chapter ii, articles xvii and xviii, pp. 230-275. This book contains

the Journal of Archbishop Rojo concerning the siege. Le Gentil criticises the method of the British operations; and influenced by his friendship for Rojo's nephew passes a severe criticism on Anda, which has caused him in turn to be criticised by the Spaniards.

4. Malo de Luque, Eduardo (pseudonym of Duke of Almodovar).--Historia política de los establecimientos ultramarinos de las naciones europeas (Madrid, 1784-1790), v, chaps. ix, and x, pp. 234-310. Contains many of the original documents and letters connected with the conquest period.

5. Martinez de Zúñiga, Joaquin, O.S.A.--Historia de las Islas Philipinas (Sampaloc, 1803), chaps. xxxiii-xxxvii, pp. 601-687. Treats of siege, capture, insurrections, operations of Anda, and the peace.

6. Mas, Sinibaldo de.--Informe sobre el estado de las islas Filipinas (Madrid, 1843), i, no. 2. Uses preceding authorities largely.

7. Buzeta, Manuel, O.S.A., and Bravo, Felipe, O.S.A.--Diccionario (Madrid, 1850), ii, pp. 289-291. A very short and unsatisfactory account.

8. Ferrando, Juan, O.P.--Historia de los PP. Dominicos en las islas Filipinas (Madrid, 1871), iv, chaps. viii-x, pp. 611-742; v, chap. i, pp. 1-25. Contains Dominican history and general account of the conquest, etc.

9. Montero y Vidal, José.--Historia general de Filipinas, ii, chaps. i-iii, and part of iv, pp. 7-119; and portion of appendix, where he gives various documents of conquest period. Uses foregoing freely.

10. Jordan de Urries, Pedro, marqués de Ayerbe.--Sitio y conquista de Manila por los Ingleses en 1762 (Zaragoza, 1897). Based on ordinary authorities, and especially on an unpublished MS. written by Alfonso Rodríguez de Ovalle, to the marqués de Cruillas, ancestor of the marqués de Ayerbe, which is conserved in the library of the latter. Ovalle sailed on the "Santa Rosa" with royal despatches notifying the city of Manila of the treaty of peace between Spain and England. While in the Philippines, he wrote a minute journal, accompanying it with plans and statistics, of the late events in Manila and the provinces. The dates of this journal are September 13, 1762-March 13, 1764.

11. Diez Aguado, Manuel, O.S.A.--Biografia del P. Agustín Ma. de Castro, Agustino (Barcelona, 1902). This contains a short account of the siege and capture of Manila. It is drawn in large part from Augustinian sources. The author has had the benefit also of manuscript material possessed by Augustinian friars in his convent at Valladolid, some of which manuscripts were written by Castro. [212]

12. War Department.--Annual Report, 1903 (Washington, 1903), iii, appendix ix, pp. 435-454. Part i, Historical sketch of the walls of Manila, compiled and written under direction of various U. S. military officers. Part ii, translation of chapter ii, of no. 10, by Capt. A. C. Macomb, 5th U. S. Cavalry; rather free translation. Contains many half-tone reproductions of Manila walls and fortifications.

13. MSS. in the Archivo general de España, at Simancas; estado 6958.--Concerning the capture, sack, capitulation, and surrender of Manila, the propositions of the English, its recovery, etc.; 1762-1765. This contains also the documents regarding the capture of the "Santissima Trinidad." This legajo contains much correspondence from the Spanish minister in England; and a number of letters written in English. Legajo 6954 is dated "London, 23 de Sept. 1763;" and treats of the restitution of the Philippines.

BIBLIOGRAPHICAL DATA

The following documents are obtained from the original MSS. in the British Museum:

1. Plan of an expedition.--Jure Empt. 19, 298; Plut. CLII. E.

2. Letter to Lord Anson.--Hardwicke papers; Vol. DL. Navy papers, 1693-1779; Add. 35, 898; fol. 278, 279.

3. Letters to Earl of Egremont (letter of Nov. 1).--East India military letters; Add. 5939; fol. 80 verso--82 verso.

The following are taken from Scots Magazine for 1763; from a copy belonging to the library of the Wisconsin Historical Society:

4. Letters to Clevland.--Pp. 232-235.

5. Letters to Earl of Egremont (letter of Nov. 2).--Pp. 225-227; the third set of "Proposals" are taken from Draper's A plain narrative (pp. 27-30).

6. Draper's Journal.--Pp. 227-232.

One document is from Le Gentil's Voyage, from a copy belonging to the library of the Wisconsin Historical Society:

7. Rojo's Journal.--ii, pp. 232-235, 236, 237-239, 241, 242, 243-247, 248-252, 255-259.

The following are from MSS. in the Ayer Collection:

8. Anda and the English invasion.--From MS. (copy of 1765), entitled "Documents for the history of the invasion and war with the English in Filipinas, 1762-1764."

9. Rojo's narrative.--From original MS., entitled "Operations in Manila."

10. Synopsis of letter to Cárlos III.--From Ventura del Arco transcripts, iv, pp. 641-649.

11. Letter to Cárlos III.--From Ventura del Arco transcripts, iv, pp. 597-620.

12. Synopsis of communications to Cárlos III.--From Ventura del Arco transcripts, iv, pp. 621-640.

The following are from the original MSS. in the Archivo general de Simancas, all bearing pressmark "Secretaría de Gracia y Justicia; leg. 691."

13. Letter to Gonzalez.

14. Letter to Rueda.

15. Letter to Mesquida.

One is from two small bound pamphlets belonging to the Ayer Collection:

16. Draper's defense.--I. A plain narrative (London, 1764?). II. Colonel's Draper's answer to the Spanish arguments (London, 1764).

17. References.--Editorial compilation of titles.

NOTES

[1] This paragraph was canceled by its author. A sidenote reference at this point is to San Antonio's Cronicas de ... San Gregorio.

[2] Probably the island of Busuañga, the largest of the Calamianes Group; spoken of previously as Buvugan.

[3] A sidenote reference at this point is to Colin's Labor evangelica, and San Antonio's Cronicas.

[4] The Manila galleon captured by Anson, whose real name was "Nuestra Señora de Cabadonga." See the account of its capture in Kerr's Hist. and Coll. of Voyages, xi, pp. 489-501.

[5] Opposite this point is a sidenote reference to Colin, apparently to his Labor evangelica.

[6] i.e., The island of Siquijor. Ylog is probably for Ilong, and Sily, for Silay.

[7] i.e., Magendanao, or Mindanao.

[8] See VOL. XLIII, appendix, and notes.

[9] It is known that Draper when in Canton suggested the conquest of the Philippines (see note 12, post), and was ordered to outline his plan fully. That fact suggests that the present document is the fuller outline, and hence that Draper is its author.

[10] Facts regarding Samuel Cornish are few. In 1743, when captain of the fifty-gun ship "Guernsey," he destroyed a Spanish privateer of twenty-two guns, which had taken shelter under an eight-gun battery near Cape de Gatt. He also performed numerous other services of the same kind, and took and destroyed a fleet of zebecks laden with provisions. In 1756 he was captain of the "Stirling Castle," a vessel carrying 480 men, most of them the refuse of jails and the scum of the streets. In 1759 he was sent with reënforcements to the East Indies, in the "Lenox," Captain Robert Jocelyn commanding, where he was reënforced in 1760 with five ships. He was at the reduction of Pondicherry in 1760, and at the reduction of Mahe in 1761. Thence he went to Bombay to refit, and went to meet Commodore Keppel for the attack of Bourbon and Mauritius, although these orders were later changed. His promotions are as follows: captain, 1742; rear admiral (white), 1759, (red), 1761; rear admiral (blue), 1762, (red), 1770. He was made a baronet in 1766. His death occurred October 30, 1770. See Allen's Battles of British navy (London, 1878), i, pp. 147, 148; Clowes's Royal Navy (Boston and London, 1898), iii, pp. 23, 196, 240, 565.

[11] The war with Spain came partly as a consequence of the so-called "Family compact" signed between France, Spain, Naples, and Parma, at Versailles, August 25, 1761. England declared war against Spain, January 2, 1762. The diplomatic history of this period is especially tortuous.

