Part 4

At this time I had 25,000 cubic feet of hard timber, cut and squared, for a foreign market, eighty-two buffaloes for hauling, and a plant of machinery and appliances valued at $7,000.

I had a license for carrying on my business, duly granted by the superior government, and in 1874 chartered a vessel at Manila to carry my timber to Hong-Kong, and then went to the port of Love, where my timber was, taking with me $940 in gold to prepare for the vessel's arrival and to continue cutting.

Upon arriving at Love I found that during my absence at Manila a portion of my timber had been forcibly taken possession of and had been shipped on board the Spanish bark Teresa by Joaquin Barcello, the captain of the Teresa, who was then on his way to Hong-Kong. I also learned that my buffaloes, stock and rice had been removed, and that Juan Gaal, my foreman, whom I had left in charge of my property, was all subject to the orders of this Barcello, and that my choppers had been bribed into the service of Padre Fidel Moreno, the priest of the town.

When I complained of this I was confronted with a document signed by the Adelantado of Love, to the effect that no notice should be taken of my complaints, to give no testimony in my behalf (thereby shutting me out of my legal rights), and that my foreman, Juan Gaal, should look after the interests of Captain Barcello until the captain's return from China.

I then applied to the Governor, protesting against the robbery of my timber and the appropriation of my property by Captain Barcello and Juan Gaal, but was merely told that the commandante had so ordered and that there would be no interference.

Seeing there was no justice to be had at home, I sought to regain my rights at Manila and so left the next morning for Manila on the bark Industria, taking with me all my private papers, contracts, &c.

That night we encountered a terrible typhoon in which the vessel was wrecked, and all that I was able to save was the clothes I then wore.

Upon my arrival at Manila I put in a complaint against Captain Barcello, and also against Padre Moreno and the commandante of the district, as accomplices in the above fraud and robbery.

The case dragged along, as is customary in Spanish countries, and about a year later my funds were all exhausted. At this time a Spanish friend at Manila, acquainted with my misfortunes, took me to his home and lent me some money, shortly afterwards sailing for Europe.

With this money I returned to Love, expecting to find at least a portion of my timber left which I intended to ship. Upon arriving at Love I found that Captain Barcello had been there before me and had seized and shipped everything but a few worm-eaten logs. Barcello had even hauled the timber I had cut in the mountains, and aided by his accomplices had cleaned me out entirely during my absence.

I saw it was no use to complain further, and so I set to work to cut some more timber, and after much trouble and expense got two cargoes ready and left for Manila, intending to go from there to Hong-Kong to sell what I had last cut.

Learning that Barcello was in Manila and was about to leave for Hong-Kong, I applied to the Alcalde, Señor Torranco, who had my suit in charge, to stop Barcello from leaving the country, as my case against him had not yet been decided.

This didn't benefit me much, as the Alcalde wouldn't grant my request, and although a case of robbery and fraud was pending against him, Barcello was allowed to leave without hindrance.

I then applied for my passport, but to my surprise this was refused me, on the ground that my suit should first be decided.

I then returned to Love, having authorized Charles Germain to charter for me, and in due time I had despatched three cargoes to Hong-Kong, but finding that my presence in Hong-Kong would be absolutely necessary for the success of my business I applied a second time for my passport, and was again refused.

Thinking that if I offered security I would be allowed to leave the town, I named a friend who was willing to go on my bond, but the Alcalde shut me off from this chance by sending his clerk to my friend's house, and succeeded in so frightening him that my friend withdrew his name as my bondsman.

I know that this act was done deliberately, as at this time, and during the whole of my suit, the Alcalde was on the most intimate terms with Captain Barcello.

My next step was to protest against Señor Torranco trying or hearing my case, as I showed conclusively that he was hand and glove with Barcello. This had the desired effect, and the case was transferred to another Alcalde. Torranco had, however, served his friend well: he had stopped my passport at a vital point in my business on a frivolous pretext.

I was a foreigner, and that was enough, and not being able to obtain permission to leave the country, all my efforts being frustrated by those in power, although I was the aggrieved and injured party, I was held a captive in Manila, my business, meantime, going to ruin abroad.

This state of affairs continued for months, with no signs of any beneficial change in my circumstances, and so I finally brought the matter officially before the American Consul, who wrote to the Captain-General, stating my case in full, and advised me to abandon my suit, which I did, the Consul officially notifying the Captain-General of the fact.

From that day to this I have been sustained by my friends. My means were exhausted, and I was compelled to leave the hotel a beggar on the streets, with my resources all gone and heavy debts pressing upon me.

Mr. Collins was never able to get justice, though he tried frequently. His experience is no uncommon one. The establishment of a pure judiciary and the purification of the courts should be one of the first reforms undertaken by the Americans.

