις τῆς κεφαλῆς εἰς τὰ δεξιά· αἱ φοραὶ τῶν χειρῶν ὑπτίαι καὶ ἔκλυτοι, καὶ βαδέσεις διτταὶ, ἡ μὲν περινεύοντος, ἡ δὲ κρατοῦντος, τὴν ὀσφύν, καὶ τῶν ὀμμάτων περιβλέψεις· οἷος ἂν εἴη Διονύσιος ὁ σοφιστής. (for translation see text above). On p. 77. γονύκροτος (knock-kneed) is laid down as a characteristic of a woman. On p. 155 we read, οἱ ἐγκλινόμενοι εἰς τὰ δεξιὰ ἐν τῷ πορεύεσθαι, κίναιδοι. (those who bend to the right in walking are cinaedi.); on p. 50. καὶ ἰσχνὰ ὄμματα κατακεκλασμένα—ἅμα δὲ καὶ τὰ κεκλασμένα τῶν ὀμμάτων, δύο σημαίνει, τὸ μὲν μαλακὸν καὶ θῆλυ. (and withered, broken-down looking eyes,—and this broken-down appearance of the eyes denotes two things, the one being softness and effeminacy). _Clement of Alexandria_, Paedagog. bk. III. ch. 11., οὐδὲ κατακεκλασμένος, πλάγιον ποιήσας τὸν τράχηλον, περιπατεῖν ὥσπερ ἑτέρους ὁρῶ κιναίδους ἐνθάδε πολλοὺς ἄστει. (nor yet with broken-down look, bending the neck askance, to walk about as I see others do here, cinaedi,—yea, many of them in the city).

[330] Physiognom. bk. II. 9. l. c. p. 290., _Ἀνδρογύνου σημεῖα._ Ὑγρὸν βλέπει καὶ ἰταμὸν ὁ ἀνδρόγυνος, καὶ δονεῖται τὰ ὄμματα, καὶ περιτρέχει· μέτωπον σπᾶ, καὶ παρειάς, αἱ ὀφρύες οἰδαίνουσι κατὰ χώραν, τράχηλος κέκλιται, ὀσφὺς οὐκ ἀτρεμεῖ· κινεῖται πάντα τὰ μέλη ἅλματι· γονάτων κρότος καὶ χειρῶν φαίνεται· ὡς ταῦρος περιβλέπει εἰς ἑαυτὸν καὶ καταβλέπει· φωνεῖ λεπτὸν, κράζει δὲ λιγυρὰ, σκολιὰ πάνυ καὶ πάνυ ἔντρομα. (for translation see text above.) p. 275., οἱ τὰ γόνατα ἔσω νεύοντες, γυναικεῖοί τε καὶ θηλυδρίαι. (men that bow the knees inwards are womanish and effeminate).

[331] Physiognom. bk. II. 38. l. c. p. 440., _Εἶδος ἀνδρογύνου_. Ὁ ἀνδρόγυνος ὑγρὸν βλέπει, καὶ ἰταμὸν καὶ δονεῖται τὰ ὄμματα καὶ περιτρέχει· μέτωπον σπᾶ καὶ παρειάς. αἱ ὀφρύες μένουσι κατὰ χώραν, τράχηλος κέκλιται, ὀσφὺς οὐκ ἀτρεμεῖ· κινεῖται πάντα τὰ μέλη καὶ ἐπιθρώσκει· ἁλματίας ἐστὶ, γονύκροτος, χειρῶν φοραὶ ὕπτιαι· περιβλέπει ἑαυτὸν· φωνὴ λεπτὴ, ἐπικλάζουσα, λιγυρὰ, σχολαία πάνυ. (Appearance of the _Man-woman_. The _man-woman_ has a lecherous and wanton look, he rolls his eyes and lets his gaze wander; forehead and cheeks twitch, eyebrows remain drawn to a point, neck bowed, hips in continual movement. All the limbs move and jump; he is spasmodic, knock-kneed, the movements of the hands with backs downwards; he gazes round him; his voice is thin, plangent, shrill, very uncertain.) p. 382., οἱ τὰ γόνατα ἔσω νεύοντες ὥσπερ συγκρούειν, γυναικεῖοι καὶ θηλυδρίαι. (men that bow the knees inwards as if to strike them together are womanish and effeminate.)

[332] Tarsica I. p. 410., These distinguishing marks were adequate for the Romans too, as we see from the passage of _Aulus Gellius_ quoted on p. 143 above; side by side with which may be put another passage of the same author, Bk. VIII. ch. 12.

[333] Still another explanation would seem possible, according to _Clement of Alexandria_, Paedag. bk. II. ch. 7. p. 179., ναὶ μὴν καὶ τῶν ὤτων οἱ γαργαλισμοὶ _καὶ τῶν πταρμῶν οἱ ερεθισμοὶ_, ὑώδεις εἰσὶ κνησμοὶ, πορνείας ἀκολάστου (Yea! and moreover ticklings of the ears, and irritations causing sneezing, these are swinish itches, signs of excessive licentiousness). For the rest _Seneca_, Epist. 114., also says, Non vides—si ille effeminatus est, in ipso _incessu_ apparere mollitiam? (See you not—if he is effeminate, that his lasciviousness is apparent in his very walk?)

[334] _Lucian_, Adversus indoctum ch. 23., ...... μυρία γάρ ἐστι τὰ ἀντιμαρτυροῦντα τῷ σχήματι, βάδισμα καὶ φωνὴ, καὶ τράχηλος ἐπικεκλασμένος, καὶ ψιμύθιον, καὶ μαστίχη καὶ φῦκος οἷς ὑμεῖς κοσμεῖσθε, καὶ ὅλως, κατὰ τὴν παροιμίαν, θᾶττον ἂν πέντε ἐλέφαντας ὑπὸ μάλης κρύψειας, ἢ ἕνα κίναιδον. (for translation see text above).

[335] _Clement of Alexandria_, Paedog. Bk. II. ch. 7. p. 173., also says ἀλλὰ τὸ τεθρυμμένον τῆς φωνῆς, θηλυδρίου. (but the broken character of the voice is a mark of the womanish man).

[336] _Martial_, Bk. VII. Epigr. 57.,

—sed habet _tristis_ quoque _turba_ cinaedos, Difficile est, vero nubere, Galla, viro.

(... but the dismal throng contains cinaedi as well; ’tis a difficult matter, Galla, to marry a real man). Comp. Bk. IX. Epigr. 48.; and _Juvenal_, Satir. II. 8-13.,

Quis enim non vicus abundat _Tristibus_ obscoenis? castigas turpia, cum sis Inter Socraticos notissima fossa cinaedos: Hispida membra quidem et durae per brachia setae Promittunt atrocem animum? sed podice laevi Caeduntur tumidae, medico ridente, mariscae.

(For what street has not its crowd of _dismal_ debauchees? you inveigh against vice, when you are the most notorious pit of abomination of all the host of Socratic cinaedi. Shaggy limbs indeed and sturdy bristles on your arms promise a rugged virtue; but your fundament is smooth, and the great bursting swellings on it are cut, the doctor grinning the while.) _Seneca_, Epist. 114., Ille et crura, hic nec alas vellit. (One man plucks bare his very legs, another not even the armpits.)

[337] _Aeschines_, Orat. in Timarch. p. 179., expresses it excellently, οὕτω τοὺς _πεπορνευμένους_, κᾂν μὴ παρῶμεν τοῖς αὐτῶν ἔργοις, ἐκ τῆς ἀναιδείας καὶ τοῦ θράσους καὶ τῶν ἐπιτηδευμάτων γινώσκομεν. (So with regard to debauchees, even though we are not present at their actual doings, we recognize them by their bold, shameless bearing and their general habits.)

[338] This was the special adornment of the woman, and was sacred to Venus; we read in _Ausonius_,

Barba Iovi, crines Veneri decor; ergo necesse est, Ut nolint demi, quo sibi uterque placet.

(The beard is Jove’s pride, her locks Venus’s: they must needs then object to the removal of that wherein each takes special delight). Hence _Ambrosius_ too, Hexamer. bk. VI., writes, Haud inscitum extat adagium: nullus comatus qui non idem cinaedus. (There is a familiar proverb that says: never a long-haired man but is a cinaedus.) In _Martial_, III. 58., they are called _capillati_ (long-haired.)

[339] _Diogenes Laertius_, Vita Diogenis Bk. VI. 54.

[340] Clouds, 340 sqq. See also (German) Translation of Aristophanes by _Fr. A. Wolf_.

[341] Satir. II. 16. _W. E. Weber_ (“Die Satiren des _D. J. Juvenalis_.”—The Satires of Decimus Junius Juvenalis. Halle 1838.) is mistaken in his way of taking this passage. Not only does he in his translation assign Peribomius’ words to Juvenal himself, but also in the notes, pp. 286 sqq., gives quite wrong explanations of several words. For instance he says, “_inter Socraticos ... cinaedos_, (amongst the Socratic cinaedi), the Socratic breed of wantons, the kind that give themselves an air of sober and highly moral habits, like Socrates;” but really the poet merely meant to express the idea of later times that Socrates had been a paederast. Discussing the passage Weber remarks of Peribomius, “One who in looks and gait, as being effeminate and of a womanish dandified bearing, confesses his evil state,—one of enervation and womanish amorousness,” whereas as a matter of fact Peribomius makes no other confession than simply that he is a pathic. We are not to suppose any sort of intentional suppression of the facts, as indeed is shown both by the rest of the translation and also expressly on p. VI of the Preface; so we are bound to characterize what is said in these places as the result of downright mistake.

[342] When _Juvenal_, V. 50., says: Hippo subit iuvenes et _morbo_ pallet _utroque_, (Hippo submits to young men, and is pale with a double disease), this must be understood to mean that Hippo is not only a pathic, but also a Fellator (see subsequently). Further Epigr. 131. of _Ausonius_ is to the point in this connection:

Inguina quod calido levas tibi dropace, causa est: Irritant volsas levia membra lupas; Sed quod et elixo plantaria podice vellis, Et teris incusas pumice Clazomenas, Causa latet: _bimarem nisi quod patientia morbum Appetit et tergo femina, pube vires_.

(The reason why you make the private parts smooth with hot pitch-ointment (as a depilatory) is this: Smooth limbs excite the passions of the harlots, plucked smooth themselves. But why you pluck the hair from your fundament, soaked in hot water first, and polish with pumice your well-pounded Clazomenae (i. e. buttocks) the reason is obscure: _unless indeed your long-suffering lust hankers for a double disease (vice),—a woman behind, in your member a strong man_).

_Manilius_, Astronomica bk. V. vv. 140-156., says:

Taurus, in aversos praeceps cum tollitur artus, Sexta parte sui certantes luce sorores Pleiades ducit: quibus aspirantibus, almam In lucem eduntur Bacchi Venerisque sequaces: Perque dapes, mensamque super petulantia corda, Et sale mordaci dulces quaerentia risus. Illis cura sui cultus, frontisque decorae Semper erit: tortos in fluctum ponere crines, Aut vinclis revocare comas et vertice denso Fingere et appositis caput emutare capillis, Pomicibusque cavis horrentia membra polire, Atque odisse virum, sterilesque optare lacertos. Femineae vestes; nec in usum tegmina plantis, Sed speciem; fractique placent ad mollia gressus. Naturae pudet atque habitat sub pectore caeca Ambitio et _morbum_ virtutis nomine iactant. Semper amare parum est: cupient et amare videri

(When the Bull tending downwards lifts his head with limbs bent back, he brings with him in his sixth house the sister Pleiades, his equals in brilliancy. When these are in the ascendent, there are brought forth to the light of day such as follow after Bacchus and Venus; and hearts that wanton at feast and board, and that seek to raise the merry laugh by biting wit. These will ever be giving thought to their bedizenment and becoming appearance; to curl the hair and lay it in waving ripples or else to gather in the locks with circlets and arrange them in a heavy top-knot, and to alter the head by adding false ringlets; to polish the shaggy limbs with hollow pumice-stone; yea! and to hate the very sight of a man, and long for arms without growth of hair. Women’s robes they wear; the coverings of their feet are less for use than show; and steps broken in to an effeminate gait are their delight. Nature they scorn; indeed in their breast there lies a pride they cannot avow, and they vaunt their disease (vice) under the name of virtue. Ever to love is a little thing in their eyes; their wish will be to be seen to love).

_Seneca_, Quaest. nat. bk. VII. ch. 31., Egenus etiam in quo _morbum suum_ exerceat, legit. (The poor man too chooses one on whom he may practise his disease (vice).—_Seneca_, Epist. 114. Cum vero magis vires _morbus_ exedit et in medullas nervosque descendere deliciae. (But when the disease (vice) has eaten deeper into a man’s vigour, and its delights penetrated to the very marrow and nerves).—Comp. Epist. 75.—_Cicero_, De finibus I. 18., in Verrem II. 1. 36., Tusc. quaest. IV. 11.—_Wyttenbach_, in Bibliothec. critic. Pt VIII. p. 73.—_Horace_, Sat. I. 6. 40., Ut si qui aegrotat quo _morbo_ Barrus, haberi ut cupiat formosus. (As if one who is sick of the same _disease_ as Barrus, as if he should long to be considered handsome.) Another passage of the same author (Odes I. 37. 9.) must be mentioned:

Contaminato cum grege turpium _Morbo_ virorum.