[12] Sir William Draper was the son of a collector of customs of Bristol, where he was born in 1721. He received his education at Eton and King's College, Cambridge. Entering the military service, he went to the East Indies, where he entered the services of the East India Company, attaining the rank of colonel in 1760. In 1761 he was promoted to the rank of brigadier-general for the expedition to Belle Isle. When in Canton, China, whither he went for his health after the defense of Madras in 1759, he took occasion to study conditions in the Philippines, and learned that the Spaniards had no fear of attack since they were so far from Europe. He communicated plans to Lord Anson and Lord Egremont for their conquest at the first rumors of war with Spain, and was ordered to outline his plan fully. The colors taken at the storming of Manila were given by him to King's College, where they were hung in the chapel. When the 79th regiment was reduced he was given command of the 16th regiment of foot, but resigned that post. His health rendered it necessary for him to retire to South Carolina, in 1769, and while in America he made a tour of the colonies. In 1769 he married the daughter of Chief-Justice Lancey of New York, by whom he had one daughter. He had reached the rank of lieutenant-general in 1779 when he was appointed governor-general of Minorca, which office he held until the surrender of that island. His death occurred January 8, 1787, while in retirement at Bath. See New and general biographical dictionary (London, 1798), v, pp. 146, 147; Chalmers's Biographical dictionary (London, 1813), xii, pp. 316-318; Rose's New general biographical dictionary (London, 1848), vii, pp. 138, 139; and Campbell's Lives of British Admirals (London, 1817), v, pp. 175, 176.

[13] The churches taken by the English and used as forts before the assault were afterward demolished by them in order that the Spaniards might not make use of them for like purpose against them (Montero y Vidal's Historia, ii, p. 15, note 1).

[14] Had our men taken thought to prevent the disembarking, perhaps they could have driven the enemy back, for they disembarked on a day when the waves were high and when there was a heavy surf, which overturned a lancha carrying a cannon of the caliber of eighteen. All its men fell into the water, and its equipment was rendered almost useless. Their men left the other lanchas with the water up to their breasts carrying their muskets and cartridge-boxes on their heads. Amid this discomfort, two hundred men reached the beach. They immediately formed ranks and allowed the others to disembark more quietly. See Martinez de Zúñiga's Historia, pp. 604, 605.

[15] i.e., The small island of Cahayagan, at the west entrance to port of Palápog, north of Samar Island.

[16] The "Panther" carried sixty-four guns, and the "Argo" thirty. See Montero y Vidal, ii, p. 15.

[17] During the gale, the chief boat of the English, which was trying to disembark troops on the beach at Tondo, was obliged to give up the attempt because of the fire that was directed from the fort of Santiago. This ship would have been surely lost, had not the archbishop, confused and lacking good advice, ordered a complete cessation of firing from the citadel. See Montero y Vidal, ii. p. 23.

[18] This officer, later a subordinate admiral, was in 1782 in command of the "Royal George," a three-decker of 108 guns, generally extolled as the finest ship in the British navy. While preparing for the relief expedition to Gibraltar under Admiral Howe, and while the vessel was heeled over for some trifling repairs, a sudden squall caught it, filling it with water, so that it sank with all on board, scarcely a person being saved. The wreck long obstructed the anchorage at Spithead. See Yonge's History of British navy, i, pp. 392, 393.

[19] This letter is published in the following eighteenth-century magazines: London Gazette of April 16-19, 1763, from which this letter, as well the other letters published by them, were taken by the other magazines; London Chronicle, xiii, no. 986, April 19-21, 1763, pp. 379, 380; Gentleman's Magazine, xxiii, pp. 177-179; London Magazine, xxxii, pp. 219-221; Dublin Magazine, 1763, pp. 255-257; Universal Magazine, 1763, pp. 206-208; and vol. ii of The Field of Mars, 1781.

[20] i.e., The Naranjos Group lying in the strait of San Bernardino, south of Sorsogon, and consisting of six small islands: San Andres, Medio, Escarpada, Aguada, Dársena, and Rasa.

[21] Its artillery was in the hold, and it only carried above hatches, five cannons of the caliber of eight, and four of the caliber of four. Notwithstanding this surprise, the unfortunate condition of the vessel, and the formidable force of the English, its commander, who was a Gallego, and the other Spaniards who were aboard it, as if they knew what had happened in Manila, and were of a mind to vindicate the luster of their fatherland, there at stake, fought desperately, and received 1,700 balls of the caliber of 18 and 24. Thirty-five of the English were killed and eighteen Spaniards in addition to the wounded. The ship after being captured was towed to Cavite, where it arrived November 12, 1762. The silks, spices, gold dust, and other effects that it contained, were worth 2,000,000 pesos fuertes. See Montero y Vidal, ii, pp. 16, 17, note 2.

"The Holy Trinity ['Santisima Trinidad'], a rich galleon, taken at the Manilas by Adm. Cornish, arrived in Plymouth Road, June 9, commanded by Lieut. Mainwaring Wilding." (Scots Magazine, 1764, xxvi, p. 348.)

"The Santissima Trinidad, the galleon which was taken in her voyage to Acapulco during the siege of Manila, is now advertised for sale at Plymouth. This ship is one of the largest ever seen in Britain. She is upwards of 2000 tons burthen; the gun-deck measures 167 feet 6 inches; the breadth, 50 feet 6 inches; the depth of the hold from the poop-deck, 30 feet 6 inches; and her draught of water when she arrived at Plymouth was 28 feet." (Ut supra, p. 515.)

"On the 14th of August, the great cause of the Manila ship, Santissima Trinidad, was determined by the lords of appeals for prizes, the sentence affirmed, and the Spanish claim wholly rejected." (Ut supra, 1765, xxvii, p. 493.)

[22] Also published in London Gazette, April 16-19, 1763; London Chronicle, 1763, pp. 380, 381; Gentleman's Magazine, 1763, p. 179; London Magazine, 1763, p. 221; Dublin Magazine, 1763, pp. 257, 258; Universal Magazine, 1763, pp. 208, 209.

[23] Lord George Anson was descended from a family long established in Staffordshire, and was born at Shugborough manor, in the parish of Colwich, April 23, 1697. Choosing the sea as his career, he became second lieutenant May 9, 1716. In 1718 he took part in the action near Sicily in which the Spanish fleet was destroyed. The years 1724-27 he spent in a naval position in South Carolina, erecting there the town Anson Bourgh, and giving name to a county. He made two other trips to South Carolina, where he had acquired considerable property. On the outbreak of hostilities with Spain in 1739, he was chosen commander of the fleet to attack the Pacific Spanish-American settlements, and while engaged in this mission made his celebrated circumnavigation of the world, capturing the Philippine galleon on June 20, 1743. He arrived at England, June 15, 1744, after many dangers, in which he displayed great hardihood and courage. Shortly after his return, he was made a rear-admiral of the blue, and soon after that was elected to Parliament. December 27, 1744, he was appointed one of the commissioners of the admiralty, and April 23, 1745 was made a rear-admiral of the white. July 14, 1746 he was appointed vice admiral, and during that and the succeeding year performed many services for his country. June 13, 1747, he was appointed to the peerage. Most of the rest of his life was passed as a member of the admiralty board, he finally becoming its head, having attained the rank of admiral. He died June 6, 1762, so that the letter written by Cornish never reached him, being written indeed some months after that event. See New and general biographical dictionary (London, 1798), i, pp. 389-391; Chalmers's General biographical dictionary (London, 1812-1817), ii, pp. 294-311; Rose's New general biographical dictionary (London, 1848), ii, pp. 489-500; Barrow's Life of George Lord Anson (London, 1839); and the various editions of his Voyages.