THE CHURCH IN THE COLONY.

Priesthood and the People.

The hierarchy of the colony consists of an Archbishop, resident in Manila, and four bishops. The Archbishop lives in a Palace, and has a salary of $12,000 a year, while the annual expenses of the Cathedral in Manila are not less than $60,000. It was not till several years after the founding of Manila, in 1578, that the first bishop was consecrated and a Cathedral was built. Not long afterward, the Manila See was raised to an Archbishopric.

The present hierarchy costs the Government about $800,000 a year. The salaries of the priests range from $500 to $2500 per annum; but, in addition, they derive a large income from the sale of masses, indulgences, marriage, burial and baptismal-fees, and from the various commissions incident to their calling. They receive all, and give nothing.

The several orders have immense revenues from investments in the islands and in Hong-Kong. They possess magnificent estates; but, notwithstanding their enormous wealth, they are hard task-masters, grinding the poor to the paying of the last penny. Their injustice and tyranny have of late aroused bitter complaint, and are a chief cause of the late insurrection.

And yet the picture has its lights as well as its shadows. The friars have, also, in many places, the confidence of the natives, and, on the whole, surely influence them for the repression of their vicious and brutal instincts. A half-barbarous people can be led only by superstition, and a semi-sacerdotal government is most effective among an ignorant people.

The friar is usually from a lowly family, and is, therefore, able at once to enter into sympathy with the humble life of the people. He is doctor, architect, engineer, and adviser; in all things truly the father of the community, the representative of the white race and of social order. Such is the ideal village-curate, and many such--good men and true--are to be found. There, are, however, many black sheep among them. And the gross immorality of those that should be examples in virtue, has been a great impediment to the work of the Church among the thinking natives. There are, also, some Chinese and native friars; but, owing to the various insurrections, in which some of these were involved, they are no longer trusted; in fact, a native can no longer become a priest.

So great is the paternal influence of the priests, that I have often seen delinquent parishioners flogged for non-attendance at mass.

The Chinese often adopt Christianity for social or business reasons, or that they may marry the daughter of a native.

All over the islands are shrines to which the people make long pilgrimages; such pilgrimages, however, partaking more of the character of feasts than of fasts. The self-denial and the self-imposed hardships of the European devotee have never found fruitful soil in the native character. He is never so glad as when a holy-day furnishes him with a pretext for an elaborate feast, and, in truth, the feast-days alone relieve the gloom of his monotonous life. Two of the most famous shrines are the Holy Child of Cebú and the Virgin of Antipolo,--thousands visiting them yearly.

Conflicts Between Church and State.

A book might be written, and an interesting one, too, about the various contests between Church and State during this period of the colony's history.

The Archbishops--with an exaggerated idea of their own importance--soon became exceedingly troublesome to the Civil Power, by reason of their excessive claims. This was never more manifest than in their pretended immunity from all State-control. Upon one occasion the Governor demanded of the Archbishop to produce several persons charged with capital and other crimes, who had found asylum in a convent. The Archbishop promptly refused, claiming the prerogative of Sanctuary. The accused not only openly defied the Governor, but armed themselves, intending to resist, should he endeavor to apprehend them. The Governor, learning this, arrested the Archbishop, and confined him and the priests that had been his abettors in prison, charging them with conspiracy against the Government.

The news spread over the province with incredible swiftness, and hundreds of priests, collecting hordes of natives on the way, marched with riotous demonstrations and violent clamor to the Palace. Franciscans, Dominicans, and Augustinians forgot their fierce rivalry and joined together in the shout, "Long live the church!" "Long live King Philip V!"

The mob burst open the doors of the Palace, and, the terror-stricken guards having fled, they forced their way to the Governor, who calmly awaited them, standing with a loaded musket in his hand. He then ordered the rabble to retreat, but with wild shrieks, incited by the priests that accompanied them, they rushed on him. The Governor pulled the trigger, but his flint failing to strike fire he defended himself with his bayonet. He was finally surrounded; and insulted, beaten, and stabbed, he was dragged to jail.

The son of the Governor, running to his father's aid, was severely wounded by the rebels. Attempting, nevertheless, to cut his way through, he was killed, and his body horribly mutilated.

The mob then broke open the door of the fortress where the Archbishop was confined, and liberated him. This worthy was then escorted with much acclamation to the Palace, and assumed charge of the Government, which he held for four years.

This is only one of many exciting conflicts between these two factions, sometimes one, sometimes the other, being victorious. On four different occasions the Governorship of the colony was vested in the Archbishop.