(With her (Cleopatra’s) herd of foul men stained with disease—vice). It is taken by _Stark_ as by most of the commentators to mean _castrated_ persons, though strictly speaking it implies nothing more than a contemptuous circumlocution for Egyptians. The boys that were kept in the brothels at Rome for purposes of paederastia were for the most part from Egypt, whence they were imported in flocks. Accordingly the poet calls the whole _entourage_ of Cleopatra pathics. There can be no mistake, if only we translate thus: _cum contaminato grege virorum, morbo turpium_, (with a polluted herd of men, defiled with disease—vice). In this Horace was all the more justified, because as a matter of fact Cleopatra did keep cinaedi, as we learn from _Suidas_: s. v. κίναιδα καὶ κιναιδία· ἠ ἀναισχυντία· ἀπὸ τοῦ κινεῖν τὰ αἰδοῖα. _Ὁ τῆς Κλεοπάτρας κίναιδος_ Χελιδὼν ἐκαλεῖτο. (under the words κίναιδα and κίναιδία: shameless practice; from the moving (τὸ κινεῖν of the genitals. _Cleopatra’s cinaedus_ was called Chelidon. True _Terence_, Eunuch. I. 2. 87., makes Phaedria say:

Porro _eunuchum_ dixisti velle te, _Quia solae utuntur his reginae_, repperi,

(I have discovered wherefore you said you wanted a _eunuch_, because only queens use them) and Donatus observes on the passage that _reginae_ (queens) stands for _feminae divites_ (rich ladies). Accordingly just as Eunuchus is used for cinaedus or pathicus, in the same way cinaedus might very well stand in _Suidas_ for eunuch, and as a matter of fact the _entourage_ of Cleopatra may have consisted of actual eunuchs. Still it is Horace’s main point that they were _pathics_. As to the reason why _reginae_ (queens, rich ladies) kept _castrati_ (eunuchs) at all, comp. p. 125 above.—The Latin _grex_ (herd) is sufficiently explained by the παίδων ἀγέλας (herds of boys) in the passages already quoted (p. 131.) from _Tatian_ and _Justin Martyr_, along side which we may put the μειρακίων ὡραίων ἀγέλαι (herds of lads in the bloom of youth) of _Clement of Alexandria_, Paedag. bk. III. ch. 4. The word is used in the same sense by _Seneca_, Epist 95., Transeo _puerorum infelicium greges_, quos post transacta convivia aliae cubiculi contumeliae expectant. Transeo _agmina exoletorum_ per nationes coloresque descripta. (I pass over the _herds of unhappy boys_, whom after the feast is done, other affronts of the bed-chamber await. I pass over the _serried ranks of debauchees_ (cinaedi) marshalled by nation and complexion.) _Cicero_, Ad Atticum I. 13., Concursabant barbatuli iuvenes, totus ille _grex_ Catilinae, (Thither flocked the youths of the baby beards, all the _herd_ of Catiline’s friends.) _Petronius_, Sat. ch. 40., Grex agit in scena mimum. (The common herd plays the mime on the stage.) _Grex_ was used generally for any crowd of _common_ men.—The use of the word _contaminatus_ (polluted) brings to mind _catamitus_, which bears the sense of pathic, e. g. in _Cicero_, Philipp. II. 31., _Appuleius_, Metam. I. p. 107 and especially is used as a nickname for Ganymede. _Plautus_, Menaechm. I. 2. 34.—_Festus_: Catamitum pro Ganymede dixerunt, qui fuit Jovis concubinus, (Men said _catamitus_ for Ganymedes, who was Jupiter’s bed-fellow),—which probably led to the ridiculous idea being entertained, e.g. by _Scheller_, that the word was derived from _Ganymedes_ by corruption in the pronunciation! The fact that the word is metrically a “Paeon tertius”, that is to say the _i_ in the third syllable is long, might have led us at once to the conclusion that originally the word was _catamytus_, and derived from the Greek καταμύσσω (to tear), and so has the same meaning as the Latin _percisus_ (cut), or else that it stands for καταμίκτος (mixed), and is connected with καταμίγνυμι (to mix), and so in fact _concubinus_ (sharing the bed), as Festus says! At any rate the passages quoted above from Cicero and Seneca, which might easily be multiplied, prove that Stark’s supposition expressed on p. 22., to the effect that _morbus_ (disease) is used in this sense _only_ in the poets, is unfounded.

[343] _Menander_, in _Lucian_, Amores ch. 43., says: νόσων χαλεπωτάτη φθόνος (of _diseases_ the cruellest is envy.) It is used of envy by Aristophanes, Birds 31. νόσον νοσοῦμεν τὴν ἐναντίαν Σάκᾳ. (we are sick of the _disease_ that was Saces’ enemy.) _Euripides_, Medea 525., γλωσσαλγία αἴσχιστος νόσος (garrulousness, a most shocking _disease_.) But in a special way νόσος (disease) was used of Love (_Pollux_) Onomast. Bk. VI. 42., εἰς Ἀφροδίτην νοσῶν. (being sick of Love). _Eubulus_, in Nannio, quoted by _Athenaeus_, Deipnos. Bk. XIII. ch. 24., says:

μικροῦ πρίασθαι κέρματος τὴν ἡδονήν καὶ μὴ λαθραίαν Κύπριν (αἰσχίστην _νόσων_ πασῶν) διώκειν, ὕβρεος, οὐ πόθου χάριν.

(To buy pleasure for a small coin, and not pursue secret amours,—most base of all diseases,—for overmastering lust’s sake and not for love.) Νόσημα (disease) is used in the same sense in _Lucian_, Amores 3., and πάθος (suffering, passion) in many passages in the same Work. _Plutarch_, Amator. p. 763., καὶ λελάληκε (Μένανδρος) περὶ τοῦ πάθους φιλοσοφώτερον. (And he—Menander—has talked about the passion more like a philosopher). The following passage in _Philo_, De specialibus legibus,—Opera. edit. Mangey, Vol. II. p. 301., is of interest: Ἔχει μὲν οὖν καὶ ἡ κατὰ φύσιν ἡδονὴ πολλάκις μέμψιν, ὅταν ἀμέτρως καὶ ἀκορέστως χρῆταί τις αὐτῇ, καθάπερ οἱ ἄπληστοι περὶ ἐδωδὴν, κἂν εἰ μηδὲν τῶν ἀπηγορευμένων προσφέροιντο· καὶ οἱ φιλογυναίοις συνουσίαις ἐπιμιμηνότες, καὶ λαγνίστερον προσομιλοῦντες γυναιξὶν οὐκ ἀλλοτρίαις, ἀλλὰ ταῖς ἐαυτῶν. _Ἡ δὲ μέμψις σώματός ἐστι μᾶλλον ἢ ψυχῆς κατὰ τοὺς πολλοὺς, πολλὴν μὲν ἔχοντος εἴσω φλόγα, ἣ τὴν παραβληθεῖσαν τροφὴν ἐξαναλίσκουσα ἑτέραν οὐκ εἰς μακρὰν ἐπιζητεῖ πολλὴν ἰκμάδα, ἧς τὸ ῥοῶδες διὰ τῶν γενητικῶν ἀποχετεύετο, κνησμοὺς καὶ ὀδαξισμοὺς ἐμποιοῦν καὶ γαργαλισμοὺς ἀπαύσους_.

(So the gratification even of natural pleasure is often blameworthy, when it is indulged immoderately and insatiably, just as men who are insatiably greedy about eating are blameworthy, even though they should not partake of any forbidden meats. So too men who are madly devoted to intercourse with women, and go with women lewdly,—not strange women but their own wives. _And the blame lies rather with the body than with the mind in most cases, for the body has within it a great flame, which using up the fuel cast to it, does not for long lack much moisture, the watery humour of which is drawn off by intercourse with women, producing ticklings and gnashings with the teeth and unappeasable itchings._) Immoderate copulation then with a man’s own wife is only a reproach that concerns the body more than the mind; on the other hand _Philo_ in the succeeding sentences speaks of those who practise fornication with _strange_ women as, ἀνίατον νόσον ψυχῆς νοσοῦντας (sick of an incurable sickness of the soul., _Clement of Alexandria_) Paedag. bk. II. ch. 10., μικρὰν ἐπιληψίαν τὴν συνουσίαν ὁ Ἀβδηρίτης ἔλεγε σοφιστής, νόσον ἀνίατον ἡγούμενος. (the sophist of Abdera used to speak of coition as a miniature epilepsy, deeming it an incurable disease). _Gellius_, bk. XIX. ch. 2., indeed attributes this expression to Hippocrates, _Stobaeus_, Florileg. I. 6. De intemperantia, to Eryximachus.

[344] Eroticus ch. 19. in Plutarch, Opera Moralia, edit. A. G. Winckelmann, Vol. I. Zürich 1836. large 8vo.

[345] Manetho, Astronom. bk. IV. 486.,

ἐν αἷς _ὕβρις_, οὐ Κύπρις ἄρχει.

(women in whom overmastering insolence, not Love, rules).

[346] _Plutarch_, De capt. util. ex host. p. 88. f., οὐκοῦν μηδὲ μοιχὸν λοιδορήσῃς, αὐτὸς ὢν παιδομανής. (Therefore you must not reproach even an adulterer, being yourself a paedomaniac). Comp. _Jacobs_, Animadv. in Antholog. (Notes on the Anthology), I. II. p. 244. _Athenaeus_, XI. p. 464.

[347] _Isocrates_, Paneg. 32., ὕβρις παίδων (violence towards—violation of—boys). _Aeschines_, Timarch. pp. 5. and 26., πιπράσκειν τὸ σῶμα ἐφ’ ὕβρει and ὕβριν τοῦ σώματος (to buy the body for violation, violation of the body).

[348] _Aristotle_, Nicomach. Ethics bk. VII. ch. 5., ἀλλὰ μὴν οὕτω διατίθενται οἱ ἐν τοῖς πάθεσιν ὄντες· θυμοὶ γὰρ καὶ ἐπιθυμίαι ἀφροδισίων καὶ ἔνια τῶν τοιούτων ἐπιδήλως καὶ τὸ σῶμα μεθιστᾶσιν, ἐνίοις δὲ καὶ _μανίας_ ποιοῦσιν· δῆλον οὖν ὅτι ὁμοίως ἔχειν λεκτέον τοὺς _ἀκρατεῖς_ τούτοις. cap. 6. αἱ δὲ νοσηματώδεις ἢ ἐξ ἔθους, οἱον τριχῶν τίλσεις καὶ ὀνύχων τρώξεις, ἔτι δ’ ἀνθράκων καὶ γῆς, πρὸς δὲ τούτοις ἡ τῶν _ἀφροδισίων τοῖς ἄρρεσιν_· τοῖς μὲν γὰρ φύσει τοῖς δ’ ἐξ ἔθους συμβαίνουσιν, οἱον τοῖς ὑβριζομένοις ἐκ παίδων· ὅσοις μὲν οὖν φύσις αἰτία, τούτους μὲν οὐδεὶς ἂν εἴπειεν ἀκρατεῖς, ὥσπερ οὐδὲ τὰς γυναῖκας, ὅτι οὐκ ὀπυίουσιν ἀλλ’ ὀπυίονται.—πᾶσα γὰρ ὑπερβάλλουσα καὶ ἀφροσύνη καὶ δειλία καὶ ἀκολασία καὶ χαλεπότης αἱ μὲν θηριώδεις αἱ δὲ νοσηματώδεις εἰσίν. ch. 8. ἀνάγκη γὰρ τοῦτον μὴ εἰναι μεταμελητικόν, ὥστ’ ἀνίατος· _ὁ γὰρ ἀμεταμέλητος ἀνίατος_·—ὁ δ’ ἐλλείπων πρὸς ἃ οἱ πολλοὶ καὶ ἀντιτείνουσι καὶ δύνανται, οὗτος μαλακὸς καὶ τρυφῶν· καὶ γὰρ ἡ τρυφὴ μαλακία τίς ἐστιν· ὅς ἕλκει τὸ ἱμάτιον, ἵνα μὴ πονήσῃ τὴν ἀπὸ τοῦ αἴρειν λύπην κ. τ. λ. ... ἀλλ’ εἴ τις πρὸς ἃ οἱ πολλοὶ δύνανται ἀντέχειν, τούτων ἡττᾶται καὶ μὴ δύναται ἀντιτείνειν, μὴ διὰ φύσιν τοῦ γένους ἢ διὰ νόσον, οἷον _ἐν τοῖς Σκυθῶν βασιλεῦσιν ἡ μαλακία διὰ τὸ γένος_, καὶ ὡς τὸ θῆλυ πρὸς τὸ ἄρρεν διέστηκεν· δοκεῖ δὲ καὶ ὁ παιδιώδης ἀκόλαστος εἶναι, ἔστι δὲ μαλακός.—_ἀκρασίας_ δὲ τὸ μὲν προπέτεια τὸ δ’ _ἀσθένεια_· οἱ μὲν γὰρ βουλευσάμενοι οὐκ ἐμμένουσιν οἷς ἐβουλεύσαντο διὰ τὸ _πάθος_, οἱ δὲ διὰ τὸ μὴ βουλεύσασθαι ἄγονται _ὑπὸ τοῦ πάθους_. (ch. 5., But this is the very condition of people who are under the influence of passion; for fits of anger and the desires of sensual pleasures and some such things do unmistakably produce a change in the condition of the body, and in some cases actually cause madness. It is clear then that we must regard incontinent people as being in much the same condition as people so affected, i.e. people asleep or mad or intoxicated.—ch. 6., Other such states again are the results of a morbid disposition or of habit, as e.g. the practice of plucking out one’s hair, or biting one’s nails, or eating cinders and earth, _or of committing unnatural vice_; for these habits are sometimes natural,—when a person’s nature is vicious,—and sometimes acquired, as e.g. by those who are the victims of outrage from childhood. Now whenever nature is the cause of these habits, nobody would call people who give way to them incontinent, any more than we should call women incontinent for being not males, but females.—For all excess whether of folly, cowardice, incontinence, or savagery is either brutal or morbid.—ch. 8., for he is necessarily incapable of repentance and is therefore incurable, as to be incapable of _repentance is to be incurable_:—If a person gives in where people generally resist and are capable of resisting, he deserves to be called effeminate and luxurious; for luxury is a form of effeminacy. Such a person will let his cloak trail in the mud to avoid the trouble of lifting it up, etc.—if a person is mastered by things against which most people succeed in holding out, and is impotent to struggle against them, unless his impotence is due to hereditary constitution or to disease, as effeminacy is hereditary in the kings of Scythia, or as a woman is naturally weaker than a man. But the man addicted to boys would seem to be incontinent, and is effeminate.—_Incontinence_ assumes sometimes the form of impetuosity, and at other times that of _weakness_. Some men deliberate, but _their emotion_ prevents them from abiding by the result of their deliberation; others again do not deliberate, and are therefore carried away _by their emotion_).

This passage has been quite misunderstood by _Stark_, loco citato p. 27, for he has made it too refer to the νοῦσος θήλεια (feminine disease); in this error indeed _Camerarius_, (Explic. Ethic. Aristot. Nicomach.—Explanations of Aristotle’s Nicomachean Ethics—Frankfort 1578, 4to., p. 344) whom he cites, had preceded him. _Stark_ says: Excusat autor eos, qui propter naturae quandam mollitiem et levitatem vitiorum illecebris resistere nequeant. Haec infirmitas vel ex morbo procreata vel a sexus differente natura profecta esse potest. Quarum rationum exempla et _quidem alterius_ _διὰ νόσον_, _Scytharum morbum_, alterius διὰ φύσιν τοῦ γένους mulierum debilitatem affert. (The author is excusing such as on account of a certain softness and lightness of nature cannot resist the allurements of vice. This weakness may have been either induced by disease, or have sprung from the different nature of the sexes. Of which cases he gives two examples—_of the one_ διὰ νόσον (_on account of disease_), _the disease of the Scythians_, of the other διὰ φύσιν τοῦ γένους (on account of congenital nature), the relative weakness of women). But Aristotle says expressly in the passage that the μαλακία (softness, effeminacy) of the Scythians, as well as of a woman, was διὰ γένους (congenital),—that Scythians equally with women are weakly by birth; while his examples of the διὰ νόσον (on account of disease) do not come till further on. The Scythians, he says, like women, are μαλακοί (soft), and the same is true of the man who practises vices with boys (παιδιώδης); it is a part of their nature, and so they are not ἀκόλαστοι (“intemperate”), for the ἀκόλαστος is such a man as cannot owing to disease govern himself (ἀκρασία, ἀσθενεία, διὰ τὸ πάθος—incontinence, weakness, owing to passion). Thus the question cannot possibly be here of the νοῦσος θήλεια (feminine disease), but merely of a weakly, effeminate mode of life; and this is properly speaking μαλακία, while the vice of the pathic is called μαλθακία,—but the two words were constantly interchanged, and thus a part of the blame for the mistake may very well lie with the transcribers. A Pathic is habitually μαλακός, but the μαλακὸς is not necessarily also a Pathic. Hence it might very probably be right to read, as Aspasius and other editors have actually done, Περσῶν for Σκυθῶν (kings _of the Persians_ for kings _of the Scythians_), even though the MSS. show no variants; and indeed to confirm this one might bring forward the trailing of the cloak (ὃς ἕλκει τὸ ἱμάτιον—the man who trails his cloak) which is mentioned as an example, and which was, as is well known, a fashion among the Persians.—ch. 10., οὐ γὰρ πᾶς ὁ δι’ ἡδονήν τι πράττων οὔτ’ ἀκόλαστος οὔτε φαῦλος οὔτ’ ἀκρατής, ἀλλ’ ὁ δι’ αἰσχράν. (For not every man that does a thing for pleasure is “intemperate” or base or incontinent, but he that does it for _disgraceful_ pleasure).