[24] Le Gentil (Voyage, Paris, 1781, ii, pp. 247, 248), says of these Frenchmen: "The English, on arriving at Manila, had with them about three hundred and fifty Frenchmen, enrolled by force. These people formed a plan to desert them at the first opportunity. The English had not yet finished their battery, when the little French troop sent two trusty men to confer with the place and to agree with them for a sortie, during which the French troop would take the side of the Spaniards. Two men were sacrificed; they went without weapons, their arms crossed, to present themselves at the gate of the city. Instead of opening it to them, they were allowed to be massacred by the Indians who did not know them. At Manila, innumerable chimerical ideas have been formed as to the sudden arrival of these two men. But what can two men who come without weapons and with crossed arms to present themselves at the gate of a city do? What is there to fear from them to refuse to receive them? I believe that they were taken for English at Manila, and that a poorly understood religious motive was the reason for the very great fault of not opening the gate to them. Whatever it was, this treatment did not engage others to sacrifice themselves. But the English, having some doubt of some resolution on the part of the French, put it out of their power to attempt anything to their prejudice, by placing them between the Sepoys and their national troops, with orders to fire on these French, if they were seen to comport themselves differently than the others."

[25] Scots Magazine for 1763, xxv, p. 235, contains the following in regard to these plates: "They write from London, of April 21, thus. 'There were found at the Manilas, among many other curiosities, and brought here by Col. Draper, eight copper-plates, on which are engraved a most particular map of the Philippine islands, adorned with the customs and habits of the inhabitants of those parts, which was done by order of the governor, in 1734, and dedicated to his Catholic Majesty.'--By an advertisement since inserted in the papers, some few impressions are proposed to be taken of these original copper-plates." What is probably one of these impressions was sold recently by the firm of Henry Stevens, Son and Stiles, London, to the Library of Congress. This is the celebrated Murillo Velarde map. The map is printed in four sheets, as are also the pictures (three to a sheet) of the "customs and habits of the inhabitants," and are so arranged that the map is in the middle with the pictures grouped on its right and left sides. The map as sold by the above firm was arranged in two large sheets, with a margin left so that the sheets could be easily joined. The whole map if pasted on one single sheet with the pictures would measure about 1170 mm. wide, and 1082-1087 mm. high. The difference in height between the two halves seems to be due to the lines not being drawn quite true on the plates, although shrinkage of paper may affect it slightly. This map is described by Pardo de Tavera in his El mapa de Filipinas del P. Murillo Velarde (Manila, 1894); and La carte des Philippines du Pere Murillo Velarde (Paris, 1898), the latter being a separate or "Extrait du Bulletin de geographie," No. 1, 1897. Marcel reproduces several of the pictures. The map contained in the Ayer Murillo Velarde is unaccompanied by the pictures, and was engraved in 1744. We are indebted for much of this note to the courtesy of the above-named firm.

[26] Lord Egremont was a man of small ability who succeeded Pitt as secretary of state. See Hunt's Political History of England (New York and London, 1905), x, p. 32.

[27] Le Gentil (ii, pp. 264, 265), says that the British made many mistakes in the expedition against Manila. They should, he says, have first seized the posts about Manila, and the city would have fallen of its own accord because of its weakness, without the necessity of a siege; and in addition the "Filipino" would not have been able to escape. Another mistake was made in allowing Anda to form his army.

The following communications are interesting as showing the diplomatic side of the British expedition against Manila. These letters all bear the same pressmark as the present document (all being contemporary government copies of the real originals), and are to be found at folios 15-16 verso, 23, 23 verso, 33 verso, 34, and 45.

21 Janry 1763

To Gover. Crommelin

Sir

As it is my duty to acquaint his majesty's principal Secretary of State with all important Transactions in which his majesty's Troops in this part of the World are concerned. I beg leave to request you will send me the Paragraph of the Letter relative to the Capture of Manila that I may transmit it to England by this opportunity. I also request you will order the Packet to be kept open until you have received my Letter which shall be sent as soon as possible. Had I been acquainted with this sooner, I should not have troubled you to detain the Packet.

I am

&ca. S. L. M.

From the Goverr. 21 Janry 1763

Sir

I am favoured with yours of this date and agreeable to your Request our Secretary is directed to send you a Copy of the advise we received yesterday relative to the Capture of manila and to keep the Packet open till he receives your letter.

I am &ca.

Signed Cha Crommelin

From Mr. Ramsay 21 Janry 1763

Sir

I am directed by the Hoñble the Presedt, and Council to tend you the accompanying copy of a Paragraph of a Letter from the Chief and Factors at Tellicherry containing the agreeable news of the surrender of manila to his majesty's arms on which important acquisition, I beg leave, Sir, to congratulate and am respectfully Sir &ca

Signed Andw. Ramsay Secry

Copy of a Paragraph of a Letter from the Chief & Factors at Tellicherry to the President and Council at Bombay dated 10 January 1763 it received 20th following LB Express Boat, "We addressed you under the 28th. & 29th. ultimo LB ship Royal Admiral and the Chief having received by a Private Letter from the Resident at Calicutt, the agreeable news of a Macao ship arrived at Cochin, bringing advice of the surrender of manila in four days to Admiral Cornish we dispatch this Boat, tho unacquainted with any other particulars, Chiefly to advise your Honour &ca, of it, and Request your acceptance of our Congratulations on so Considerable an acquisition. Immediately on our learning any further accounts we shall send away another Boat with them,

A True Copy.

signed Andw. Ramsay Secry.

To the Earl of Bute 21 Janry 1763

My Lord

Having the Honour to Command his Majesty's Troops here, I esteem it my duty to send your Lordship the enclosed Paragraph of a Letter of the Governour & Council here received yesterday from the Chief and Factors at Tellicherry of which we hourly expect confirmation. I have the Honour to congratulate your Lordship on the success of his Majesties arms & of being with the highest respect

My Lord

2 Duplicates Your Lordp. &ca. LB Express over Land S. L. M.

From Mr. Ramsay Secretary 2d February (sic) 1763

Sir

I am directed by the Hoñble the President and Council to send you the enclosed attested Copy of a Paragraph of a Letter received yesterday from the Chief and Factors at Tellicherry and to acquaint you that the Tartar snow, which has hither to been detained at Surat Bar, in Expectation of receiving a more Certain and particular accot. of the Capture of Manilha will shortly be dispatched from thence, if therefore you have any further advices to transmit to Europe you will be pleased to prepare them, as soon as possible that they may be duly forwarded by Sir &ca.

signed Adw. Ramsay Secry

follows the Paragraph

"We have received no further particulars regarding Manilha except that the day of it's surrender was the 6th october.

To Mr. Ramsay 2d February 1763

Sir

I have just now received your Letter enclosing a Paragraph from Tellicherry, and I here with send you a Letter for the secrety. of state, which I desire you will forward by the Tartar snow,

I am &ca.

S. L. M.

To the Earl of Bute 2d February 1763

My Lord

Having just now had the enclosed Paragraph sent me by the Governour & Council here I do myself the Honour of immediately transmitting it to your Lordship

I am &ca.

S. L. M.

A letter from "Captain Duff of the 89th Regimt.," dated "Fort St. George 24 Jañry 1763" contains the following:

"In my letter sent by Captn Morrison I mentioned the news of this place at that time, in particular the arrival of Captain Wood of the Company's Troops from Manilha with the account of the surrender of that place to General Draper the 6th of last October he says that the Field officers have all made their fortunes and that General Draper with Colonel Scott and two or three more officers were to go home in November on board the seahorse man of War. It is said each of the field officers have Cleared £ 12,000 and in the event of the acapulco ship being taken, of which they seemed to be pretty certain they should share very near as much more. The General and admirals shares are prodigious."

The above paragraph was sent by S. L. M. to the "Governour & Council, 4 march 1763"

A letter from "General Lawrence, Fort, St. George 9 February 1763" says:

"The Expedition to Manila has deprived us of so many men & we are not likely to have them again, that we are in great want here. I beg you will remind the Governour of sending the remainder of Monsons whenever opportunity's offer."