Every Governor-General that has attempted to introduce a liberal policy has been recalled; for the friars' combined influence is all-powerful. Not even the Archbishop has been able to prevail over the corporation of the friars; and if he would retain his see, he must not oppose their traditional prerogatives, nor work for that reform that would mean the decline of the orders. Indeed, only a few years ago, one Archbishop, who had made several ineffectual attempts to correct the abuses in the orders, was one morning found dead in his bed. His successors have taken good care to profit by his example.

Clashings among the Friars.

Interesting is the story of the bitter rivalries between the different orders, who, though of one religion, were extremely jealous of one another, showing little of that charity and forbearance that Christianity, above all, is supposed to inculcate.

On account of several clashes with the civil power, a priest had early been sent to Spain by the Church party to gain redress of grievances. Chief of these was their inability to guide the entire affairs of the colony into a narrow ecclesiastical groove. The result was, the introduction of new laws so favorable to the clergy, that, within three or four years, the colony swarmed with mendicant friars, whose habits, say the old chroniclers, placed the Spaniards and their vaunted religion in a most ridiculous light before the natives.

As most of these monks belonged to a different order from the bishop, who was an Augustinian, and as they often boldly defied his authority, he became greatly alarmed at their expanding power. But, after a fierce struggle, he succeeded in so curtailing their privileges that he still retained his pre-eminence in the colony.

Urdaneta and his Austin friars were the pioneers in the islands, and following them came a horde of Dominicans and Franciscans, and the Recoletos, or bare-foot monks. As the saving of souls was the chief policy of Philip II., the co-operation of the friars was eagerly welcomed by the early Colonial Government, and it must be admitted that without their influence the lot of the natives would have been a far harder one. For the substitution of the rites of paganism for those of Christianity, even in so crude a form as taught by the friars, was, in the main, beneficial. Religion--though not of a very exalted kind--was put on an ethical basis, and the self-denial, obedience, and sacrifice that formed the foundation of the new doctrine, somewhat reconciled the conquered races to the loss of their primal freedom.

The Monks Opposed to Reform.

These orders, presenting the united front of a corporation, were extremely powerful, and practically unassailable. When arrayed against an individual, it always resulted in his defeat,--that is, his expulsion or imprisonment. They practically had their way in all things and under all circumstances. Nothing could withstand them; for, to attack one friar was to attack his whole order. Thus, much injustice was occasioned. I have known a highly respectable man, possessed of great wealth, cheated out of house and home--yes, his very liberty--through the intrigues of a friar that desired to enrich his order. Such societies are a cancer in the body politic,--a constant enemy to good government, a menace to justice, and a foe to liberty.

In the future history of the islands, this will be found one of the hardest problems to solve. The easiest and most effective plan, it seems to me, is to cut the Gordian knot--that is, to expel the whole body of friars from the islands. By so doing, much shedding of blood will be saved. For I do not believe that these good brethren will soon cease to foment insurrection against the hated Protestant conqueror. They have ever been breeders of mischief under the congenial rule of Catholic Spain: what won't they do under the régime of enlightened America, whose first thought is the liberty that means death to extortion and oppression--the cardinal principles of their order. By this, I do not mean a propaganda against the Catholic Church; for I am a Catholic myself, and firmly believe that this religion is far better suited to the character of our people than any form of Protestantism. But the appointment of secular Spanish or American priests to the parishes would do away with the evils of the other system, without doing violence either to the Church or to the conscience of the natives.

The monks have opposed every attempt at reform. Their policy has ever been the policy of ignorance, knowing that their livelihood depended upon its perpetuation. It has been their aim chiefly to limit public instruction to the mere rudiments of knowledge--giving to every subject a religious bias. Even the colleges and the University of Manila are not free from their narrow supervision; while they have ever maintained a rigid censorship over the press.

The natives, however, are gradually breaking through the network of superstition that centuries of priestcraft have woven round them. That they are open to conviction,--to the light of reason and the hope of truth,--deeds bear witness.

None but the most enlightened natives, of course, recognize, as yet, their spiritual wants or desire a higher moral state, but many of them, privately, attest their waning belief in the Church monopoly of all things temporal in their lives.

Still, owing to the reasons previously stated, those that thus impugn and combat ecclesiastical preponderance, do so rarely except by secret word or in a limited conclave.

But the enlightening and invigorating effects incidental to American occupation will inevitably loose their tongues and rally recruits to their new standard of thought.

Of this I hope and expect great results.

THE VARIOUS TRIBES OF THE PHILIPPINES.

Character of the Natives.

To judge of the character of one's own people is extremely difficult. One is likely to be either too severe or too complimentary. However, I believe, that--after a residence of many years in England and on the Continent, and a subsequent stay of eleven years in America, with frequent visits to the Philippines--I am able to judge in the abstract, and, in fact, comparatively to look upon my own countrymen with the eye of a thorough cosmopolitan.