[349] _Cicero_, De Divinat. I. 38., Aristoteles quidem eos etiam, qui valetudinis vitio furerent et melancholici dicerentur, censebat habere aliquid in animis praesagiens atque divinum. (Aristotle indeed considered that such men as were mad in consequence of ill-health and were called “melancholics”, also possessed in their minds somewhat of the prophetic and divine).

[350] _Aristotle_, Nicomach. Ethics VII. ch. 11., ὁ μὲν γὰρ ἀκρατὴς οὐκ ἐμμένει τῷ λόγῳ διὰ τὸ μᾶλλον. ch. 12. ἔτι ἐμπόδιον τῷ φρονεῖν αἱ ἡδοναὶ, καὶ ὅσῳ μᾶλλον χαίρει, μᾶλλον, οἷον τὴν τῶν ἀφροδισίων οὐδένα γὰρ ἂν δύνασθαι νοῆσαί τι ἐν αὐτῇ.... ἔτι παιδία καὶ θηρία διώκει τὰς ἡδονάς. (For the reason why the incontinent person does not abide by reason lies in an excess.—ch. 12., Pleasures too are an impediment to thoughtfulness, and the greater the pleasure, the greater the impediment, as e.g. the pleasure of love, for thought is out of the question, while it lasts.... And lastly children and brute beasts pursue pleasure).

[351] So _Quintilian_, Declam. III., says: Siculi in tantum vitio regnant, ut obscoenis cupiditatibus natura cesserit, ut pollutis _in femineam_ usque _patientiam_ maribus incurrat iam libido in sexum suum. (The Sicilians are so predominant in vice, that Nature has ceased to satisfy their fool lusts,—that males are debauched to _a feminine passivity_ (to suffer treatment proper to women), and men fall back for the gratification of their concupiscence on their own sex).

_Seneca_, Epist. 95., Libidine vero ne maribus quidem cedunt, _pati natae_. (In concupiscence they yield not even to males, _though born to the_ passive part).

[352] Nonne vehementissime admiraretur, si quisquam non gratissimum munus arbitraretur, virum se natum, sed depravato naturae beneficio in _mulierem convertere se_ properasset. (Should one not marvel exceedingly, if any man should fail to hold it a most excellent privilege to have been born a man, but should rather, degrading the gift of nature, have hasted _to turn himself into a woman_) says _Rutilius Lupus_, De figur. sentent. bk. II. Speaking of men who use unguents, _Clement of Alexandria_, Paedag. bk. II. ch. 8. p. 177., says, ἀνδρωνῖτιν ἐκθηλύνουσιν and τὰ γενικὰ ἐκθηλύνειν (they womanize their manhood, to womanize their sex). Similarly, though with a different reference, _Clearchus_ says of the Lydians, τέλος, τὰς ψυχὰς ἄποθηλυνθεντες ἦλλαξάντο τὸν τῶν γυναικῶν βίον. (in fine, having become womanized in their souls, they adopted the mode of life of women). _Athenaeus_, Deipnos. XII. p. 516.

[353] Hence paederastia is called also πασχητιασμός (practice of _passive_ lust) in _Lucian_, Gallus 32. _Clement of Alexandria_, Paedag. bk. II. ch. 10. _Eustathius_, Comment. in Hexameron. p. 38. Also the verb πασχητιάω (to indulge in passive lust) is found in _Lucian_, Amor. 26., in this sense. The same is excellently expressed by an anonymous poet in the Greek Anthology. bk. II. tit. 5. No. 2.,

Ἀνέρας ἠρνήσαντο, καὶ οὐκ ἐγένοντο γυναῖκες· Οὔτ’ ἄνδρες γεγάασιν, ἐπεὶ πάθων ἔργα γυναικῶν, Οὐδὲ γυναῖκες ἔασιν, ἐπεὶ φύσιν ἔλλαχον ἀνδρῶν. Ἀνέρες εἰσὶ γυναιξὶ καὶ ἀνδράσιν εἰσὶ γυναῖκες.

(They refused to be men, and failed to become women. They are no men, for they endure the tasks of women, nor yet are they women, for they inherited at birth the nature of men. Men are they to women, and women to men).

In _Aeschines_, Orat. in Timarch., edit. Reiske p. 128., the pathic Timarchus is called the γυνὴ (woman, wife) of Hegesander, his violator: θαυμασάντων δὲ ὑμῶν, πῶς ἀνὴρ καὶ γυνὴ, καὶ τίς ὁ λόγος, εἶπε μικρὸν διαλιπών· ἀγνοεῖτε, ἔφη, ὅ, τι λέγω· ὁ μὲν ἀνὴρ ἐστὶν Ἡγήσανδρος ἐκεῖνος νυνὶ, ἔφη, πρότερον δ’ ἦν καὶ αὐτὸς Λεωδάμαντος _γυνὴ· ἡ δὲ γυνὴ_ Τίμαρχος οὑτοσίν. (And when you wondered how he could be man and woman, and what the phrase meant, he replied after a moment’s pause. You don’t understand, he cried, what I mean. The husband is Hegesander yonder, he went on, now; but once Hegesander himself was _wife_ of Leodamas; and the _wife_ of Hegesander is Timarchus here). _St. Amphilochius_, who lived under Theodosius, says in his “Epistola iambica ad Seleucum” (Letter in iambic verse to Seleucus) vv. 90-99.,

ἄλλοι δ’ ἐκείνων ἔθνος ἀθλιώτατον, τῶν ἀῤῥένων τὴν δόξαν ἐξορχούμενον, μελῶν λιγυσμοῖς συγκατακλῶντες φύσιν. ἄνδρες, γυναῖκες ἄῤῥενες, θηλυδρίαι. Οὐκ ἄνδρες, οὐ γυναῖκες, ἀψευδεῖ λόγῳ. Τὸ μὲν γὰρ οὐ μένουσι, τὸ δ’ οὐκ ἔφθασαν, Ὃ μὲν γὰρ εἰσὶν οὐ μένουσι τῷ τρόπῳ, ὃ δ’ αὖ κακῶς θέλουσιν, οὐκ εἰσὶν φύσει. Ἀσωτίας αἴνιγμα καὶ γρίφος παθῶν. ἄνδρες γυναιξὶ καὶ γυναῖκες ἀνδράσιν.

(Others of them belong to that most miserable tribe that dances away their repute as man, breaking down their nature to the shrill tones of songs,—men that are male women, womanish men. Not men and not women are they in very truth. For the one sex they will not keep, the other they have not gained; for what they really are they remain not, such is their fashion, and what they foully long to be, that they are not, such is their nature. An enigma of uncleanness, and a riddle of lust. Men they are to women, and women to men).

Comp. _Barth_, Adversar. bk. XLIII. ch. 21. p. 1968., and the expression θήλεια Φιλόξενος (a feminine Philoxenus) quoted p. 169 above. The Romans also used their word _femina_ (woman, wife) in the same way; as may be gathered from _Ausonius_, Epigr. LXIX.—In eum qui muliebria patiebatur (On one who suffered himself to be treated as a woman), where we read at the end:

Nolo tamen veteris documenta arcessere famae. Ecce ego sum factus _femina_ de puero.

(Yet I need not call up instances from ancient legend. Lo! I myself have become _a woman_, who was erst a boy).

_Petronius_, Satir. 75, femina ipse mei domini fui.—I myself (masc.) was my master’s _wife_. Justin, Hist. Philipp. I. 3. _Curtius_, III. 10.

[354] Comp. _Epictetus_, Dissertat. I. 16. 10., and Upton on the passage.

[355] _Clement of Alexandria_, Paedag. bk. III. ch. 3., Εἰς τοσοῦτον δὲ ἄρα ἐλήλακεν ἡ χλιδὴ ὡς μὴ τὸ θῆλυ μόνον _νοσεῖν_ περὶ τὴν κενοσπουδίαν ταύτην, ἀλλὰ καὶ τοὺς ἄνδρας ζηλοῦν τὴν _νόσον_· μὴ γὰρ καθαρεύοντες καλλωπισμοῦ, _οὐχ ὑγιαίνουσιν_. πρὸς δὲ _τὸ μαλθακώτερον_ ἀποκλίνοντες, γυναικίζονται, κουρὰς μὲν ἀγεννεῖς, καὶ πορνικὰς ἀποκειρόμενοι· χλανίσι δὲ διαφανέσι περιπεπεμμένοι, καὶ μαστίχην τρώγοντες, ὄζοντες μύρου. Τί ἄν τις φαίη, τούτους ἰδών; ἀτεχνῶς καθάπερ μετωποσκόπος, ἐκ τοῦ σχήματος αὐτοὺς καταμαντεύεται, μοιχούς τε καὶ _ἀνδρογύνους, ἀμφοτέραν Ἀφροδίτην θηρωμένους_· μισότριχας, ἄτριχας· τὸ ἄνθος τὸ ἀνδρικὸν μυσαττομένους· τὰς κόμας δὲ ὥσπερ αἱ γυναῖκες κοσμουμένους.... Διὰ τούτους γοῦν πληρεῖς αἱ πόλεις πιττούντων, ξηρούντων, παρατιλλόντων τοὺς _θηλυδρίας_ τούτους· ἐργαστήρια δὲ κατεσκεύασται καὶ ἀνέῳκται πάντῃ· καὶ τεχνῖται τῆς ἑταιρικῆς ταύτης πορνείας, συχνὸν ἐμπολῶσιν ἀργύριον ἐμφανῶς, οἱ σφὰς καταπιττοῦσιν· καὶ τὰς τρίχας τοῖς ἀνασπῶσι πάντα τρόπον περιέχουσιν· οὐδὲν αἰσχυνόμενοι τοὺς ὁρῶντας, οὐδὲ τοὺς παριόντας, ἀλλ’ _οὐδὲ ἑαυτοὺς ἄνδρας ὄντας_. (To such a height then has wanton luxury advanced, that not merely the female sex is _sick_ with this eagerness after frivolities, but even men are eager after the _disease_; for indeed none being free from love of self-adornment, they are not _free from disease_. But giving way to effeminacy, they play at being women, cutting the hair in ignoble and meretricious fashion; decked out too in transparent robes, chewing mastich-gum and scented with myrrh. What should a man say, on seeing them? Why! exactly like a phrenologist, he divines them from their look as adulterers and _men-women, such as hunt after both kinds of Love_,—abhorrers of hair, hairless men, that loathe the bloom of manhood,—men that dress their locks like women.—For these men’s needs cities are full of such as apply pitch-ointments, sear and pluck out the hairs of these _effeminates_. For this purpose shops are established and open everywhere; and artistes of this meretricious harlotry earn many a fee openly, the artistes that lay on the pitch-ointments for them. And to those that pluck out their hairs they offer every facility, feeling no shame of spectators nor of passers-by, nay! _nor even of themselves that are no men_).

[356] Clement of Alexandria, Paedagog., bk. III. ch. 5., δι’ ἀλαζονείαν περιττὴν, μάλιστα δὲ τὴν αὐτεξούσιον ἀπαιδευσίαν, καθ’ ἣν κατηγοροῦσιν ἀνάνδρων ἀνδρῶν, πρὸς γυναικῶν κεκρατημένων, ἀποδεικνύμεναι. (Known by their excessive chicanerie, and particularly that voluntary indiscipline of character, whereof they accuse womanish men that are mastered by women).

[357] “Besides haemorrhoidal swellings are a very usual symptom with these unhappy sufferers; and _when the evil has reached its highest development, the power of erection in the male member is completely lost, the scrotum entirely relaxed and the testicles flaccid_,” _C. L. Klose_ in Ersch und Gruber, Encyclopädie: Article, Paederastia, Sect. III Vol. 9. p. 148. In fact it is the usual practice of the paederast to elicit the pathic’s semen at the same time by using the hand!

[358] περὶ ὕψους, ch. 28., Καὶ τὸ ἀμίμητον ἐκεῖνο τοῦ Ἡροδότου, τῶν δὲ Σκυθέων τοῖς συλήσασι τὸ ἱερὸν ἐνέβαλεν ἡ θεὸς _θήλειαν νοῦσον_. (And that inimitable phrase of Herodotus’, “and on such of the Scythians as plundered her temple the goddess inflicted _feminine disease_.”)

[359] De figuris, edit. J. Fr. Boissonade. London 1818. 8vo., ch. 35 pp. 56 sqq., Περίφρασις δ’ ἔστιν ὅταν τῆς ἁπλῆς καὶ εὐθεῖας γινομένης ἑρμενείας εὐτελοῦς οὔσης, μεταβαλλόντες, κόσμου ἕνεκα ἢ πάθους, ἢ μεγαλοπρεπείας, ἄλλοις ὀνόμασι, καὶ πλείοσι τῶν κυρίων καὶ ἀναγκαίων, τὸ πρᾶγμα ἑρμηνεύσωμεν· οἷον ἐστὶ—παρὰ δὲ Ἡροδότῳ, ἐνέσκηψεν _ἡ θεὸς θήλειαν νόσον, ἀντὶ τοῦ ἐποίησεν ἀνδρογύνους ἢ κατεαγότας_. (for translation see text above). The Greek word κατεαγότας (broken, enervated) corresponds to the Latin _percisus_. The Romans undoubtedly used _effeminatus_ (effeminate) as synonymous with _cinaedus_, as is shown by a passage in _Seneca_, De benefic., bk. VII. ch. 25., Aristippus aliquando delectatus unguento, male, inquit, istis _effeminatis_ eveniat, qui rem tam bellam infamaverunt. (On one occasion Aristippus being much pleased with a certain perfume, said: Confound those vile _effeminates_, who have made so fine a delicacy infamous). This is obviously a free translation of the Greek words as they stand in _Diogenes Laertius_, Vita Aristippi, bk. II. ch. 8. note 4.,—and in _Clement of Alexandria_, Paedag., bk. II. ch. 8. p. 279., Ἀρίστιππος γοῦν ὁ φιλόσοφος, χρισάμενος μύρῳ, κακοὺς κακῶς ἀπολωλέναι χρῆναι τοὺς κιναίδους ἔφασκεν, τοῦ μύρου τὴν ὠφέλειαν εἰς λοιδορίαν διαβεβληκότας. (Now Aristippus the philosopher, after he had anointed himself with myrrh, said, foully should the foul cinaedi perish, because they have brought into disrepute that excellent creature myrrh.).

[360] Bk. IV. ch. 67.