[28] A correspondent writes to the editor of Scots Magazine under date of June 21, 1767 (see Scots Magazine for 1767, pp. 305, 306) the following: "By an advertisement in the Daily Advertiser of the 13th instant, notice is given to the officers and soldiers who are intitled to share in the capture of Manilla, that they will, on the 3d of July next, be paid their respective shares of the sum of 8053 l. 17 s. 8d. arising from sales of stores taken at Manilla, and other prizes; 'one third part of the sum being first deducted, as the proportion allotted to the East-India company.' And as many disputes have arisen concerning the right of the East-India company to share in those conquests, permit me to state the matter in its true light. In the years 1757 and 1758, the East-India company's principal settlements in that part of the world, were in the utmost danger of being totally ruined, and their trade destroyed, by the superior forces of the French; and on a proper representation to government, a fleet was fitted out at a very considerable national expence, to save them from the then impending ruin. The forces sent out in the year 1758 for this purpose, met with the desired success: Calcutta was retaken; Pondecherry, Vellure, Arney, and several other principal forts, cities, and garrisons, were taken from the French, with money, stores, ammunition, and other effects, to the amount of some millions, which the East-India company, or their servants, took the entire possession of, and have appropriated to their own use, though by the laws of conquest, as well as by his Majesty's gracious declaration, the whole of the booty belongs to those brave officers, soldiers, and seamen, who were at the reduction of those important conquests. After the uncommon fatigues and hardships of his Majesty's troops in the reduction of those places, they were ordered to the siege of Manilla; which they took by storm: and that city being afterwards ransomed by the Spaniards for one million Sterling, this powerful and generous ally, the East-India company, was modest enough to demand only one-third part of the entire ransom; and one-fourth part of the said million Sterling being paid shortly after the conquest, and hostages delivered to his Majesty's commanders, as sureties for payment of the remainder, the East-India company were accordingly paid one third part of 250,000 l. and the hostages delivered over to their governor there; but, for reasons best known to themselves, their governor thought proper to deliver up the said hostages to the Spaniards, without taking any further security for the payment of the remainder of the ransom, being 750,000 l. and therefore not one shilling thereof has been since paid. This, Sir, is the true state of this shameful and scandalous transaction, which I have no doubt but you will speedily communicate to the public."

[29] Published with the first two of the following "Proposals" and "Conditions" in London Gazette, April 16-19, 1763; London Chronicle, 1763, pp. 369-370; London Magazine, 1763, pp. 212-214; Dublin Magazine, 1763, pp. 245-248; Universal Magazine, 1763, pp. 199-201.

[30] This date is given as the 7th in Colonel Draper's Answer, and in Draper's Plain Narrative; but all other sources available give the 6th.

[31] These signatures are omitted by Scots Magazine; we take them from The Universal Magazine.

[32] These signatures are taken from The Universal Magazine.

[33] Possibly for Orden tercera, referring to the tertiary branch of one of the religious orders.

[34] Draper's Journal should be compared throughout with Rojo's. The Spanish figures for the English force are as follows: 13 warships, which the blind authorities believed to be a Chinese trading fleet (Malo de Luque's Establecimientos ultramarinos, Madrid, 1790, v, p. 238); 1,500 European soldiers; two companies of artillerymen; 3,000 European seamen armed with muskets; 800 Sepoy musketeers, and 1,400 for work--a total of 6,830 men. See Montero y Vidal, ii, p. 13; and Rojo's Journal, post.

[35] Some Armenian merchants from Madras told the archbishop that a squadron was being prepared there for the capture of Manila. A certain secular priest had a letter which contained the same news; while Father Cuadrado, O.S.A., received another letter which mentioned the declaration of war between England and Spain. On September 14, word was received in Manila from the outposts on the island of Corregidor of the appearance of a vessel there the preceding day. A small boat sent ashore from this vessel inquired how many vessels were in the bay, and whether the "Filipino" had entered. This vessel left on the 17th without any salute. This produced no other sensation in Manila than some slight suspicions, and no preparations were taken. Word was, however, despatched to the "Filipino" to make some other port than at Manila. See Le Gentil's Voyage, ii, pp. 236, 237; Montero y Vidal, ii, pp. 12, 13; and Sitio y conquista de Manila (Zaragoza, 1897), by Marquis de Ayerbe, pp. 33, 34.

[36] While the Spaniards were deliberating on the defense of this place, the British captured it. Two companies of fifty men each who had been sent for its defense fled on seeing the British before them, with the exception of twenty-five men, under Captain Baltasar Cosar. See Sitio y conquista de Manila, p. 38.

[37] Called César Fallet in the Spanish accounts, but Le Gentil gives his name as Fayette. He was a French officer then in the Spanish service, and was later at Pondicherry. See post, Rojo's Journal. Rojo's account makes the Spanish force larger.

[38] The council of war called on the twenty-fifth of September (the twenty-sixth, English date) because of the English summons for surrender, was attended by the following, under the presidency of the archbishop: Auditors Villacorta, Galbán, and Anda; the fiscal Francisco Leandro de Viana; the marquis de Villamediana, master-of-camp and commandant of the garrison; Martin de Goicocoa, sargento-mayor of the city; the marquis de Monte-Castro y Llana Hermosa, Leandro Rodríguez Varela, alcalde-in-ordinary; José Antonio Memije y Quirós, alguacil-mayor; Antonio Díaz Conde, provincial alcalde of the Hermandad; Alberto Jacinto Reyes, accountant; and Fernando Carabeo, royal official. After Draper's letter was read, all voted unanimously: "That inasmuch as this place was in condition to continue its defense, as no especial harm had been seen to have been done by the enemy, notwithstanding the continual and lively firing from the 23d when the siege commenced until the present, therefore they are unanimous and in harmony in their opinion that this place should be defended until the last extremity; and the enemy should be informed to the effect that the Spanish arms did not surrender to any power, for they alone venerated their sovereign, whose royal sovereignty never deserted his faithful vassals, not even in the most remote part of this dominion, as were these islands, in which the love and loyalty of their inhabitants was great, and obliged them to the defense of this place." See Montero y Vidal, ii, pp. 16, 17.

[39] Cf. Rojo's description of the fortifications of Manila, post.

[40] Various boats were overturned during the wind, and some of those who escaped to land, among them some Malabar deserters, begged shelter from the Spaniards, but it was refused them with volleys, whereupon they fled. See Sitio y conquista, pp. 50, 51.

[41] "In Manila was a Beata who lived on the alms sent her from Mexico, or those which she collected in Manila. She maintained and supported a certain number of girls, who consented to retire with her and to lead the same manner of life--that is to say, a life of retreat and repentance. They followed the rules of no particular order. That community did not have the approbation of the court of Rome, but that did not prevent it from being tolerated, and even from being in excellent odour. She was called Mother Paula. The fiscal had much confidence in her, and sent the greatest part of his possessions to the house of this woman. This Beata assured him that Manila would not fall; that the English were all going to become Catholics; and that the fulfilment of her prediction would speedily be seen. The fiscal believed her. Completely enthused, he went to find the archbishop. 'Sir,' said he, on saluting him, 'we have nothing to fear; I have just left Mother Paula; the English are all going to be converted to the faith; we shall drink excellent wine at their expense.'" See Le Gentil, ii, pp. 240, 241.

[42] Accompanying the map shown on p. 95, is the following:

"Notice:

"Although yellow is generally used to designate works projected, it has been necessary to employ it here in the stone buildings existing, for the lack of carmen. For lack of verdigris, emery has been employed in the wash for the seashores, rivers, etc.

"That part washed with Chinese ink represents the islands that have at present houses of wood, bamboo, and nipa. Those which are designated by lines without washing were burned during the siege.

"The squares or islands with houses are represented by dots. Those unwashed are of stone, which were also burned.

"The part washed in verditer shows the gardens and rice fields.

"In the delineation and washing of this plan, several defects are noted, which are to be excused as it was made at sea, under the necessary discomfort of the balancing of the boat, and lack of what was needful for its perfection. The explanation is sent separately, as there is no room on this sheet [marco]." Scale 200 Castilian varas to 4 1/4 cm. The size of the original MS. map is 59 x 48 cm.

[43] The Marquis de Ayerbe says (Sitio y conquista, p. 60) that forty of these men were killed, among them being several wounded men, one of whom was the sargento-mayor, Martin de Goycoa (sic).

[44] Many of the inhabitants of Manila fled to the Pasig after the assault, and when attempting to swim across, were fired upon by the British, with horrible carnage. See Montero y Vidal, ii, pp. 27, 28.

[45] The captors imposed several contributions on the conquered. They seized a champan and its money and effects that was despatched without a passport by Fernando Calderón to the provinces for purposes of trade. See Sitio y conquista, p. 70.

[46] At the assault of the royal gate, the enemy lost but four men, one of whom was a major, who received an arrow in the face. The commander of the regiment, Miguel Valdés and some men basely fled. See Sitio y conquista, pp. 60, 61.