The natives of the islands are a branch of the Malay race, and may be divided into three large groups,--the Tagalogs, the Visayos, and the Sulus,--each group subject to modifications and exceptions. The Tagalogs inhabit Luzon, the northern islands of the Archipelago, and it is with these that we have mainly to deal, as they are by far the most numerous and the most intelligent part of the population, forming, as they do, also the majority of the inhabitants in Manila and in the largest ports.

The first thing that in the native character impresses the traveler is his impassive demeanor and imperturbable bearing. He is a born stoic, a fatalist by nature. This accounts for his coolness in moments of danger, and his intrepid daring against overwhelming odds. This feature of the Malay character has often been displayed in the conflicts of the race with the Europeans in the East Indies. Under competent leadership the native, though strongly averse to discipline, can be made a splendid soldier. As sailors, too, I do not believe they can be equalled. For, lithe, active, and fond of the water, the Malays have ever shown their inclination for the sea. Their pirates, coursing in their prahus, have, till a few years ago, for centuries infested the bays and inlets of the eastern Archipelagos, looting the towns and villages on shore and taking as booty such foreign merchantmen as they were able to overcome. On account of the ravages of these fierce eastern Vikings, Europeans have come to regard the whole Malay race as cruel and bloodthirsty. But these were pirates in their own waters, and preyed upon their own countrymen, by whom they were feared no less than were the Spanish and English freebooters of old by their countrymen. Why, then, should their outrages and rapacity be taken as indicative of the Malay character any more than are the atrocities of the Caucasian corsair of their race?

The natives are all excellent swimmers, and are absolutely fearless in the water. I have seen groups of boys diving thirty or forty feet for pennies, dropped into the sea by foreign officers on ships anchored in the bay. Many swim miles with the greatest ease; and it is no uncommon sight in the outlying districts to see groups of naked men plunging with drawn dagger among a shoal of sharks, with whom they fight with a fierceness that always results in the victory of the native.

Along the beach at Manila, on a summer evening, at the close of the day's labor, hundreds of hands from the various tobacco factories--men, women, and children, of all ages and sizes, married and unmarried--may be seen disporting themselves, with peals of laughter and squeals of delight, in the cool surf.

As a result of the stoicism of the native character, he never bewails a misfortune, and has no fear of death. When anything happens he merely says, It is fate, and calmly goes about his business as if nothing had happened.

Europeans often seem to notice in them what they deem a lack of sympathy for the misfortunes of others; but it is not this so much as resignation to the inevitable. This, it must be confessed, saves them many a bitter pang. The educated native, however, impregnated with the bitter philosophy of the civilized world, is by no means so imperturbable. While more keenly alive to the sufferings of others, he is also more sensitive to his own sorrows. After all, whether he is any happier for his wisdom, is a question.

Incomprehensible inconsistencies obtain in nearly every native. Students of character may, therefore, study the Filipinos for years, and yet, at last, have no definite impression of their mental or moral status. Of course those living in the cities are less baffling to the physiognomist and the ethnologist; for endemic peculiarities have been rubbed off or so modified, that the racial traits are not obvious.

But observe the natives in the wilds, in their primitive abodes, where civilizing forces have not penetrated! You will then be amazed at the extraordinary mingling and clashing of antithetical characteristics in one and the same person; uncertain as to when the good or the bad may be manifested. Like the wind, the mood comes and goes,--and no one can tell why.

I myself, with all the inherited feelings, tastes, and tendencies of my countrymen,--modified and transmuted, happily,--have stood aghast or amused at some hitherto unknown characteristic suddenly manifesting itself in an intimate acquaintance; and after I had been for years, too, wholly ignorant of his being so possessed or obsessed. And after that, the same mental or moral squint would be displayed at irregular intervals.

It is said by some that the native is shiftless and improvident.

It is true that he is not noted for foresight and energy, as are the peoples of the temperate zones; but his indolence is the result of generations of tropical ancestors. Even the most energetic Europeans yield, in a few years, to the enervating effects of the climate, and are unable to shake off the lassitude bred by the heat. Besides, deprived by the Spaniards from all active participation in affairs of the Government, and robbed of the fruits of industry, all incentive to advancement and progress was taken away. He, therefore, yields with composure to the crushing conditions of his environment, preferring the lazy joys of indolence rather than labor for the benefit of his oppressors. Naturally. Recent events, however, show that, given the stimulant of hope, even the "indolent natives" of the Philippines can achieve and nobly dare.

Some Spaniards also have asserted that the Filipinos are naturally disloyal and treacherous, and that their word is not to be depended on.