[361] Perhaps it is from this that Bacchus gets his secondary title of _Attis_. _Clement of Alexandria_, Ad Gentes, p. 12, says, δι’ ἣν αἰτίαν οὐκ ἀπεικότως τὸν Διόνυσόν τινες Ἄττιν προσαγορεύεσθαι θέλουσιν, αἰδοίων ἐστερημένον. (For which reason some maintain, and not without probability, that Dionysus is called Attis, as being deprived of the genital organs). According to the Scholiast to _Lucian_, De Dea Syra, ch. 16, Dionysus was roaming about in the search for his mother Semelé, when he came upon Polyymnus, and the latter promised to reveal his mother’s place of abode, if he would practise paederastia with him. This he did, and Polyymnus accompanied him to Lerna, where Semelé would seem to have been, and died there. Mourning the death of his paederast, Dionysus hewed out of fig-tree wood private parts of wood, and carried them about with him constantly in memory of Polyymnus. For this reason Dionysus is worshipped with Phallic emblems. (λυπηθεὶς δὲ ὁ Διόνυσος, ὅτε ὁ ἑραστὴς αὐτοῦ ἔθνησκε, αἰδοῖον ξύλινον ἐκ συκίνου ξύλου πελεκήσας, κατεῖχεν ἀεὶ πρὸς μνήμην τοῦ Πολυύμνου· διὰ ταύτην τὴν αἰτίαν τοῖς φαλλοῖς τιμῶσιν τὸν Διόνυσον.) The story is related at greater length by _Clement of Alexandria_, Cohortat. ad Gentes, p. 22; but he calls the lover Prosymnus (as does _Arnobius_, bk. V. 27. Comp. Tzetzes, in Lycophron., 213), and actually makes Bacchus practise _Onania postica_ (Masturbation by the posterior), for he says: ἀφοσιούμενος τῷ ἐραστῇ ὁ Διόνυσος, ἐπὶ τὸ μνημεῖον ὁρμᾷ, καὶ _πασχητιᾷ_· κλάδον οὖν συκῆς, ὡς ἔτυχεν, ἐκτεμνὼν ἀνδρείου μορίου σκευάζεται τρόπον· _ἐφέζεταί τε τῷ κλάδῳ_, τὴν ὑπόχεσιν ἐκτελῶν τῷ νεκρῷ ὑπόμνημα τοῦ πάθους τούτου μυστικὸν· φαλλοὶ κατὰ πόλεις ἀνίστανται Διονύσῳ. (Dionysus by way of performing due service to his lover’s memory, hastens to his tomb, and proceeds to _practise passive lust_. So cutting down the branch of a fig-tree, he fashions it to a semblance of a man’s member; and then he _mounts the branch in a sitting posture_, fulfilling his promise to the dead man,—a mystic memorial of his pathic loves. Phalli are set up in Cities in honour of Dionysus). In Arnobius, loco citato, we read that Dionysus: Ficorum ex arbore ramum validissimum praeferens dolat, runcinat, levigat et humani penis fabricatur in speciem: figit super aggerem tumuli, et postica ex parte nudatus, accedit, subdit, insidit. Lascivia deinde luxuriantis assumpta, huc atque illuc clunes torquet et meditatur ab ligno pati, quod iam dudum in veritate promiserat.—(Bringing with him a sturdy branch of a fig-tree, hews, planes and smoothes it, and fashions it into the shape of a man’s penis; then he fixes it upright on the mound of the tomb, and stripping his posteriors, advances, mounts, and sits down on it. Then imitating the lascivious motions of a wanton in the act, writhes his buttocks this way and that, and imagines himself to be receiving from the wooden member the treatment which he had long ago promised in reality). Similarly we read in _Petronius_, Sat., Profert Enothea _scorteum fascinum_ quod ut oleo et minuto pipere atque urticae trito circumdedit semine, paulatim coepit inserere ano meo. (Enothea produces a _man’s member made of leather_, which first of all she covered with oil and ground pepper and pounded nettle-seed, and then began by degrees to push it up my anus). Now too we shall be able to explain to our satisfaction what is the meaning of the phrase συκίνη ἐπικουρία ἐπὶ τῶν ἀσθενῶν (_fig-wood_ succour,—said of weak allies), which is mentioned by _Suidas_ under the word ὄλισβος (artificial member), and for which in the passage quoted above _Aristophanes_ substitutes σκυτίνη ’πικουρία (_leathern_ succour). On this the Scholiast observes: σκυτίνην ἐπικουρίαν καλεῖ τὴν σκυτίνην βοήθειον, εἴτε τὴν δερματίνην βοήθειαν, τὴν πληροῦσαν ἐπιθυμίαν ἀντὶ τῶν ἀνδρῶν· τοῦτο δὲ ποιοῦσιν αἱ ἀκόλαστοι γυναῖκες· σκυτίνην δὲ ἐπικουρίαν λέγει, παρὰ τὴν παροιμίαν· Συκίνη ἐπικουρία· ἐπὶ τῶν ἀσθενῶν βοηθημάτων καὶ ἴσως ἐνταῦθα γραπτέον, συκίνη ἀντὶ τοῦ σκυτίνη. (_leathern succour_: so Aristophanes calls the leathern help, or help of hide, the instrument that satisfies (women’s) longings in default of men. This is a practice that incontinent women follow. He says leathern (σκυτίνη), succour playing on the proverb, “Fig-wood (συκίνη) succour”, said of weak efforts at assistance. Possibly we should read συκίνη (of fig-wood) for σκυτίνη (of leather) here. Again: _σκυτάλαι_· στρογγύλα καὶ λεῖα ξύλα.—_σκυτάλη_· βακτηρία ἀκροπαχής (batons: rounded and polished staves)—(baton: a blunt-pointed staff) in _Suidas_, and the passage in Aristophanes, τοῦτ’ ἔστ’ ἐκεῖνο τῶν σκυτάλων, ὧν πέρδετο (this is the particular baton that made him break wind), which _Suidas_, under the word σκυτάλον (baton) has obviously misunderstood, just as much as the Scholiast has. For in all these passages it is the _Priapus ficulnus_ (Priapus of fig-wood), also well-known to the Romans, that we must understand to be intended. Apposite in this connection is Horace’s (Sat I. 8. 1.), Olim truncus eram, inutile lignum (Once the trunk of a fig-tree was I, a useless log,)—on which the commentators have wasted a host of extraordinary interpretations.

[362] Symposion, p. 189., _ἀνδρόγυνον_ γὰρ ἓν τότε μὲν ἦν καὶ εἶδος, _καὶ ὄνομα, ἐξ ἀμφοτέρων κοινὸν τοῦ τε ἄῤῥενος καὶ θήλεος_. (For then there was a third, a man-woman, sex, in form as well as in name, commingled of both sexes, the male and the female.) Plainer still is this passage from _Lucian_, Amores 28., πᾶσα δὲ ἡμῶν ἡ γυναικωνῖτις ἔστω Φιλαινὶς, _ἀνδρογύνους ἔρωτας_ ἀσχημονοῦσα. καὶ πόσῳ κρεῖττον εἰς ἄῤῥενα τρυφὴν βιάζεσθαι γυναῖκα ἢ τὸ γενναῖον ἀνδρῶν εἰς γυναῖκα θηλύνεσθαι· (And let all our women’s apartments be Philaenis, foully indulging in male-female loves. And how much better it were that a woman should trespass on male wantonness than that the noble manliness of men should be effeminated and made womanish.) _Clement of Alexandria_, Paedag., bk. II. ch. 10., ἐντεῦθεν συμφανὲς ἡμῖν ὁμολογουμένως παραιτεῖσθαι δεῖν τὰς ἀῤῥενομιξίας, καὶ τὰς ἀκράτους σπορὰς καὶ κατόπιν εὐνὰς καὶ τὰς ἀσυμφύεις _ἀνδρογύνους κοινωνίας_. (Hence it is manifest we ought avowedly to deprecate intercourse with males and inordinate embraces and copulation behind and unnatural _unions of men-women_.) A little further on the same author says, αἱ δολεραὶ γυναῖκες καὶ _τῶν ἀνδρῶν οἱ γυναικώδεις_. (deceitful women and the _womanish kind_ of men,) and speaks of θηλυδριώδης ἐπιθυμία (effeminate lustfulness). A résumé of pretty nearly all words of this class is given by _Suidas_, s. v. Ἄῤῥεν καὶ Ἀῤῥενικῶς. Καὶ ἡμίανδρος καὶ ἡμιγύναιξ καὶ διγενὴς καὶ θηλυδρίας, καὶ ἑρμαφρόδιτος, καὶ ἴθρις, οὗ ἰσχὺς τεθέρισται· καὶ ἀῤῥενωπὸς, ὁ ἀνδρόγυνος· καὶ ὁ ἀνδρεῖος· ὁ στεῤῥὸς· λέγουσι δ’ οὕτω τὰ μὲν ἄλλα γύνιδας, ἔχοντας δέ τι ἀνδρόμορφον. Ἱππῶναξ δὲ, ἡμίανδρον, τὸν οἷον ἡμιγύναικα· λέγεται δὲ καὶ ἀπόκοπος, καὶ βάκηλος [βάτταλος] καὶ ἀνδρόγυνος, καὶ Γάλλος, καὶ γύννις, καὶ Ἄττις καὶ εύνουχώδης. (under the words Ἄῤῥεν and ἀῤῥενικῶς (masculine, masculinely): Semi-man, semi-woman, double-sexed, womanish man, hermaphrodite, eunuch—one whose virility has been cut; masculine-looking, the man-woman,—also the manly, the strong, man. By such names are signified effeminate men that yet have some look of men. Hipponax also uses in this sense semi-man, and its synonym semi-woman. Such a one is called also castrated, eunuch (pathic), man-woman, Gallus—eunuch-priest of Cybelé, Attis, eunuch-like.) The same holds good of the word εὐνοῦχος (eunuch), which by no means signifies only actual castrated eunuchs. Thus _Clement of Alexandria_, Paedagog., bk. III. ch. 4., says, εὐνοῦχος δὲ ἀληθὴς, οὐχ ὁ μὴ δυνάμενος, ἀλλ’ ὁ μὴ βουλόμενος φιληδεῖν· ... εὐνοῦχοι πολλοὶ, καὶ οὗτοι μαστροποὶ τῷ ἀξιοπίστῳ τοῦ μὴ δύνασθαι φιληδεῖν, τοῖς εἰς ἡδονὰς ἐθέλουσι ῥαθυμεῖν ἀνυπόπτως διακονούμενοι. (But the true eunuch is not he that cannot, but he that will not, love.... Many eunuchs, and these serving as pandars, by reason of the certainty that they cannot love, to such as are fain to indulge in secure pleasures without suspicion.)

[363] Oneirocritica., bk. V. ch. 65., Ἔδοξέ τις τὸ αἰδοῖον αὐτοῦ ἄχρις ἄκρας τῆς κορώνης τετριχῶσθαι, καὶ λάσιον εἶναι πυκνῶν πάνυ τριχῶν αἰφνίδιον φυεισῶν· ἀποπεφασμένος κίναιδος ἐγένετο πάσῃ μὲν ἀκολάστῳ χρησάμενος ἡδονῇ, _θηλυδρίας ὢν καὶ ἀνδρόγυνος_, μόνῳ δὲ τῷ αἰδοίῳ κατὰ νόμον ἀνδρῶν μὴ χρώμενος. Τοιγαροῦν οὕτως ἤδη ἀργὸν ἦν αὐτῷ τὸ μέρος ἐκεῖνο, ὡς διὰ τὸ μὴ τρίβεσθαι πρὸς ἕτερον σῶμα καὶ τρίχας ἐκφύσαι. (for translation see text above).

[364] _Ἀνδρόγυνον_ κωμῳδεῖν ἔδοξέ τις δρᾶμα· ἐνόσησεν αὐτῷ τὸ αἰδοῖον. Γάλλους ὁρᾶν ἔδοξέ τις· ἐνόσησεν αὐτῷ τὸ αἰδοῖον. Τὸ μὲν πρῶτον διὰ τὸ ὄνομα οὕτως ἀπέβη, τὸ δὲ δεύτερον διὰ τὸ συμβεβηκὸς τοῖς ὁρωμένοις. Καί τοι καὶ τὸ κωμῳδεῖν οἰσθα ὃ σημαίνει, καὶ τὸ Γάλλους ὁρᾶν. Μέμνησο δὲ, ὅτι, εἴτε κωμῳδεῖν, εἴτε τραγῳδεῖν ὑπολάβοι τις, καὶ μνημονεύει, κατά τὴν ὑπόθεσιν τοῦ δράματος κρίνεται καὶ τὰ ἀποτελέσματα. (for translation see text above). The signification of κωμῳδεῖν and τραγῳδεῖν (to represent Comedy, Tragedy) is given by _Artemidorus_, bk. I. ch. 56. As to the _Galli_ comp. bk. II. 69. In bk. II. ch. 12. we read: Ὕαινα δὲ γυναῖκα σημαίνει _ἀνδρόγυνον_ ἢ φαρμακίδα, καὶ ἄνδρα κίναιδον οὐκ εὐγνώμονα. (Hyaena signifies a woman that is _male-female_ or a sorceress, and a man that is a cinaedus without moderation). It was a widespread belief amongst the Ancients that the hyaena was at one time a male and at another a female (comp. _Aelian_, Hist. anim., I. 25. _Horapollo_, Hieroglyph., II. 65. _Ovid_, Metamorph., Bk. XV. Fab. 38. _Tertullian_, De Pallio, ch. 3.). As early however as the time of _Aristotle_ it had been declared a fable by him, Hist. anim., Bk. VI. ch. 32., and _Clement of Alexandria_ says the same, Paedagog., II. 9. Yet the idea was still cherished at the beginning of the present Century at the Cape of Good Hope, see _Corn. de Jong_, “Reise nach dem Vorgebirge der Guten Hoffnung,” (Voyage to the Cape of Good Hope). Hamburg 1803. Pt I. Letter 6. _Clement of Alexandria_, Paedagog., bk. II. ch. 9., tells a still more remarkable tale of the hare, καὶ τὸν μὲν λαγῶν κατ’ ἔτεος πλεονεκτεῖν φασὶ τὴν ἀφόδευσιν, εἰς ἀριθμοὺς οἱς βεβίωκεν ἔτεσιν ἴσχοντα τρυπάς· ταύτῃ ἄρα τὴν κώλυσιν τῆς ἐδωδῆς τοῦ λαγὼ, παιδεραστίας ἐμφαίνειν ἀποτροπὴν. (Moreover it is said that the hare gets every year fresh means of voiding its excrement, having holes corresponding to the number of years it has lived; and that for this reason the prohibition against eating hare appears to be a dissuasion from paederastia). This is confirmed by St. Barnabas, Epist., ch. 10. and by _Pliny_, Hist. Nat., VIII. 55. To this fable also we must look for an explanation of the proverbial saying δασύπους κρεῶν ἐπιθυμεῖ (puss longs for flesh-meats), and Lepus tute es, et pulmentum quaeris? (Are _you_ a hare, and look for condiments?) in _Terence_, Eunuch., III. 36. Possibly too the κύων τεῦτλα οὐ τρώγει (dog does not gnaw pot-herbs) of Diogenes has a connection with the same notion,—Diogenes Laertius, VI. 2. 6. So _Strato_ in the distich (_Greek Anthology_ bk. I. tit. 72. No. 6.):

Ἔστι Δράκων τὶς ἔφηβος, ἄγαν καλὸς· ἀλλὰ δράκων ὢν Πῶς εἰς τὴν τρώγλην ἄλλον _ὄφιν δέχεται_;

(A certain youth there is, Draco (serpent) by name, very fair to see; but being a serpent, how comes it he _takes another snake_ into his hole?) _Aristophanes_, Eccles., 904., κἀπὶ τῆς κλίνης _ὄφιν_ εὕροις, (and on your bed may you find a _snake_), on which the Scholiast comments ὄφις—λαμβάνεται ἀντὶ τοῦ αἰδοίου οὐ τεταμένου δηλαδὴ, ἀλλ’ ἀνειμένου. (ὄφις—snake: to be taken as meaning the privy member,—not erect that is, but relaxed). So in the _Priapeia_, LXXXIII. 33., we find: licebit aeger, _angue_ lentior (will be reckoned as sick, slacker than a snake).