[47] Published with the following appendices in London Gazette, 1763; London Chronicle, 1763, pp. 377-379; Gentleman's Magazine, 1763, pp. 171-176; London Magazine, 1763, pp. 214-219; Dublin Magazine, 1763, pp. 248-255; Universal Magazine, 1763, pp. 202-206; and vol. ii of The Field of Mars, 1781.

[48] A number of maps by this man exist in the archives of the Indies, at Seville.

[49] See Report of the War Department for 1903 (Washington, 1903), iii, pp. 434-446: "Historical Sketch of the Walls of Manila."

[50] "The English knew as much of the weakness of that city as the Spaniards themselves, because of the voyages that they made there annually. There was (and the same was true in 1766 and 1767) the greatest freedom of going everywhere, of seeing and visiting everything. When I left that city, I could easily have given an idea of the plan of the fortifications of that place. The Spaniards were without distrust in this regard. The English knew besides that the garrison was very weak, and composed of Mexican soldiers, good enough indeed, but of little skill in the military art, as they had never fired a gun; and composed, in a word, of soldiers, sufficient to impose on Negroes, but incapable of opposing well disciplined troops, accustomed for some years to fighting in India." See Le Gentil, ii, p. 236.

[51] Cf. with this statement the letter by Baltasar Vela, S.J., post, pp. 288-295.

[52] This was Lieutenant Fernando Arcaya. See Sitio y conquista de Manila, p. 36.

[53] Ferrando (Historia de los PP. dominicos, Madrid, 1871, iv, p. 621), says that the first summons for surrender from Cornish and Draper demanded the immediate delivery of eight million escudos, the equivalent of four million pesos.

[54] "After consulting the royal assembly of these islands the governor replied: 'Gran Bretaña must know already that fear and threats are not the securest method nor the most fitting means to celebrate treaties with the noble servants of the Spanish sovereign. History has shown the world that Spaniards know how to die like good men for their God, for their king, and for their fatherland, but never to yield in the face of danger, much less to be intimidated by arrogant threats. Go, then, and bear this message to your chiefs; and tell them that we here are ready in any event to sell our lives dear.'" See Ferrando, iv, p. 621.

[55] After the taking of the Augustinian convent at Malate, the archbishop issued a circular to all the religious orders, telling them "that it was now time for them to leave their cloisters and aid in the defense of the city," which they did gladly. Later, he ordered all the orders to furnish soldiers, and many of the religious entered the ranks. See Sitio y conquista, pp. 39, 50.

[56] "These were the two churches that Arandía desired to have demolished one year before his death, and for which the friars tried to excommunicate him. It is quite certain that these two citadels which were only eighty toises from the body of the city, hastened and furthered the capture of the city. By favor of these churches, the English raised and formed their batteries of cannons and mortars with the greatest ease.... I have seen the ruins of one of these churches, whose walls were yet high enough to make excellent retrenchments with very little labor." See Le Gentil, ii, pp. 239, 240.

[57] In this boat were captured money amounting to 30,000 pesos, and other objects of value. See Sitio y conquista, p. 42.

[58] The Marquis de Ayerbe (Sitio y conquista) gives this force as consisting of two companies of fifty Spaniards, and more than two hundred Indians and mestizos with spears, muskets, and two eight-pounders. He was seconded by José del Busto.

[59] Of this sortie, Le Gentil says (ii, p. 243): "This sortie was only a kind of boast and bravado, for how could one flatter himself, with at the most sixty men (for I do not take any account of the eight hundred Indians and two small cannons) that he could give any trouble to six thousand men of good troops, withdrawn into two or three citadels, which it would really have been necessary to have besieged in order to try to dislodge them; for the walls of all these churches are made of cut stone, and are as thick as the walls of the royal observatory, namely, five or six feet thick, and are octagonal." The reënforcements sent to Fayette consisted of two Spanish companies and 1,500 Indians, commanded by Pedro Iriarte; and later one other company commanded by Fernando de Araya.

Opinions are divided as to the conduct of Fayette (Fallet), some accusing him of treason and others exonerating him. Ferrando (iv, p. 623) says, when speaking of his night sortie, that he retired only because of superior numbers, and adds: "Without reason and justice, the suspicion of treason against the French official (Sr. Fallet) who directed that sortie according to good principles of [military] science (which do not always triumph over tenfold the number of legions), would lie then on the conscience of the country." At the assault, however (ut supra, p. 628), Fayette, who was ordered to guard the breach in the wall, was with some reason accused of treason because of the lukewarmness which he displayed in its defense; and because he finally went over to the British lines, being received there gladly. In fact when the British were forming for the assault Fayette had ordered the Indian archers to retire from the breach under pretext of taking some refreshment and rest before the assault--which was well calculated to aggravate suspicions. The English, seeing this move, were quick to take advantage of it. Monterory Vidal says (ii, p. 27) that he played the traitor at the assault by not offering any resistance. The Marquis de Ayerbe (Sitio y conquista, p. 44) calls him a Swiss.

[60] This was doubtless the officer with the second British summons for surrender. It was probably at the council held in consequence of this (see ante, note 38), that the fiscal, Leandro de Viana, was appointed to see after the supply of provisions for the defense of the city. He issued orders to the alcaldes-mayor of the various provinces, and to the procurators of the convents, from whose estates much rice and other effects were received. Viana advised the archbishop to leave all military matters to the sargentos-mayor of Manila and Cavite, but the latter refused to do so. See Montero y Vidal, ii, p. 17.

[61] On the twenty-sixth 3,000 Indian archers from the provinces of Pampanga, Bulacán, and Laguna; but neither these volunteers nor 4,000 others armed with quivers, who joined later were very greatly feared by the English because of their inexperience in the art of war and their primitive armor. A contemporary paper gives the following data: "Report of the men-at-arms whom it has been possible to collect inside and outside the place, without including the troops or militia: 600 men from the province of Bulacán, in Bancusay; 1,950 Pampangos, in San Fernando and the barracks of the accountancy; 150 Pampangos in the palace, in charge of Santa María; 133 men in the archiepiscopal house, 38 of them with muskets being Tagalogs; 110 men from Meycaoyan and Bocaue, in the house of Dorado; 153 men from Hagonoy; 150 men from Bulacán; 60 from Guiguinto; 72 from various villages; total 3,378." See Montero y Vidal, ii, p. 18.

[62] He refused absolutely to accept the freedom offered him by Draper until he received an order from the archbishop to that effect. See Sitio y conquista, p. 43.

[63] The Marquis de Ayerbe (Sitio y conquista, p. 48) says that 500 Indians left the plaza de armas in command of the archbishop, ministers of the Audiencia, and some of the citizens, on the twenty-ninth, but that they were quickly put to flight by the English fire.

[64] September 30, the Spaniards received a reinforcement of 609 men from Bulacán, as follows: from Paombong, 82 men, under command of Sebastian Lorenzo; Bocaue, 149 men, under command of Augusto Percumenla; Calumpit, 16 men, under Juan Panganiban; Malolos, 45 men, under Anastasio Bautista; Obando, 53 men, under Pedro C. Salvador; Angat, 79 men, under Nicolás de Aquino; San José, 30 men, under Nicolás Matías; Polo, 75 men, under Juan Roque; and Bigáa, 80 men, under Domingo Francisco. See Montero y Vidal, ii, p. 21. On the first and second of October they were furnished with arrows, spears, and other weapons (Sitio y conquista, pp. 51, 52).

[65] At dawn of the third of October, a sally was made by 2,000 Pampangos arranged in three columns: the first in command of Francisco Rodríguez and their valiant leader Manalastas; the second in command of Santiago Orendaín; and the third, in command of the volunteers Esclava and Busto. The first reached the church of Santiago, which they found empty, but were driven thence by the British. The second bore down upon Ermita, where they were at first successful, but were speedily driven back by the British, with a loss of 200 men, Orendaín fleeing at the beginning of the engagement, which is regarded as proof of his treachery. The third column, which was to have attacked by the sea side, grew faint hearted and retreated. Many natives, alarmed because the British had hanged more than sixty Pampangos whom they had captured, returned to their homes. See Montero y Vidal, ii, pp. 22, 23.