[365] _Clement of Alexandria_, Paedagog., Bk. II. ch. 10., οὐδὲ τῶν κατεαγότων, τούτων δὴ τῶν τὴν κιναιδίαν τὴν ἄφωνον ἐπὶ τὰς σκηνὰς μετιόντων ὀρχηστῶν ἀποῤῥέουσαν εἰς τοσοῦτον ὕβρεως τὴν ἐσθῆτα περιορώντων. (nor yet of the debauchees, those dancers I mean that bring onto the stage cinaedia in pantomime, and suffer their costume to flow loosely to such a degree of indecency).

[366] _Naumann_ (Schmidt’s Jahrbuch 1837. Vol. 13. p. 100.) says: Ἐναρέες, probably a Scythian word, calls to mind the dwarf _Anar_ or _Onar_ in the old Northern Mythology,—a eunuch in a sort, but who was nevertheless reverenced as father-in-law of Odin. (_J. Grimm_, “Deutsche Mythologie” (German Mythology). Göttingen 1835. p. 424). With this Hippocrates’ statement would agree, according to which these eunuchs were regarded by their countrymen with a reverence almost as if they had been gods.—As to this, first observe that it yet remains to be proved that the Scythian language belongs to the Indo-Germanic family, secondly that with Onar or Anar there is no question at all of a _non-man_ or actual _eunuch_, for Anar _begat a daughter on Notta_. This daughter, Jördh, was wife of Odin, making Anar Odin’s father-in-law.

[367] Such a corruption of the word on the part of Herodotus is all the more likely, as it is clearly established by modern investigations (as indeed _Heyne_, loco citato, maintained long ago) that he never was in Scythia proper. Comp. _Herodoti Musae_, edit. _J. Ch. F. Baehr_, Vol. IV. Leipzig 1835., p. 395., and Vol. I. p. 455. _C. G. L. Heyse_, De Herodoti vita et intineribus Diss. (Dissertation on the Life and Journeys of Herodotus). Berlin 1826. 8vo. p. 104.

[368] Deipnos., bk. XII. p. 530 D.

[369] _Hesychius does_ give the word ἀνάρσιοι, and explains it by ἀνάρμοστοι πολέμιοι· ἀπὸ τοῦ μὴ συνηρμοσθῆναι τοῖς ἤθεσιν. (incompatible foes: from their not being _compatible in character and disposition_). Plutarch, περὶ τῆς ἐν Τιμαίῳ ψυχογονίας (On the Generation of the Soul in Plato’s “Timaeus”) near the end says: οἱ ποιηταὶ καλοῦσιν _ἀναρσίους_ τοὺς ἐχθροὺς καὶ τοὺς πολεμίους, ὡς ἀναρμοστίαν τὴν διαφορὰν οὖσαν. (the poets call _incompatible_ such as are hostile and at enmity, the difference being irreconcileable). _Zonaras_, Lexicon, writes: s. v. _ἀνάρσιοι_· ἐχθροί· _ἀδικοί_· ἀνάρμοστοι. (under the word ἀνάρσιοι—incompatible: hostile; _unjust_; irreconcileable). Similarly the Etymologicum Magnum; s. v. _ἀνάρσιοι_· ἀδικοὶ, ἐχθροί.—ὁ ἀνάρμοστος καὶ ἀσύμφωνος· Ὦρος· πολέμιος, _ὑβριστής_· καὶ _ἄναρσις_· νεῖκος, πόλεμος. (under the word ἀνάρσιοι—incompatible: _unjust_, hostile,—one that is irreconcileable, discordant. Orus (the Grammarian) gives: enemy, _overbearing_ man; also _ἄναρσις_,—incompatibility: strife, war). According to this we might very well read for ἐναρέες ἀνάρσιοι; for the Temple-robbers had been ἄδικοι and ὑβρισταὶ (unjust, overbearing), and were further known as pathics—whose vice was ἀδικία and ὕβρις (injustice, overbearing violence), as we have seen again and again. Another point is that _Homer_, Iliad XXIV. 365., Odyssey X. 459., uses the expression ἀνάρσιοι in the sense of ὑβρισταὶ, ἄδικοι (overbearing, unjust men), and this fact was always likely to be of weight with Herodotus, even when he was translating a foreign word. Inasmuch as the word ἀνάρσιοι had several meanings, he may very well have added the ἀνδρόγυνοι in the second passage, instead of the καλοῦσι Σκύθαι (the Scythians call it), in explanation of it.

[370] Liber quisquis virtuti studet. Opera. edit. Mangey, Vol. II. p. 465., Λέγετο γοῦν, ὅτι θεασάμενός τινα τῶν ὠνουμένων, _ὃν θήλεια νόσος εἶχεν_ ἐκ τῆς ὄψεως _οὐκ ἄῤῥενα_, προελθὼν ἔφη, σύ με πρίω· σὺ γὰρ ἀνδρὸς χρείαν ἔχειν μοι δοκεῖς· ὡς τὸν μὲν δυσωπηθέντα ἐφ’ οἷς ἑαυτῷ σύνοιδε, καταδῦναι, τοὺς δὲ ἄλλους τὸ σὺν εὐτολμίᾳ εὐθυβόλον ἐκπλήττεσθαι. (for translation see text above).

_Diogenes Laertius_, bk. VI. ch. 2. note 4, relates the story only in outline: Φησὶ δὲ Μένιππος ἐν τῇ Διογένους πράσει, ὡς ἁλοὺς καὶ πωλούμενος ἠρωτήθη τί οἶδε ποιεῖν; ἀπεκρίνατο, Ἀνδρῶν ἄρχειν· καὶ πρὸς τὸν κήρυκα, Κήρυσσε, ἔφη, εἴ τις ἐθέλει δεσπότην αὑτῷ πρίασδαι. (Menippus says in the sale of Diogenes that the philosopher, a captive and for sale as a slave, was asked what he could do. He answered, “Govern men”; turning to the crier and adding, “Cry!—does anyone wish to buy a master to govern him?”). Comp. ibid. note 9.

[371] De Specialibus Legibus, pp. 305 sqq., Ἐπεισκεκώμακε δὲ ταῖς πόλεσιν ἕτερον πολὺ τοῦ λεχθέντος μεῖζον κακὸν _τὸ παιδεραστεῖν_, ὃ πρότερον μὲν καὶ λεχθῆναι μέγα ὄνειδος ἦν, νυνὶ δ’ ἐστὶν αὔχημα _οὐ τοῖς δρῶσι μόνον, ἀλλὰ καὶ τοῖς πάσχουσιν, οἱ νόσον θήλειαν νοσεῖν ἐθιζόμενοι_. τάς τε ψυχὰς καὶ τὰ σώματα διαῤῥέουσι, μηδὲν ἐμπύρευμα τῆς ἄῤῥενος γενεᾶς ἐῶντες ὑποτύφεσθαι, περιφανῶς οὕτως τὰς τῆς κεφαλῆς τρίχας ἀναπλεκόμενοι καὶ διακοσμούμενοι, καὶ ψιμμυθίῳ καὶ ψύκεσι καὶ τοῖς ὁμοιοτρόποις τὰς ὄψεις τριβόμενοι, καὶ ὑπογραφόμενοι, καὶ εὐώδεσι μύροις λίπα χριόμενοι (προσαγωγὸν γὰρ μάλιστα ἐν τοῖς τοιούτοις τὸ εὐῶδες) ἐν πᾶσι τοῖς εἰς εὐκοσμίαν ἠσκημένοις καὶ τὴν ἄῤῥενα φύσιν ἐπιτηδεύσει· τεχνάζοντας _εἰς θήλειαν_ μεταβάλλειν, οὐκ ἐρυθριῶσι. Καθ’ ὧν φονᾷν ἄξιον νόμῳ πειθαρχοῦντας, ὃς κελεύει _τὸν ἀνδρόγυνον_ τὰ φύσεως νόμιμα παρακόπτοντα, νηποινεὶ τεθνάναι, μηδεμίαν ἡμέραν ἀλλὰ μηδ’ ὥραν ἐώμενοι ζῇν, ὄνειδος αὑτοῦ καὶ οἰκίας καὶ πατρίδος ὄντα καὶ τοῦ σύμπαντος ἀνθρώπων γένους. Ὁ δὲ παιδεραστὴς ἔστω τὴν αὐτὴν δίκην ὑπομένων, ἐπειδὴ τὴν παρὰ φύσιν ἡδονὴν διώκει, καὶ τὰς πόλεις, τό γ’ ἐπ’ αὐτὸν ἧκον μέρος, ἐρήμους καὶ κενὰς ἀποδείκνυσιν οἰκητόρων, διαφθείρων τὰς γονὰς, καὶ προσέτι, τῶν μεγίστων κακῶν, _ἀνανδρίας_ καὶ _μαλακίας_ ὑφηγητὴς καὶ διδάσκαλος ἀξιοῖ γίνεσθαι· τοὺς νέους ὡραΐζων καὶ τὸ τῆς ἀκμῆς ἄνθος ἐκθηλεύων. ὃ πρὸς ἀλκὴν καὶ ῥώμην ἀλείφειν ἁρμόττον ἦν. Καὶ τελευταῖον, ὅτι κακοῦ τρόπον γεωργοῦ, τὰς μὲν βαθυγείους καὶὧνὡν δ’ οὐδὲν βλάστημα προσδοκᾶται τὸ παράπαν, εἰς ταῦτα πονεῖται καθ’ ἡμέραν καὶ νύκτωρ. Αἴτιον δ’ οἶμαι, τὸ παρὰ πολλοῖς τῶν δήμων, _ἀκρασίας_ καὶ _μαλακίας_ ἆθλα κεῖσθαι. Τοὺς γοῦν _ἀνδρογύνους_ ἰδεῖν ἐστὶ διὰ πληθούσης ἀγορᾶς ἀεὶ σοβοῦντας, κἂν ταῖς ἑορταῖς προπομπεύοντας καὶ τὰ ἱερὰ τοὺς ἀνιέρους διειληχότας, καὶ μυστηρίων καὶ τελετῶν κατάρχοντας, καὶ τὰ Δήμητρος ὀργιάζοντας. Ὅσοι δ’ αὐτῶν τὴν καλὴν νεανιείαν προσεπιτείνοντες, εἰς ἅπαν ὠρέχθησαν μεταβολῆς τᾶς εἰς γυναῖκας, τὰ γεννητικὰ προσαπέκοψαν, ἁλουργίδας ἀμπεχόμενοι, καθάπερ οἱ μεγάλων ἀγαθῶν αἴτιοι ταῖς πατρίσι, προέρχοντο δορυφορούμενοι, τοὺς ὑπαντῶντας ἐπιστρέφοντες. Εἰ δ’ ἦν ἀγανάκτησις οἵα παρὰ τῷ ἡμετέρῳ νομοθέτῃ, κατὰ τῶν τὰ τοιαῦτα τολμώντων· καὶ ὡς κοινὰ τῶν πατρίδων ἄγη καὶ μιάσματα δίχα συγγνώμης ἀνῃροῦντο, πολλοὺς ἂν ἑτέρους νουθετεῖσθαι συνέβαινεν. Αἱ γὰρ τῶν προκαταγνωσθέντων τιμωρίαι ἀπαραίτητοι, ἀνακοπην οὐ βραχεῖαν ἐργάζοντο τοῖς ζηλωταῖς τῶν ὁμοίων ἐπιτηδευμάτων. (for translation see text above)

[372] De vita contemplativa, p. 480., Τὸ δὲ Πλατωνικὸν ὅλον σχεδόν ἐστι περὶ ἔρωτος, οὐκ ἀνδρῶν ἐπὶ γυναιξὶν ἐπιμανέντων, ἢ γυναικῶν ἀνδράσιν αὐτὸ μόνον (ἐπιτελοῦντο γὰρ αἱ ἐπιθυμίαι αὗται νόμῳ φύσεως)· ἀλλὰ ἀνδρῶν ἄρσεσιν ἡλικίᾳ μόνον διαφέρουσι. Καὶ γὰρ εἴτι περὶ ἔρωτος καὶ οὐρανίου Ἀφροδίτης κεκομψεῦσθαι δοκεῖ, χάριν ἀστεϊσμοῦ παρείληπται· τὸ γὰρ πλεῖστον αὐτοῦ μέρος ὁ κοινὸς καὶ πάνδημος Ἔρως διείληφεν· ἀνδρείαν μὲν τὴν βιωφελεστάτην ἀρετὴν κατὰ πόλεμον καὶ κατ’ εἰρήνην ἀφαιρούμενος, _θήλειαν δὲ νόσον ταῖς ψυχαῖς ἀπεργαζόμενος, καὶ ἀνδρογύνους κατασκευάζων_, οὓς ἐχρῆν πᾶσι τοῖς πρὸς ἀλκὴν ἐπιτηδεύμασι συγκροτεῖσθαι. Λυμῃνάμενος δὲ τὴν παιδικὴν ἡλικίαν καὶ εἰς ἐρωμένης τάξιν καὶ διάθεσιν ἀγαγὼν, ἐζημίωσε καὶ τοὺς ἐραστὰς περὶ τὰ ἀναγκαιότατα, σῶμά τε καὶ ψυχὴν καὶ οὐσίαν. Ἀνάγκη γὰρ τοῦ παιδεραστοῦ τὸν μὲν νοῦν τετάσθαι πρὸς τὰ παιδικὰ, καὶ πρὸς ταῦτα μόνον ὀξυδερκοῦντα, πρὸς δὲ τὰ ἄλλα πάντα ἴδιά τε καὶ κοινὰ τυφλούμενον ἀπὸ τῆς ἐπιθυμίας καὶ μάλιστα εἰ ἀποτυγχάνοιτο, συντήκεσθαι· τὴν δὲ οὐσίαν ἐλαττοῦσθαι διχόθεν, ἔκ τε ἀμελείας, καὶ τῶν εἰς τὸν ἐρώμενον ἀναλωμάτων. Παραφύετο δὲ καὶ μεῖζον ἄλλο πάνδημον κακόν· ἐρημίαν γὰρ πόλεων, καὶ σπάνιν τοῦ ἀρίστου γένους ἀνθρώπων, καὶ στείρωσιν καὶ ἀγονίαν τεχνάζονται, οἳ μιμοῦνται τοὺς ἀνεπιστήμονας τήν γεωργίας, κ. τ. λ. (for translation see text above). This passage at any rate shows beyond a doubt that _Philo_ quite failed to understand _Plato_, who not only clearly and distinctly distinguishes paedophilia from paederastia, but also analyzes at length the injuries to body and soul the latter involves on the pathic,—particularly in the _Phaedrus_, pp. 239-241, which we beg the reader to consult. To quote textually would occupy too much space.

[373] De Abrahamo, pp. 20. sqq., Οὐ γὰρ μόνον θηλυμανοῦντες ἀλλοτρίους γάμους διέφθειρον, ἀλλὰ καὶ ἄνδρες ὄντες ἄῤῥεσιν ἐπιβαίνοντες, τὴν κοινὴν πρὸς τοὺς πάσχοντας οἱ δρῶντες φύσιν οὐκ αἰδούμενοι, παιδοσποροῦντες ἠλέγχοντο μὲν ἀτελῆ γονὴν σπείροντες. Ὁ δ’ ἔλεγχος πρὸς οὐδὲν ἦν ὄφελος, ὑπὸ βιαιοτέρας νικωμένων ἐπιθυμίας· εἶτ’ ἐκ τοῦ κατ’ ὀλίγον ἐθίζοντες τὰ γυναικῶν ὑπομένειν τοὺς ἄνδρας γεννηθέντας, _θήλειαν κατεσκεύαζον αὑτοῖς νόσον, κακὸν δύσμαχον. Οὐ μόνον γὰρ τὰ σώματα μαλακότητι καὶ θρύψει γυναικοῦντες, ἀλλὰ καὶ τὰς ψυχὰς ἀγεννεστάτας ἀπεργαζόμενοι_, τό γ’ ἐπ’ αὐτοῖς ἧκον μέρος, τὸ σύμπαν ἀνθρώπων γένος διέφθειρον. Εἰ γοῦν Ἕλληνες ὁμοῦ καὶ βάρβαροι συμφωνήσαντες ἐζήλωσαν τὰς τοιαύτας ὁμιλίας, ἠρήμωντο ἂν ἑξῆς αἱ πόλεις, ὥσπερ λοιμώδει νόσῳ κενωθεῖσαι. (for translation see text above).

[374] De Sacrificantibus, p. 261., προανείργει πάντας τοὺς ἀναξίους ἱεροῦ συλλόγου, τὴν ἀρχὴν ποιούμενος ἀπὸ τῶν _νοσούντων_ τὴν _ἀληθῆ_ [_θήλειαν_] _νόσον_ ἀνδρογύνων, οἳ τὸ φύσεως νόμισμα παρακόπτοντες, εἰς ἀκολάστων γυναικῶν πάθος καὶ μορφὰς εἰσβιάζοντο· Θλαδίας γὰρ καὶ ἀποκεκομένους τὰ γεννητικὰ ἐλαύνει, τό τε τῆς ὥρας ταμιεύοντας ἄνθος, ἵνα μὴ ῥᾳδίως μαραίνοιτο, καὶ τὸν ἄῤῥενα τύπον μεταχαράττοντας εἰς θηλύμορφον ἰδέαν. Ἐλαύνει δὲ οὐ μόνον πόρνας ἀλλὰ καὶ τοὺς ἐκ τῆς πόρνης κ. τ. λ.

[375] Paedagog., bk. III. ch. 3., “πρὸς τοὺς καλλωπιζομένους τῶν ἀνδρῶν”: ἕνα τινὰ τούτων τῶν ἀγεννῶν παιδαγωγικῶς ἐπιπλήττων ὁ Διογένης, ὁπηνίκα ἐπιπράσκετο, ἀνδρείως σφόδρα, Ἧκε, εἶπεν, μειρακίον, ἄνδρα ὠνῆσαι σαυτῷ· _ἀμφιβόλω λόγῳ τὸ πορνικὸν ἐκείνου σωφρονίζων_· τὸ γὰρ ἄνδρας ὄντας, ξύρεσθαι καὶ λεαίνεσθαι, _πῶς οὐκ ἀγεννές_; (“To men who bedizen their persons”: One of these base fellows Diogenes rebuked like a schoolmaster. At the very time he was on sale as a slave, he cried with wonderful boldness: ‘Come, young man, buy a man for yourself’: _by this double entendre chastising his meretricious habits_. For _is it not a base thing_, that _men_ should have their bodies shaved and polished smooth?)

[376] _Herodian_, Historiarum Libri Octo, edit. _Th. Guil. Irmisch_. Leipzig 1780. 8vo., Vol. II. Bk. IV. ch. 12.: εἰς τοῦτον οὖν, ὡς μηδὲ στρατιωτικὸν, μηδὲ γενναῖον, δημοσίᾳ πολλάκις ἀπέσκωπτε, καὶ μέχρις _αἰσχρᾶς βλασφημίας_· ἐπεὶ γὰρ ἤκουεν αὐτὸν καὶ διαίτη ἐλευθερίῳ χρώμενον, καὶ τὰ φαῦλα καὶ ἀπεῤῥιμμένα τῶν ἐδεσμάτων καὶ ποτῶν μυσαττόμενον, οἷς, ὡς στρατιωτικὸς δὴ, ὁ Ἀντωνῖνος ἔχαιρε, χλαμύδιον ἤ τινα ἄλλην ἐσθῆτα ἀμφιεσάμενον ἀστειοτέραν, εἰς _ἀνανδρίαν καὶ θήλειαν νόσον_ διέβαλλεν, ἀεί τε ἀποκτενεῖν ἠπειλει· ἅπερ οὐ φέρων ὁ Μακρῖνος, πάνυ ἤσχαλλε· συνέβη δέ τι καὶ τοιοῦτον κ. τ. λ. for translation see text. A somewhat similar circumstance is given in _Livy_, Hist. XXXIX. ch. 42.

[377] Aeschines, Orat. in Timarch. edit. Reiske, p. 139. μὴ Δημοσθένην καλουμενον, ἀλλὰ Βάταλον,—p. 142. ἐπεὶ καὶ περὶ τῆς Δημοσθένους ἐπωνυμίας, οὐ κακῶς ὑπὸ τῆς φήμης, ἀλλ’ οὐχ ὑπὸ τῆς τίτθης, Βάταλος προσαγορεύεται, _ἐξ ἀνανδρίας τινὸς καὶ κιναιδεῖας_ ἐνεγκάμενος τοῦνομα· εἰ γάρ τις σου τὰ κομψὰ ταῦτα χλανίσκια περιελόμενος, καὶ τοὺς μαλακοὺς χιτωνίσκους, ἐν οἷς τοὺς κατὰ τῶν φίλων λόγους γράφεις, περιενέγκας δοίη εἰς τὰς χεῖρας τῶν δικαστῶν, οἴομαι ἂν αὐτοὺς, εἴ τις μὴ προειπὼν τοῦτο ποιήσειεν, ἀπορῆσαι, _εἴ τε ἀνδρὸς, εἴ τε γυναικὸς εἰλήφασιν ἐσθῆτα_. (called not Demosthenes, but Batalus, i.e. Pathic.—Now with regard to Demosthenes’ surname, he is excellently called by common report, though not by his nurse, Batalus—Pathic, having got the name _from a certain unmanliness and cinaedism_. For if a man should strip you of these elegant robes you wear and your womanish tunics, clad in which you indite your speeches against your friends, and bring them up and put them in the hands of the jurymen, I suppose, if he should do so without any previous explanation, the latter would be quite unable to tell _whether it were a man’s or a woman’s clothes they had got hold of_.)—a passage which affords the best commentary to what is stated in the text both here and on previous pages.

[378] Bk. III. ch. 55: Σχολή τις ἦν αὕτη κακοεργίας πᾶσιν ἀκολάστοις, πολλῇ τε ῥαστώνῃ διεφθορόσι τὸ σῶμα· _γύννιδες_ γοῦν τινες ἄνδρες οὐκ ἄνδρες, τὸ σεμνὸν τῆς φύσεως ἀπαρνησάμενοι, _θηλείᾳ νόσῳ_ τὴν δαίμονα ἱλεοῦντο· γυναικῶν τ’ αὖ παράνομοι ὁμιλίαι, κλεψιγαμοί θ’ ὁμιλίαι, ἄῤῥητοί τε καὶ ἐπίῤῥητοι πράξεις, ὡς ἐν ἀνόμῳ καὶ ἀποστάτῃ χώρῳ κατὰ τόνδε τὸν νεὼν ἐπεχειροῦντο· ἔφορός τε οὐδεὶς ἦν τῶν πραττομένων, τῷ μηδένα σεμνῶν ἀνδρῶν αὐτόθι τολμᾶν παρίεναι. for translation see text. As to this Temple of Venus compare _Zosimus_, Histor., bk. I., _Etymolog. Magnum_, under word ’Aphaka; _Suidas_, under word Χριστόδωρος; Selden, Syntagm. de Diis Syris, II.

[379] _Zonaras_, Lexicon. edit. Tittmann. Leipzig 1808. 4to. p. 457.

[380] _Eustathius_, Commentar. in Homer., Iliad 1680. 44., _Stark_ cites merely the figures. We can clearly see the meaning of γύννιδες in the following passage of _Clement of Alexandria_, Paedag., bk. III. ch. 3. p. 227, τί τοίνυν οὐκ ἂν ἐπιτηδεύσειαν αἱ γυναῖκες, αἱ εἰς μαχλοσύνην σπεύδουσαι, τοιαῦτα τολμῶσιν ἐνοποριζόμεναι τοῖς ἀνδράσιν; _μᾶλλον δὲ οὐκ ἄνδρας βατάλους δὲ καὶ γύννιδας καλεῖν τούτους χρή_· ὧν καὶ αἱ φωναὶ τεθρυμμέναι καὶ ἡ ἐσθὴς τεθηλυμμένη ἁφῇ καὶ βαφῇ· _δῆλοι δὲ οἱ τοιοῦτοι ἐλεγχόμενοι τὸν τρόπον ἔξωθεν ἀμπεχόνῃ, ὑποδέσει, σχήματι, βαδίσματι, κουρᾷ, βλέμματι. Ἀπὸ ὁράσεως γὰρ ἐπιγνωσθήσετο ἀνὴρ, ἡ Γραφὴ λέγει_ κ. τ. λ. (What then would not women practise, such women as run into wantonness, rivalling the men that dare such abominations? but these men ought we not rather to call _batali_ (cinaedi) and _womanish fellows_? whose voices are broken languishingly and their dress fashioned like women’s in texture and colour. _Now such-like men are clearly manifest in outward appearance for what they are by their show, and their foot-gear, by their bearing, and walk, and hair, and glance. For by the eyes shall a man be known_, says the Scripture, etc.). The word batalos meaning _cinaedus_ is found also in _Aeschines_, In Timarch., p. 139, 163, 142. De legatione falsa, p. 273. _Harpocration_ under the word, conjectured that the Cinaedi were called for the same reason that e. g. Eupolis ὁ πρωκτός (the wide-bottomed) was called βάταλος; and _Plutarch_ also, Vita Demosth. 4 _Schol._ Aeschin. p. 742., _Etymolog. Magnum_, 190. 20., agrees in same idea. Comp. Schäfer, Apparat. Crit. ad Demosthen., I. 875. Moreover this was the nickname of _Demosthenes_ (De Corona 288. 18.). At any rate this passage of _Clement of Alexandria_ tells in favour of the possibility of recognizing Pathics by their exterior!

[381] _Eusebii Pamphili_ Ecclesiasticae historiae libri decem; eiusdem de vita imp. Constantini libri IV. Quibus subiicitur Oratio Constantini ad Sanctos et Panegyricus Eusebii. _Henricus Valesius_ graecum textum collatis IV. MSS. Codicibus emendavit, Latine vertit et Adnotationibus illustravit. _Iuxta exemplar quod antea Parisiis excudebat Antonius Vitré_, nunc vero _verbo tenus_ et correctius edebant Moguntiae Christian Gerlach et Simon Beckenstein. MDCLXXII. fol. (_Eusebius Pamphili_, Ecclesiastical Histories, X books; also the same author’s Life of the Emperor Constantine, IV books. Together with Constantine, “Ad Sanctos”, and the Panegyric of Eusebius. Greek text emended by the collation of four MSS, a Latin translation provided and illustrative notes added, by _Henricus Valesius_. Based on the edition first printed at Paris by Antonius Vitré, now re-edited unexpurgated and corrected by Christian Gerlach and Simon Beckenstein at Maintz. 1672. fol.)

[382] _Synesii_ Episcopi Cyrenes Opera quae extant omnia, interprete Dionysio Petavio—codicum fide recensita ac notis illustrata et eodem modo omnia _secunda_ hac _editione_ multo accuratiora et uberiora prodeunt. Lutetiae Parisiorum 1633. fol. p. 25. A. Ὡς Ὅμηρός φησι τοὺς θεοὺς Ἀνθρώπων ὕβριν τε καὶ εὐνομίαν ἐφέποντες Σκύθας δὲ τούτους, Ἡρόδοτός τέ φησι, καὶ ἡμεῖς ὁρῶμεν, κατεχομένους ἅπαντας ὑπὸ _νόσον θηλείας_· οὗτοι γάρ εἰσιν, ἀφ’ ὧν οἱ πανταχοῦ δοῦλοι κ. τ. λ. _Synesius_ Bishop of Cyrené, Complete Works so far as Extant. edit. Dionysius Petavius; text revised and compared with MSS., and illustrated with explanatory notes; the whole re-issued in a more accurate and fuller form in this Second Edition. Paris 1633. fol., p. 25. A., “As Homer—Odyssey XVII. 487—says of the gods, visiting the insolence and good government of men; but these Scythians Herodotus declares, and we see the fact for ourselves, to be all fallen under the feminine disease; and it is they from whom come as a rule the slaves, etc.” The word θηλείας in the edition mentioned stands in text; and in the margin as γρ. δειλίας.

[383] Pyrrh. Hypotyp., bk. III. ch. 199., Νενόμισται τὸ τῆς _ἀῤῥενομιξίας παρὰ Γερμανοῖς_ ὥς φασιν οὐκ αἰσχρὸν ἀλλ’ ὡς ἕν τι τῶν συνηθῶν (But the practice of intercourse with males is not among the Germans, so they say, reckoned a shameful thing, but as one of the customary acts)—_Aristotle_, Polit. II. 6. 6., _Strabo_, Geogr., IV. 199. _Diodorus_, Bibl. V. 32. _Athenaeus_, Deipn., p. 603 a., relate the same thing of the Celts. _Quintilian_ who lived about 42 after Christ, directly denies the fact, it is true: Declam. 3, Nihil tale _novere_ Germani et sanctius vivitur ad Oceanum. Non sit mihi forsitan quaerendum aversis auribus saeculi huius in tantum vitia regnare, ut obscoenis cupiditatibus natura cesserit, ut pollutis in _femineam_ usque _patientiam_ maribus incurrat iam libido in sexum suum, finem tamen aliquem sibi vitia ipsa exceperunt, ultimumque adhuc huius flagitii crimen fuit corrupisse futurum virum. Hoc vero cuius est dementiae? In concubinatum iuniores leguntur, et in _muliebrem patientiam vocatur_ fortasse iam maritus. (The _Germans_ know no such practice; for life is purer near the Ocean. Would it were possible to shut my ears to the fact that Vice in this age prevails to such a degree that Nature has had to yield to foul lusts, that men corrupted even to the length of _suffering themselves to be treated as women_ are filled with lust towards their own sex; yet vice itself set some limit to its own excesses, and the last extremity of this lewdness was to have ruined one that might have grown into a man. But what a height of insanity is here! Young men are chosen as mistresses, and a man _is called upon to endure the treatment proper to a woman_.) Who can fail to see that in this passage the words _feminea patientia_, _muliebris patientia_, are given as a translation of νοῦσος θήλεια?

[384] Cohortatio ad Gentes, edit. Potter. Oxford 1715., Vol. I. p. 20., Πολλὰ κἀγαθὰ γένοιτο τῷ τῶν Σκυθῶν βασιλεῖ, ὅστις ποτὲ ἦν· οὗτος τὸν πολίτην τὸν ἑαυτοῦ, τὸν παρὰ Κυζικηνοῖς μητρὸς τῶν θεῶν τελετὴν ἀπομιμούμενον παρὰ Σκύθαις, τύμπανόν τε ἐπικτυποῦντα, καὶ κύμβαλον ἐπηχοῦντα τοῦ τραχήλου, οἷα τινὰ Μηναγύρτην ἐξηρημένον, κατετόξευσεν, ὡς _ἄνανδρον_ αὐτόν τε παρὰ Ἕλλησι γεγενημένον, καὶ τῆς _θηλείας_ τοῖς ἄλλοις Σκυθῶν διδάσκαλον _νόσου_. for translation see text.