[66] The military men who were mainly Americans, counseled surrender, at the council held by the archbishop on the third of October, but their advice was overruled by the marquis de Monte-Castro, the magistrates, the religious, and the merchants. This council, as is evident from the record by Orendaín, the government secretary, was called on account of a threatening letter from the British. See Montero y Vidal, ii, pp. 23-25, and note; and post, pp. 206-208.

[67] Some religious were ordered by the marquis de Monte-Castro to lead some Indians to the foundry to make tools for making the ditch. But this was not done, in spite of Father Pascual Fernández, of the Society of Jesus, teacher of mathematics, and the other religious, having worked with the greatest zeal. See Sitio y conquista, p. 56.

[68] The governor continued to give various orders which were not obeyed, and the master-of-camp limited himself to ordering the religious to prevent the Indians from mounting the bastions, on this account great confusion reigning in the city.

[69] As the British troops debouched into the square of the palace, their column could have been annihilated by the batteries of the fort of Santiago, but the archbishop did not permit them to fire, as he feared the vengeance of the English general. See Montero y Vidal, ii, p. 28.

[70] At the Parián gate, the resistance was but slight. Seventeen of the British were killed there, and but five of the Spaniards. See Sitio y conquista, p. 61.

[71] The archbishop promised the conquerors 1,000,000 pesos for the expenses of their squadron if they were exempted from the sack.

[72] Ferrando (iv, p. 631) says: "Finally the killing ceased, but the sack continued contrary to the previous agreement, without the lewdness of the soldiers pardoning either the honor of the married women or the virginity of girls, who were everywhere the victims of their brutal appetites.... According to old histories, many young women, who had taken refuge during the danger, at the beaterio of Santa Rosa of this city of Manila, were violated. The venerable mother Paula, foundress and directress of said institution, asserted that not one of the girl boarders and collegiates of the house had been violated by the brutal soldiery."

"There also entered the plaza de armas on this day [October 5], five hundred marines, dressed, armed, and uniformed like the regular English troops, who committed all kinds of excesses in the convents, churches, and houses." A MS. by Alfonso Rodriguez de Ovalle entitled Sitio de Manila (written in 1763), cited by Marquis de Ayerbe, p. 60.

[73] Evidently Lieutenant Hardwick.

[74] The following account of the assault is taken from Le Gentil, ii, pp. 252-255:

"Archbishop Roxo was a capable man for the good management of finances. He was clever in business and very zealous for the service of the king. But he did not understand anything of military affairs. Consequently, the factions which were formed, and which he was unable to resist, were the cause of his not capitulating in time, and those factions caused the misfortune of Manila.

"It would be difficult to form an idea of the embarrassment in which this prelate found himself, and of the consternation of the entire village. I have been assured that the name of Arandia, that man whom the friars had, two years previously, dubbed a heretic, and toward whom they had been so hostile that no one could be found who would take charge of his funeral oration, was heard pronounced several times. 'If Arandia were living,' said one, several times during the siege. It was perceived then that they lacked a man to direct. Several times the archbishop wished to capitulate, but he was prevented. Don Andres Roxo has assured me very emphatically, that had the archbishop been alone, and had he not been besieged on one side by the auditors, and on the other by the friars, he would not have waited until the English had mounted to the assault. It was in fine a notorious fact at the time of my stay in Manila, that the fiscal and especially an auditor, who has died since my departure, were the cause of Roxo not capitulating in time. Many councils, indeed, were held, but nothing was determined there. These councils, besides, were very illy made up; for, if the military men were excused from it, what good could come from appealing from the auditors there, who knew nothing in this line, and from fanatic friars. The latter made use of Mother Paula, whom they pretended had had visions of St. Francis. They carried the news of those visions to the archbishop, and did what they could to support him in the flattering idea that St. Francis would work a miracle in favor of the inhabitants of Manila and that one would see him on the breach, with his cord in his hand, defending and sustaining the assault, as he had formerly repulsed the Chinese, who, so they said at Manila, had risen against this city to the number of more than twenty thousand.

"While the English were pressing Manila, the auditors were besieging the archbishop, and prevented any one from approaching to speak with him. Monsieur Fayette, more experienced than the other officers, seeing the evident danger which was threatening the city, tried, in spite of the difficulty in penetrating thither, into the presence of the archbishop, to leap the barrier. Auditor ---- was performing constant guard duty in the anti-chamber. It was impossible for Monsieur Fayette to get nearer. He told the auditor what brought him. The latter sent him back very roughly, giving him to understand that he was an ignoramus in the trade; that the governor was better informed than he; that the ministers of the king, who were there to assist the governor by their counsels, knew all that was to be done. 'Do you take us,' said he in wrath, 'do you take us for traitors to our fatherland? Do we not know our obligations?'

"Monsieur Fayette retired. That same afternoon, the archbishop desired to go in person to view the breach (a fact that has been attested to me) but Auditor ---- and the fiscal prevented him. They did not wish, they said, to have his most illustrious Lordship expose himself to so evident a danger. It is true that, since they were near his person in order to assist him with their counsels, it would have been necessary for the two auditors to have accompanied him in his visit.

"Don Andres Roxo has shown me a copy of one of the letters written to the king by this prelate, when he was near death, in which he gave his Majesty an account of his conduct, and asked his pardon for the errors which he had committed. When speaking of the matter that we have just seen concerning the visit to the breach, he says 'Would to God that a cannon ball had then shortened my days.'

"Next morning bout six o'clock, the same officer (Monsieur Fayette) returned to make a second attempt. He succeeded finally in getting quite into the apartment of the archbishop, but it was after he had deceived and thrown the watchful auditor off his guard. It was then too late to deliberate. A messenger announced that the enemy were at the breach, in possession of the bastion of the foundry.

"The English were divided into three columns. The one which was to mount the breach was preceded by thirty volunteers and pioneers who were the first to mount, but who probably well knew that they would find but very little or no opposition.

"The breach was scarcely practicable, and these volunteers had some difficulty in mounting. Arrived at the bastion, they saw no one to dispute the ground with them. They cried out to their comrades that they had found no obstacles, and in fact, the few people that had been stationed on the bastion had become affrighted, and had fled in both directions along the wall. Some even threw themselves down from the walls. The column seeing that these volunteers met no resistance on the bastion, bravely mounted the breach, and took the bastion. The volunteers went to the royal gate, where they found a feeble guard, who, frightened, had taken refuge under an altar of the Virgin which was in the guardhouse, and before which all the guard were wont to recite the rosary night and morning. The guard thought that they were safe from all danger, but the English, having few scruples, massacred them. They opened the gates to the rest of the troops, who were only Sepoys, who composed the second column. Thus was Manila taken by assault."

[75] Anda's baptismal record which is published by Montero y Vidal, ii, appendix, pp. 606, 607, shows that he was baptized in the church of San Esteban Protomártir in the village of Subijana de Alava on October 23, 1709. His burial (ut supra, p. 608) is noted in the burial book of the Manila cathedral under date of October 31, 1776. He was buried by the famous archbishop, Basilio Sancho de Santa Justa y Rufina, who was, like Anda, a fighter. See also VOL. XVII, pp. 297, 298.

[76] Law clxxx is as follows: "In some of our Audiencias of the Indias, it has happened, and it might happen, that the auditors of it may be absent, and only one auditor remain. We declare in such case that the Audiencia is to be conserved and continued with only one auditor." [Felipe III, San Lorenzo, August 14, 1620.] For law lviii, see VOL. XVII, pp. 313, 314.

[77] All the religious orders but the Jesuits proved loyal and assisted with money and actual force. The latter maintained most cordial relations with the enemy. In the summary exposition which was sent to the pope regarding this matter, it was shown that they preached against the government, and that their provincial had illicit relations with Draper during the occupancy of Manila. This was partly the reason for their expulsion by Cárlos III. In the archives at Simancas, legajo 288 of "Gracia y justicia," exists a document charging the Jesuits as traitors for their action during the war with the British. See Montero y Vidal, ii, p. 36, and note. See the letter, post, in which the Jesuits charge the archbishop with direct treason. The following items from British magazines are instructive and may partly explain the Jesuit letter.

"Letters from France advise that his Catholic Majesty will be no great loser by our taking the Manilas, as the whole of that trade was in the hands of the Jesuits. A proposal was made to the late King of Spain, to put a stop to that trade, it being a loss to both his Majesty and the Spanish nation; but the Jesuit had art enough to prevent its taking effect." (Scots Magazine, 1763, p. 235.)

"London, Nov. 3. They write from Cadiz, that the treasure belonging to the Jesuits at Manilla, lately confiscated by orders of the court, was said to amount to near 20,000,000 pieces of eight, exclusive of jewels, diamonds, and church-plate." (Scots Magazine, 1763, p. 605.)

"London, Sept. 24. According to letters from Madrid, three eighths of the treasure drawn from the commerce carried on between Manilla and Acapulco, had centred among the Spanish Jesuits, amounting annually to eight millions of dollars." (Scots Magazine, 1767, p. 494.)

[78] This letter is published by Malo de Luque, v, pp. 268, 269; Mas, i, p. 142; and Montero y Vidal, ii, appendix, p. 579.

[79] Published in Malo de Luque, v, pp. 269-276; Mas, i, pp. 142-146; and Montero y Vidal, ii, pp. 580-583.

[80] Law lvii is as follows: "We order that in the absence of viceroy or president, so that he cannot govern, our royal Audiencias succeed to the government, and that the government reside in them, as it could in the viceroy or president when they performed those duties. The senior auditor shall be president, and he alone shall make and enact all the measures belonging to and annexed to the president. And if the president should be captain-general, the senior auditor shall also exercise that office until his successor is appointed by us, or until one is sent who shall have powers to act as such by our orders, unless the opposite or contrary is ordered in some Audiencias by the laws of this book." [Felipe II, Toledo, May 25, 1596, ordinance 43, concerning Audiencias; Felipe IV, Madrid, April 8, 1629; and in this Recopilación.]

[81] This testimony, which is given by Mas, i, pp. 139-141, and Montero y Vidal, Historia, ii, appendix, pp. 577-579, notes that Anda was appointed by the archbishop, in his capacity of governor and captain-general, as lieutenant governor and captain-general of the islands, in due form, sealed with the arms of the archbishop and countersigned by Ramón Orendain, chief government secretary, on October 1. On the same day he was appointed visitor general, by the royal Audiencia, of all the provinces of the islands, the royal provision therefor being despatched with the royal seal registered by Andres José Rojo, lieutenant of the grand chancellor, and countersigned by Juan de Monroy, assembly secretary. He was received in his official capacity in the province of Bulacan, and when, on the fifth, news was received of the assault and capture of Manila by the British, upon him devolved the duties of the royal Audiencia, and of the governor and captain-general. The treasurer Nicolás de Echauz Beaumont was ordered to move the moneys in his charge into the interior. Accordingly he went to the province of Laguna, but for greater security was ordered to go later to Pampanga.

[82] Montero y Vidal's version reads "loyalty to the king, ... and defense of these provinces, without giving or allowing terms for their foreign subjection to the slightest degree"--a better reading.

[83] Anda left Manila with but 500 pesos. See Sitio y conquista, p. 80.

[84] Montero y Vidal reads "what is not allowed."

[85] This passport reads as follows: "This is to certify that Don Simon de Anda y Salazar, minister of his Catholic Majesty, has my permission to come with all safety to this city. This order is directed to each one to whom it pertains, so that he may allow him to pass, in accordance with its contents. Guillermo Drapert, commander-in-chief. General barracks, October 25, 1762. I retain the original in my possession, in order that it may run no risk [of being destroyed or lost]. Your Lordship may come without the slightest fear. The Archbishop."

[86] This date is easily explained by the fact that the British used the calendar of India, which was one day in advance of that of the Spanish in the Philippines.

[87] An edict issued by Anda on October 26, 1762, after protesting against British occupation, orders the alcaldes-mayor to pay no heed to despatches or orders issued by the archbishop, either in his own name or that of the British. The bearers of such despatches are to be arrested.

[88] On September 24, the British leaders had issued their first manifesto for the native populations, reassuring the natives that no harm would be done them and that they would be allowed freedom of worship if they did not aid the Spaniards. See Ingleses en Filipinas (MS.), pp. 80, 81; and Sitio y conquista, pp. 39, 40.

[89] Published by Montero y Vidal, in his Historia, ii, appendix, pp. 587-589. It is dated October 28 in this version, and is signed by Juan Monroy and Ramon de Orendaín, in addition to the archbishop. It is also contained in another MS. belonging to Edward E. Ayer, where it is dated October 28.

[90] The "Filipino" carried according to a contemporaneous account, two and one-half millions of pesos fuertes. See Ferrando, iv, p. 624.

[91] Dawson Drake took over the command of Manila October 10, 1762. See Sitio y conquista, p. 69.

[92] Other things demanded in the petition of the natives were: the return of the tribute that had been collected; the removal of the schoolmaster and the church fiscal; the removal of the alcalde-mayor of the province; permanence of office for the then master-of-camp of the province (Ferrando, iv, p. 660).

[93] The Marquis de Ayerbe says (Sitio y conquista, pp. 91-93) that nine hundred Sangleys conspired against Anda at Guagua, who in connivance with those of Manila, numbered more than 5,000. Anda was informed of the conspiracy by a native. By his promptness of action, he attacked and defeated the entrenched Sangleys, capturing from them nine barrels of powder, many guns, and nine thousand pesos.

[94] In the Museo-Biblioteca de Ultramar, Madrid, there is a tastefully carved plate of some hard Philippine wood, on which are three separate inscriptions, also carved in the wood. This plate was set up by Anda on the gate of the village of Sesmoan in the province of Pampanga. When the walls were destroyed, this plate was preserved in the house of the parish priest and was later (1857) sent to Manila where it was preserved in the Audiencia building (June 1, 1858), as a memorial of the signal services of Anda.

[95] Published by Malo de Luque, v, pp. 278-281; Mas, i, pp. 167, 168; and Montero y Vidal, ii, pp, 590, 591.

[96] The provincial and all the fathers of the college of Santa Cruz were imprisoned on mere suspicion; and the same was done with the prior of the Augustinian convent. All the religious and students of Santo Tomás were imprisoned, and charged with urging the soldiers to desert. The British took advantage of this to search the convents and carry off what they wished. See Sitio y conquista, pp. 75, 76.

[97] Bernardo Pazuengos was born at Garnica in the diocese of Calahorra, May 22, 1706. He was admitted into the Jesuit order, October 9, 1720, and went to the Philippines in 1732, where he taught philosophy and theology at Manila. Returning to Spain as procurator, he went to Mexico in 1754. In 1764 (sic, in Sommervogel, but this date must be an error, as he is provincial in 1763), he was made provincial of the Philippines. See Sommervogel, vi, cols. 413, 414.

[98] When Villacorta was arrested, the English promised to liberate him if Anda would retire from Pampanga to some other province (Martinez de Zúñiga, p. 648).

[99] Published in Malo de Luque, v, pp. 290-292; Mas, i, pp. 170-172; and Montero y Vidal, ii, pp. 593, 594.

[100] The library of Mr. Edward E. Ayer, of Chicago contains a series of manuscripts bound into one document, and entitled: "Papers apropos of the representation of the royal Audiencia and the posts of governor and captain general having devolved upon Sr. Don Simon de Anda y Salasar; and the measures taken by him as such during the invasion of the English at that capital." From a paper accompanying this MS. we translate as follows: "In the 63 useful sheets of which it is composed, it contains original testimonies of those appointments, acts, measures, and autograph orders, dictated and directed by Anda to all the authorities of those islands in order that he might keep the country obedient and under the dominion of his Majesty, during the war sustained against the English in 1762 and the following years, in which the English gained control of Manila and Cavite, until they were expelled and said places recovered by the Spaniards; with the original replies and testimonies of obedience and respect, which were given to Anda as such captain general by the prelates, alcaldes-mayor, provincial chiefs, reverend fathers of the religious orders, and all the natives of the country; evidence of the offers made him; replies of the said Anda to them; and other details interesting on account of their text, and the form and originality which they show." These are the originals, or contemporaneous copies thereof, and cover the years 1762-1764. Lack of space forbids the use of any of them here.