[385] _Herodotus_, Histories, Bk. IV. ch. 76.

[386] In Anacharsid. I. ch. 8. note 4. The question here is solely of Greek customs (ἑλληνίζειν, βιοῦν ἤθεσιν Ἑλληνικοῖς—to Greecize, to live after Greek fashions), without any evil implication, or of Greek mysteries (τελετὰς Ἑλληνικὰς διατελοῦντα carrying out Greek rites). How else could the words, γλώσσης, γαστρὸς, αἰδοίων κρατεῖν (to be master of tongue, of belly, of _members_) have been used as a motto on the pedestals of statues of Anacharsis, and how could he himself have written to Croesus, that after he had learnt the customs of the Greeks, ἀπόχρη με ἐπανήκειν ἐς Σκύθας _ἄνδρα ἀμείνονα_ (I was bound to return to the Scythians _a better man_). For the rest Anacharsis is called the son of Gnurus and brother of the Scythian king Caduidas, who stabbed him on a hunting party.

[387] Archaelog. Jud., bk. II.

[388] _Hephaestionis_ Enchiridion (de metris) ad MS. fidem recensitum cum notis variorum, praecipue Leonardi Hotchkis, A. M. curante Th. Gaisford, Edit. nova et auct. Lips. 1832. c. 12. p. 75. (Hephaestion’s Enchiridion (on metres); the text revised and compared with the MSS., together with notes of various Commentators, notably Leonard Hotchkiss, M. A. edit. Th. Gaisford. New and enlarged edition). Leipzig 1832., ch. 12. p. 75.

[389] _Dio Chrysostom_, De Regno, Orat. IV. p. 76., Ὁ μὲν γὰρ ἀσθένης τε καὶ ἄτολμος ἐκ τούτου τοῦ γένους δαίμων ἐπί τε τὰς _γυναικείας νόσους_ καὶ _ἄλλας αἰσχύνας_, ὁπόσαις πρόσεστι ζημία καὶ ὀνείδη, προσάγει ῥαδίως. for translation see text.—Ὁ δ’ ἐκ μέσων ἀναβοάτων τῶν γυναικῶν, ὀξύτερον καὶ ἀκρατέστερον· λευκὸς ἰδεῖν, ἐντρυφερὸς αἰθρίας καὶ πόνων ἄπερος, ἀποκλίνων τὸν τράχηλον, ὑγροῖς τοῖς ὄμμασι, μάχλον ὑποβλέπων, ἀεὶ τὸ σῶμα καταθεώμενος, τῇ ψυχῇ δὲ οὐδὲν προσέχων, οὐδὲ τοῖς ὑπ’ αὐτῆς προστασσομένοις. (But that Spirit which cries out from the midst of women is something shriller and more intemperate; he is pale to look upon, wanton and luxurious, incapable of enduring open air or toil, drooping the neck, with liquorish eyes, casting stolen glances of lewdness, ever looking down upon the body, but giving no thought to the soul, nor the things beneath its ordinance).

[390] Comp. author’s Work, De Sexuali Organismorum Fabrica (Of the Sexual Conformation of Organisms), Pt. I. Halle 1832. pp. 1-12., where these relations are brought out in detail, and referred back to anatomical reasons.

[391] We expressed an opinion above (p. 175.) that no grounds of excuse could be found for the Pathic; but we must here modify this so far as to admit that Aristotle imagines himself to have discovered such. In the _Problemata_, IV. 26., he examines the question: διὰ τί ἔνιοι ἀφροδισιαζόμενοι χαίρουσι, καὶ οἱ μὲν ἅμα δρῶντες, οἱ δ’ οὔ; (Why some men take pleasure in being loved, and of these some in performing the act also, but others not?), i.e. why some find a pleasure in suffering paederastia to be practised with them (the word ἀφροδισιάζεσθαι is found in this meaning possibly also in _Hippocrates_, edit. Kühn, Vol. III. pp. 680 and 574., where exactly such symptoms of a complaint are described as might serve for an explanation of the ῥέγχειν—snorting (mentioned above), while either they exercise coition as men concurrently, or do not. As answer we read, to follow the translation given by _Th. Gaza_: An quod excrementis singulis locus determinatus a natura est, in quem instituto secerni naturali debeat, sollicitaque natura spiritus excurrens tumorem admovet, excrementumque una extrudere solet.... His autem proxime genituram quoque in testes et penem deferri constitutum est. _Quibus itaque meatus habitu suo naturali privantur, vel quia occoecati sunt qui ad penem tendant, quod spadonibus hisque similibus evenit_ (οἷς δὲ οἱ πόροι μὴ κατὰ φύσιν ἔχουσιν, ἀλλ’ ἢ διὰ τὸ ἀποτυφλωθῆναι τοὺς εἰς τὸ αἰδοῖον, οἷον συμβαίνει τοῖς _εὐνουχίαις_), vel etiam aliis de causis, his _talis humor in sedem confluit_ ( εἰς τὴν ἕδραν συῤῥεῖ ἡ τοιαύτη ἰκμας), quippe qui hac transmeare soleat, quod eius loci contractio in coeundo et partium sedi oppositarum consumptio incidant. Qui si admodum semine genitali abundant, _excrementum illud large in eum locum se colligit; itaque_ cum excitata cupiditas est, _attritum pars ea desiderat_, in quam confluit excrementum. Cupiditas autem excitari tum a cibo tum imaginatione potest. Cum enim alterutra de causa libido commota est, spiritus eodem concurrit, et genus id excrementi confluit, quo secedere natum est.... Quorum vera natura mollis et feminea est (οἱ δὲ φύσει θηλυδρίαι) ita ii constant ut genitura vel nulla vel minima conveniat, quo illorum secernitur qui praediti natura integra sunt, sed se in partem sedis divertat; quod propterea evenit quia praeter naturae normam constiterunt. Cum enim mares crearentur, ita degenerarunt ut partem virilem mancam atque oblaesam habere cogerentur, ... ita enim mulieres non viri crearentur. Ergo perverti citarique aliorsum, quam secernendum natura voluit, necesse est. Unde fit ut insatiabiles etiam sint modo mulierum (διὸ καὶ ἄπληστοι, ὥσπερ αἱ γυναῖκες). Humor enim sollicitans ille exiguus est, nec quicquam se promere conatur, refrigeraturque celeriter. _Quibus itaque sedem humor ex toto adiit, ii pati tantummodo avent, quibus autem in utramque partem sese dispertit, ii et agere et pati concupiunt_ (καὶ ὅσοις μὲν ἐπὶ τὴν ἕδραν, οὗτοι πάσχειν ἐπιθυμοῦσιν· ὅσοις δὲ ἐπ’ ἀμφότερα, οὗτοι καὶ δρᾶν καὶ πάσχειν), idque eo amplius quo tandem plenius fluxerit. Sed sunt quibus vel ex consuetudine affectus hic accidet (ἐνίοις δὲ γίνεται καὶ ἐξ ἔθους _τὸ πάθος_ τοῦτο). Fit enim ut tam gestiant quam cum agunt, usque genituram nihilo minus ita emittere valeant. Ergo agere cupiunt, quibus haec ipsa usu evenerunt et consuetudo magis veluti in naturam iccirco illis evadit, quibus non ante pubem sed in ea vitium patiendi invaluit (ἐθισθῶσιν ἀφροδισιάζεσθαι), quoniam his recordatio rei, cum desiderant, oritur; una autem cum recordatione gestiens exsultat voluptas. Desiderant autem perinde ac _nati ad patiendum_ (ὥσπερ πεφυκότες, ἐπιθυμοῦσι πάσχειν) magna igitur parte vel ob consuetudinem rex exsistit sed si accidat ut idem et salax et mollis sit (λάγνος ὢν καὶ μαλακὸς) longe expeditius haec omnia evenire posse putandum est. (Is it because for each evacuation a particular locality has been fixed by nature, to which it must be secreted by the law of its being, and when effort occurs the spirit issuing out causes a swelling, and then pours out the evacuation along with it.—And similarly to these other secretions, the semen is naturally secreted to the testicles and private parts. _And accordingly in the case of those in whom the passages are not in a natural state, either through those that lead to the private part being blocked as is the case with eunuchs and those similarly affected to eunuchs_, or through some other circumstance, _this sort of humour flows to the seat_; for it passes that way, as is proved by the contraction of this part in the act of coition, and the wasting of the regions about the seat. Therefore whenever men have an excess of lewdness, in their case _it collects in this quarter_, and so when desire is excited, _that part where it accumulates desires friction_. And desire may be excited either by food or mentally; for whenever it is stirred by any circumstance, the spirit runs to that spot, and the particular secretion flows to the particular quarter natural to it.—But such as are womanish by nature are so constituted that no secretion or only a little occurs in the quarter where the secretion takes place with such as are naturally constituted, but to this spot (the seat) instead. And the reason is they are not naturally constituted, for being males they are yet so framed that of necessity the manly part in them is maimed. Now maiming either destroys an organ completely, or produces perversion and deterioration; but here it cannot be the former; otherwise the patient would be a woman outright. Wherefore it follows that it is perverted and deteriorated, and the secretion of semen elsewhere directed. And for this cause they are insatiable, like women; for the humour is small in quantity, is not constrained to find an issue, and quickly cools. _And those in whom the secretion is to the seat, these desire passive pleasure only, but those in whom it is both to the seat and to the private parts, these desire both active and passive love_; and to whichever part the secretion is greater, the more do they desire the corresponding kind of pleasure. Besides in some cases this occurs through habituation. Whichever act they do, a pleasurable feeling results, and so they emit semen correspondingly. Then they desire to do the act in which this most occurs, and thus this becomes in preference their custom, and a sort of second nature. Wherefore such as have been habituated to passive love not before puberty but about the time of puberty, because when they desire pleasure memory suggests what they must do, and on memory follows pleasure, acquire through habituation the desire for passive gratification _just as if they were born to it_. And if a man happen to be lewd and effeminate to begin with, all this results all the sooner).—In the Pathic then, according to _Aristotle’s_ view, the semen-vessels carry the semen not to the penis, but to the fundament, and set up there the feeling of desire and sensual craving. These are the _born Pathics_ (πεφυκότες), from whom he distinguishes the _seduced_ Pathics, who indulge in the vice as the result of habituation (ἐξ ἔθους). This is the very same view that we have already (p. 172. Note 3.) gathered from his Ethics, and which supports in the strongest way what we there made good as against _Stark_.

[392] Hippocratis Coi XXII. Commentarii tabulis illustrati, (Hippocrates of Cos, The XXII Commentaries; illustrated with Plates). Bâle 1579. fol., p. 273.

[393] Hippocratis Opera (Hippocrates, Works), edit. Kahn, Vol. I. pp. 561-564.

[394] For the use of this word, compare _Létronne_, Recherches pour servir à l’Histoire d’Egypte, (Researches with a view towards a History of Egypt), pp. 134, 148, 458; and what we have called attention to on an earlier page in _Hecker’s_ Annalen (Annals), Vol. XXVI. p. 143.

[395] The word κέδματα, which probably is used in several senses, can scarcely in this case betoken anything else than varicose veins, and is according synonymous with ἰξίαι, with which it also occurs in connection. It is interesting to find Aristotle also pronouncing those suffering from varicose veins incapable of generation; he writes in Problemata, Bk. IV. 20., Διὰ τί αἱ ἰξίαι τοὺς ἔχοντας κωλύουσι γεννᾶν, καὶ ἀνθρώπους καὶ τῶν ἄλλων ζώων ὅ, τι ἂν ἔχη; ἢ ὅτι ἡ ἰξία γίνεται, μεταστάντος; διὸ καὶ ὠφελεῖ πρὸς τὰ μελαγχολικά. Ἔστι δὲ καὶ ὁ ἀφροδισιασμὸς μετὰ πνεύματος ἐξόδου. Εἰ οὖν ὁδοποιεῖται ἡ ὁρμὴ γινομένου αὐτοῦ, οὐ ποιεῖ ὁρμᾶν τὸ σπέρμα, ἀλλὰ καταψύχεται· μαραίνει οὖν τὴν συντονίαν τοῦ αἰδοίου. (Why varicosities hinder those that have them from begetting, both men and of other animals all that are subject to them? is it because the varicosity arises, through a transference of spirit; for which reason also it is of use in case of melancholia. But the act of love also occurs in conjunction with an outburst of spirit. If therefore the impulse is made at the time the varicosity is forming, it suffers not the seed to make a vigorous impulse, but it is quickly cooled; and so it wastes and destroys the tension of the private part). On the contrary according to Problemata, 31., the lame are lecherous: διὰ τ’ αὐτὸ δὲ καὶ οἱ ὄρνιθες _λάγνοι_ και οἱ _χωλοί_· ἡ γὰρ τροφὴ ἀμφοτέροις. κάτω μὲν ὀλίγη, διὰ τὴν ἀναπηρίαν τῶν σκελῶν. (And for the same reason birds are lecherous and lame men; because in both cases the nourishment downwards is slight, on account of the deficiency in the legs). In connection with κέδματα we must refer to _Foesius_, Œconomia Hippocratis, _Coray_, loco citato p. 339 sqq., and _Stark_, loco citato Note 20., and observe that like the Latin _ruptura_ and the English _rupture_ it appears to specially signify swellings due to distension and subsequent bursting. That swellings of the groin are a result of long-continued riding, we see also from _Livy_, Hist. bk. XLV. ch. 39., where _M. Servilius_ says: tumorem hunc inguinum in equo dies noctesque persedendo habeo (this swelling of the groin I have owing to sitting my horse nights and days on end). Comp. _Plutarch_, In Aemil., Vol. II. p. 308.

[396] ἕλκοντα τὰ ἴσχια (they are ulcerated on the hip-joints) is found in the text. But the meaning of both words is disputed, and by no means fixed so far. With regard to ἰσχία—we must primarily understand the mass of muscle at the lower exterior portion of the “os ilium”, secondly the whole seat, and the joint-socket (cotyla) of the upper thigh. This is the interpretation of the _Etymologicon Magnum_; ἰσχία, ὅτι ἴσχει τοὺς καθημένους· σημαίνει δὲ ἰσχίον τὸ ὑπὸ τὴν ὀσφῦν ὀστέον, εἰς ὃ ἔγκειται τὸ ἱερὸν ὀστοῦν, ὅπερ καὶ γλουτὸς καλεῖται, καὶ κοτύλη, παρὰ τὴν κοιλότητα· ἢ τὸ κοῖλον τοῦ γλουτοῦ, ἐν ᾧ ἡ κοτύλη στρέφεται.(ἰσχία,—so called because supporting (ἴσχειν) those who sit; also ἰσχίον signifies the bone below, the loin, on which rests the _os sacrum_, which is also called γλουτός (rump), and also κοτύλη (joint-socket) in reference to its hollowness; or else the hollow of the rump, in which the joint-socket turns). Similar is the explanation of _Suidas_, _Hesychius_, _Zonaras_, the Scholiast on Homer, Iliad, V. 305, and on Theocritus, VI. 30. The general context shows that the meaning of “Joint-socket” is evidently to be preferred here.

[397] The word διαφθείρεσθαι (ruin themselves) in the text is undoubtedly written by the author with reference to the ἀνανδρία (unmanliness). Still it is surprising that what is here pointed out as injurious is in the Epidem. bk. VI. edit. Kühn, Vol. III. p. 609. recommended as salutary. The expression there is: κεδμάτων τὰς ἐν τοῖσιν ὠσὶν ὄπισθεν φλέβας σχάζειν (in cases of varicose dilatations to open the veins that are behind in the ears). _Palladius_ in his Commentary on this passage (edit. Dietz. Vol. II. p. 143.) declares the whole sentence wrong, writing: _Πᾶς οὕτος ὁ λόγος ψευδής_· κέδμα γάρ ἐστι διάθεσίς τις περὶ τὴν λαγόνα, ἢ φλεγμονὴ ἢ ῥευματικὴ διάθεσις· φησὶν οὖν ὅτι καὶ ἐπὶ ταύτῃ τῇ διαθέσει τέμνων τὰς ὄπισθεν φλέβας ὠφελήσεις· καὶ ποία συγγένεια τῆς λαγόνος καὶ τῶν ὤτων, καὶ ταῦτα τῶν ἐκεῖ ἀγγείων λεπτῶν ὄντων, καὶ τριχοειδῶν καὶ μηδὲν ἀξιόλογον κενῶσαι δυναμένων; (_All this sentence is wrong_; for κέδμα is really a certain condition of the parts about the flank, either inflammation or rheumatic condition.) Now they say that in this condition, by cutting the veins behind, you will do good; but what connexion is there between the flank and the ears, and especially as the vessels there are small, and like hairs, and not able to void any considerable quantity?).—Not a word is said here about the practice among the Scythians; are we to suppose _Palladius_ was ignorant of the fact? Also in the “De Natura Ossium” (Of the Nature of Bones), (edit. Kühn, I. p. 508.) we find the operation recommended in pains of the hips, testicles, knees and knuckles; and according to a passage in the “De Morbis” (Of Diseases), bk. II. (edit. Kühn, bk. II. p. 223.) these veins should be seared, until they cease to pulsate. On the other hand in the “De Genitura” (Of Generation), (edit. Kühn, I. p. 373.) and the “De Locis in Homine” (Of certain Localities in the Body), edit. Kühn, II. p. 106.) incapacity for generation is represented as a consequence of blood-letting from these vessels. We leave to others the task of drawing the necessary conclusions in view of the unanimity of the Authors of the books named, and merely observe further that _Dr. Paris_ (Roux Journ. de Med., Vol. XLIV. p. 355., _Murray_, Med. Pract. Bibliothek., Vol. III. p. 293.) while giving some observations on the diseases of the Turks, relates as following: Almost every Armenian, Greek, Jew, Turk, has a seton, and they abuse cupping to an equal extent. For a simple head-ache, they allow the first barber they come across to put a bandage round their throat, in order to retain the blood, and then with a razor make sundry cuts round about the ears, for then as much blood flows away, and without risk, as would fill a phial.

[398] In the text of Froesius it stands: καὶ μᾶλλον τοῖσιν ὀλίγα κεκτημένοισιν, _οὐ τιμωμένοισιν ἤδη_, εἰ χαίρουσιν οἱ θεοὶ καὶ θαυμαζόμενοι ὑπ’ ἀνθρώπων, κ. τ. λ. (to a greater extent those who possess little and therefore fail to make offerings; if that is to say the gods take pleasure in being venerated by men, etc). _Coray_ has emended this into εἰ δὴ τιμώμενοι χαίρουσι (if that is to say the gods take pleasure in being honoured and venerated), on the grounds that τιμᾶν and θαυμάζειν (to honour, to venerate) are frequently used in conjunction with one another to express the veneration of the gods, which fact he confirms by passages from _Euripides_ and _Aristophanes_. Yet this emendation can scarcely be right, even though _de Mercy_ has also adopted it. The latest editor, Prof. Petersen of Hamburg, a professed Philologist, has undoubtedly maintained not without weighty reasons the old reading, noting Coray’s conjecture in the notes. Indeed neither is the old reading altogether correct, but can be easily restored, we think, if the words, as has already been done in our translation above, are read in the following way: οὐ τιμωμένοισιν· εἰ δὴ χαίρουσιν οἱ θεοὶ θαυμαζόμενοι,—a way of taking it that _Coray_ had already seen to be possible, only that he preferred to read instead of οὐ τιμωμένοισιν,—ἢ τοῖσι τιμωμένοισιν, because he does not think that the words can refer at all to the poorer Scythians, as did _Cornarius_ before him, though he translates quite correctly: “It affected to a greater extent poorer men, as being more negligent concerning the worship of the gods.” _Foesius_ translates: “and they do not pay honour.” In fact Coray’s chief difficulty was as to the active meaning of τιμωμένοισι (i.e. “paying honour”, not “being honoured”); but this use is by no means so rare, and exactly in this sense of veneration paid to the gods by men is found in _Homer_, Od. XIX. 280, where we read of the Phaeacians on the occasion of Odysseus’ landing:

οἳ δή μιν περὶ κῆρι θεὸν ὣς τιμήσαντο.

(Now they _honoured_ him from their heart as if he had been a god). The whole sense of the passage requires us to refer the words οὐ τιμωμένοισιν to the poorer Scythians, who possess little, and therefore can offer nothing to the gods, and also do not wish to do so, as is clearly shown in what follows; and it is exactly for this reason that Hippocrates says, then they ought to suffer more from the disease than the rich, if the gods practised any system of equivalent returns.

[399] Ταῦτα δὲ τοῖσί τε Σκύθῃσι πρόσεστι, καὶ _εὐνουχοειδέστατοί_ εἰσι ἀνθρώπων διὰ τὰς προφάσιας, καὶ ὅτι ἀναξυρίδας ἔχουσι ἀεὶ καὶ εἰσι ἐπὶ τῶν ἵππων τὸ πλεῖστον τοῦ χρόνου, ὥστε μήτε χειρὶ ἅπτεσθαι τοῦ αἰδοίου, _ὑπό τε τοῦ ψύχεος καὶ τοὺ κόπου ἐπιλήθεσθαι τοῦ ἱμέρου καὶ τῆς μίξιος, καὶ μηδὲν παρακινέειν πρότερον ἢ ἀνανδρωθῆναι_. for translation see text above: “And this is the case ..., to resign their manly privilege.” We have it is true translated according to the text, yet we cannot possibly take this as being uncorrupted, but without for the moment being in a position to offer a complete emendation of it. The sequence of thought, if we are not altogether in error, is this: The Scythians ride _continually_, which of its self weakens their power of generation and desire for coition, then besides this they wear trousers, a thing that particularly struck the Greek because he did not use them himself. These trousers were so tight, that the wearer could not get at the genitals with his hand; again the genitals lay close to the body, did not hang down, could not be set in motion; at the same time they were also protected against the wind, so that no cooling process could take place; the idle repose and the constantly heightened temperature in combination weakened the genitals to such a degree that the impulse to coition was at last totally lost. Views which entirely agree with our experience of the present day, and indeed were by _Faust_, as is notorious, exaggerated almost to caricature. Now if Hippocrates has expressed, as is likely enough, these views in the words ὑπό τε τοῦ ψύχεος καὶ τοῦ κόπου (under the influence of cold and lassitude), the text must be corrupt, and this is what we wish to insist on. For if by the words we understand frost and lassitude, then the first at any rate is impossible; how could the Scythians suffer from frost, when they wore trousers! Then the cooling process spoken of just now must be intended by ψύχος (cold)! But if κόπος (striking, beating, so weariness, lassitude) is understood literally, in accordance with its derivation from κόπτω (to strike), in the sense of blows, shocks, and taken as referring to the genitals, especially the testicles, a negative and a verb must have been lost from the text, and this appears to us too the most probable explanation, though at the time we cannot say what verb. The matter would be at once decided, if we could translate: so that they could not put the hand to the genitals, and since these were encountered neither by the cooling wind, nor yet by the shock (against the horse’s back or the saddle), they forgot the desire for coition and coition itself, i.e. the genitals being neither fortified by the cold nor yet set in motion, do not remind the Scythians of the fact that they have such organs and must use them. The movement (κίνησις) in riding is at any rate regarded as early as Aristotle (Probl. bk. IV. 12.) as cause of the greater lasciviousness of those who ride. He asks: Quare qui equitant libidinosiores evadunt? An caloris agitationisque causa eodem afficiuntur modo, quo per coitum. Quocirca aetatis quoque accessione membra genitalia contrectata agitataque plenius augentur, quod igitur semper eo utuntur motu qui equitant, hinc fluentiore corpore praeparatoque ad concumbendum evadunt. (Why those who ride come to be more lascivious? Is it that on account of the heat and movement they are affected in the same way as by coition? Wherefore as age also advances, the genital organs being handled and moved more, are the more increased in size, so therefore because those who ride use the same movement hence they come to be of a more fluid body and one ready prepared for sexual intercourse). In Probl. 24. he is investigating the causes of the erection of the penis, and says διά τε τὸ βάρος ἐπιγίνεσθαι ἐν τῷ ὄπισθεν τῶν ὄρχεων αἴρεσθαι (now it is on account of the increase of weight in the hinder part of the testicles that it is raised). Comp. Probl. 25. _Continual_ riding naturally stimulates the impulse, wherefore the Scythians are the first in later times to become ἀνάνδριες (unmanly), and this sooner than other riding nations because they wore trousers. However those who are better informed must decide the point!—Finally that in any case ἀνανδρωθῆναι (to be made unmanly) and not ἀνδρωθῆναι (to be made manly) must be read, any one who considers the passage at all carefully must easily see. _Coray’s_ lucubration cannot for a moment convince us.

[400] Edit. Kühn, Vol. III. p. 218., _μυθολογοῦσι_ δέ τινες ὅτι οἱ Ἀμαζονίδες τὸ ἄρσεν γένος το ἑωυτῶν αὐτίκα νήπιον ἐὸν ἐξαρθρέουσιν, αἱ μὲν κατὰ γούνατα, αἱ δὲ κατὰ τὰ ἰσχία, ὡς δῆθεν χωλὰ γίνοιτο καὶ μὴ ἐπιβουλεύει τὸ ἄῤῥεν γένος τῷ θήλει· χειρώναξιν ἄρα τούτοισι χρέονται, ὁκόσα ἢ σκυτίης ἔργα ἤ χαλκείης ἢ ἄλλο τι ἑδραῖον ἔργον· εἰ μὲν οὖν ἀληθέα ταῦτα ἐστί, ἐγὼ μὲν οὐκ οἶδα. (Now some relate _the myth_ that the Amazons dislocate the male sex of their offspring while still quite young, some doing it at the knees, some at the hips, with the avowed object of laming them, and so the male sex does not rise in revolt against the female; then they employ them as handicraftsmen, for such tasks as shoe-making or brassworking or other sedentary occupations. _But whether this tale is true, I do not know_). _Gardeil_ also in a work that is not often met with in Germany, his “Traduction des œuvres médicales d’Hippocrate, sur le texte grec, d’après l’édition de Foes”. (Translation of the Medical Works of Hippocrates,—from the Greek text of Foesius’ edition.), Vol. I. Toulouse 1801. large 8vo., p. 162., says: “On pourroit induire d’un endroit du traité des articles, à la fin du numéro 38 (27), que ce qu’Hippocrate rapporte ici concernant les Scythes, et ce qu’il a dit ci-dessus, numéro 23, au sujet des Sarmates _ne lui étoit connu que par_ une tradition dont il n’étoit pas bien assuré,” (It might be inferred from a passage in the _Treatise on Joints_, at the end of no. 38 (27), that what Hippocrates relates here concerning the Scythians, and what he had said in a previous passage, no. 23, of the Sarmatians, _was known to him only by a tradition, the authenticity of which he was not well assured of_).

[401] “Censura Librorum Hippocraticorum”, (Criticism of the Works of Hippocrates), p. 181.

[402] Epidem., bk. VII. end, edit. Kühn, Vol. III. p. 705. Comp. _Papst_, Allg. med. Zeitung. Altenburg Jahrg. 1838. No. 60. pp. 950-952., where we have already at an earlier date developed our views on this passage.

[403] Bk. III. ch. 8., τὰς διαῤῥοίας χρονίους ἔστιν ὅτε ξηραίνει τὰ ἀφροδίσια, (On occasion indulgence in love dries up chronic diarrhœas).

[404] Bk. I. ch. 35., τῶν κεχρονισμένων διάῤῥοιαν τὰ ἀφροδίσια ἐπιξηραίνουσι, (Indulgences in love dry up diarrhoea in the case of chronic sufferers).

[405] In Epidem. bk. V. edit. Kühn, Vol. III. p. 574. it is related that the nasal catarrh of Timochares disappeared (ἀφροδισιάσαντι ἐξηράνθη—was dried up after he had indulged in love) after coition (Paederastia? p. 209. Note 1.); and this is repeated again in bk. VII. p. 680. Comp. _Palladius_, Schol. in Epidem. bk. VI. edit _Diez._, Vol. II. pp. 143, 145. _Marsilius Cagnatus_ in _Gruter’s_ Lampas, Vol. III. Pt. 2. p. 470.

[406] Progr. de sordidis et lascivis remediis antidysentericis vitandis, (Graduation Essay on Avoiding filthy and licentious Remedies as against Dysentery), pp. 10 sqq.

[407] _Suidas_ writes: _ὕπουλος_—ὡς ἐπὶ τῶν ἑλκῶν, τῶν ἐχόντων οὐλὰς ὑγιεῖς ἐπιπολαίως, ἔνδοθεν δὲ σηπεδόνας πυώδεις.—_ὕπουλα γόνατα_ καὶ _ὕπουλον πόδα_ καὶ _ὕπουλον χεῖρα_ καὶ _σῶμα_· τὸ φλεγμαῖνον διά τινας πληγὰς καὶ ἑγγὺς τοῦ ἀφίστασθαι ὄν· Κρατῖνος· _ὕπουλα ἕλκη_· τὰ κρυπτά.—_Hesychius_: ὕπουλα δὲ λέγεται τὰ μὴ φανερὰ τῶν ὀφθαλμῶν ἕλκη. _ὕπουλος_—applied to wounds, those that have healthy scars on the surface, but underneath offensive putrefactions,—said of the knees, or foot, or hand, or body; the part that is highly inflamed in consequence of blows and is near breaking. Cratinus gives: _ὕπουλα_ wounds, i.e. hidden ones.—_Hesychius_: _ὕπουλα_ is said of wounds that are not manifest to the eye.—The word ὕπαφρον (frothy beneath), which is found in Hippocrates, De Arte, Vol. I. p. 17. K., instead of which the MSS. also have ὑπόῤῥοον (liquid underneath), and _Schneider_ in his Lexicon wished to read ὑπόφερον (bearing underneath), _Hesychius_ explains as τὸ μὴ φανερὸν κρύφιον καὶ _ὕπουλον_ (that which is not visible, concealed and festering underneath).—Ought we to read for καὶ ἴξιν perhaps κατ’ ἴξιν? Comp. _Erotion_, Glossary to Hippocrates, edit. _Franz_, p. 322.

[408] A remarkable proof of the acquaintance of Italian scholars with German Literary History. The Author dedicated this letter in the year 1823 to _Gruner_ who died in 1815, and forwarded him a copy with an autograph inscription. Both are preserved in the University Library at Jena.