[101] A German lay brother and Santiago de Orendaín went completely over to the English. They burned many summer residences in the suburbs, and caused all the prisoners to swear allegiance to the British, although many failed to keep this forced oath. See Sitio y conquista, pp. 73, 74.

[102] Among the prisoners taken by the enemy were the king of Joló and his son Israel, who bore themselves like brave men, and more honorably than some of the Spaniards who fought there. When the British forces left, the king of Joló also fled in a ship of the English East India Company. See Sitio y conquista, pp. 90, 130.

[103] Published in part in Malo de Luque, v, pp. 293-310; Mas, i, pp. 172-181; and Montero y Vidal, ii, pp. 594-602. The most interesting part, that reproduced above, is omitted by each of these writers.

[104] Space will not permit us to give in extenso an account of the insurrection headed by Diego Silán or Silang. It was the most obstinate of all the insurrections that broke out against the Spaniards during the English occupation. Diego Silán was born December 16, 1730, in Pangasinan province. As a lad he served the cura of Vigan, but being sent down to Manila, the boat in which he took passage was wrecked on the coast of Bolinao. All his companions were killed by the barbarous inhabitants, but he was kept as a slave, being finally ransomed by a Recollect friar. Later he became a messenger for the parish priest at Vigan, and being found trustworthy was appointed to carry the letters to Manila annually at the time the Manila boat was expected. In this service, he acquired a wide acquaintance; and it was comparatively easy for him after the assault of Manila to rouse the natives, under pretext of protecting themselves from the British since the Spaniards were no longer able to defend them. Demands formulated and presented by the insurgents include the deposition of the alcalde-mayor, Antonio Zabala; that office to be held by the provisor Tomás Millán; the election of one of the four chiefs of Vigan as justice; the expulsion of all the Spaniards and mestizos from the province; the appointment of Silán to make head against the English. The insurrection makes great headway, and is soon found to be an attempt to break with all Spanish authority, and the insurgents are incited by the British, who appoint Silán alcalde and governor of the province of Ilocos. Silán meddles with ecclesiastical matters, opposing Bishop Ustariz, whereupon the latter pronounces an interdict in Vigan. Augustinians seized by Silán are imprisoned three separate times. Silán is finally killed by a Spanish mestizo, Miguel Vicos, May 28, 1763. This insurrection was quickly put down after the death of Silán, who was its life and exhibited a certain amount of shrewdness and resource. But shortly after, another insurrection was started under Silán's uncle, Nicolás Cariño, which gained considerable headway, although it was finally stifled and quiet restored. Anda took various measures against these insurrections, but it was impossible for him to leave his post in Bulacan, where English matters occupied his attention. These insurrections were perhaps the most serious that the Spanish power in the Philippines had yet suffered. For accounts of them, see Relación de los alzamientos de la ciudad de Vigan, cabecera de la provincia de Ilocos, en los años de 1762 y 1763, by Pedro de Vivar, O.S.A. (written in 1764; but published in Manila, 1893, in vol. iv, Biblioteca historica filipina), in which many documents are given; and Montero y Vidal's Historia, ii, pp. 77-114. Isabelo de los Reyes, the Ilocano writer and demagogue, praises Silán highly. See also post, pp. 298-306.

[105] Draper and Cornish sent an edict to the Filipinos on September 24, 1762, announcing that the Filipinos need have no fear of the British fleet, provided that they do not join the Spaniards or assist them in any way. They will be received under British protection; their women and children will be free from outrages; full prices will be paid them for food; they will be free to go and come as they please; and freedom of worship will be conserved to them. If they do, on the contrary, aid the Spanish, then they must fear the punishment that will be inflicted. May 13, 1763, Silang writes the British assuring them of obedience and non-aid to the Spaniards. In the same month, the British write Silang promising to send him soon, troops, weapons, and war supplies. The British successes in Manila, Pasig, and Maysilo, are mentioned, while in the month just past, the fort of Batangas in Bulacan has been captured. They are attracting all the natives of the islands to their banners, and have treated them humanely, freeing them from the tribute and the various ecclesiastical oppressions. The Augustinians have been especially active against the British, and against the vows of their profession have taken up arms, thus occasioning the shedding of much blood. They have also treated Silang cruelly. Therefore the British will esteem it if Silang will secure the Augustinians, the alcalde, Antonio Zavala, and all other Spaniards, and send the same to the English, taking possession besides of all their property and estates. The lack of priests for the present may be filled by seculars until the archbishop can appoint others. The British wish to conserve the Catholic religion. No duties shall be charged on their trading boats. The provinces of Pangasinan and Cagayan will also be admitted under the protection of the British, if they desire it. Silang's aid is asked against Anda and his men. With the letter are sent copies of a manifesto inviting trade. (All these documents are contained in the manuscript entitled Ingleses en Filipinas.)

[106] This edict is as follows: "Inasmuch as many malcontents of the district of Señor Anda frequently come to the villages of Santa Cruz, Binondoc, etc., for the purpose of killing the officers and soldiers whom they meet; and since said malcontents flee precipitously as soon as our troops go out in pursuit of them: therefore, notice is given to all the Spaniards living in said villages, to come to live within the city of Manila inside of one week, since we can protect them in this way. If, perchance, they neglect to obey this order, they must stand the consequences, for if many of said canaille gather together, it is feasible that the governor will be necessarily obliged to order the cannon fired among the houses, for the purpose of driving them away." (Published in Malo de Luque, v, pp. 284-285; Mas, i, p. 183; and Montero y Vidal, ii, pp. 602, 603). This edict Anda answered on the nineteenth at Bacolor. In it the British are styled as dishonorable men, for regarding as rebels those who are loyal to their king, and for their offer of a reward for Anda alive or dead. The statements in the edict of the seventeenth, namely, that the loyalist Spanish troops are canaille and that they are on the lookout for opportunity to murder British officers, are branded as utter falsehoods. In return, the three men who have signed the above edict--Drake, Smith, and Brook--are proscribed, and a price of ten thousand pesos offered for each one, dead or alive. This edict further orders that the humane treatment of the Spanish toward English captives or deserters be continued as hitherto, to the extent possible. (The version from which we condense is evidently an abridgment of the edict, which is given entire by Malo de Luque, v, pp. 285-290; Mas, i, pp. 183-185; Ferrando, iv, pp. 647, 648; and Montero y Vidal, ii, pp. 603-605.)

[107] January 28, 1763, the fiscal Viana fled the city, going to Anda's camp, where he was gladly received, and where he became very useful. Later Villacorta also escaped to Anda's camp. The latter and Galbán, who had been very far from doing their duty in the time of danger, conspired to wrest the command from Anda in case of Rojo's death, on the grounds that most persons believed that the government of the islands should be given to Bishop Ustáriz of Nueva Segovia. The Franciscan and Recollect provincials, and the Jesuit superior declared that the command belonged to Anda; while the other religious institutes were neutral or sided with Bishop Ustáriz. The Augustinians pronounced for Villacorta. See Montero y Vidal, ii, pp. 65, 66.

[108] The preliminary peace treaties were signed between Great Britain, France, and Spain, November 3, 1762, and the treaty of peace at Paris, February 10, 1763.

[109] A Manila paper published in 1904 tells of the finding near the Pasig River, during a removal of a part of the old Manila wall on that side, in order to increase the customs warehouse capacity, of two old British cannons, probably six-inch mortars, with the royal arms of England and an eighteenth-century date upon them, that were turned up by the workmen. Evidently these cannons were brought by the British at the time of the siege of Manila. (Letter from James A. LeRoy, October 20, 1904.)

[110] This man commanded a British force sent out to invade the provinces and cripple Anda. He was opposed chiefly by Busto who had joined Anda some time before. The British force attacked the church and convent of Marisanto, where they were opposed by the alcalde-mayor, about seventy Spaniards, and about five thousand natives, as well as by Busto. Finally, the English took the convent and killed the alcalde-mayor, and some Recollects and other Spaniards. Some of the wounded took refuge in a garret of the convent, but were captured and handed over by Slay to the Sangleys, who killed them after inflicting severe tortures. Only two escaped by swimming across the river. See Sitio y conquista, pp. 95-98.

[111] Some of the religious quit their habits and became leaders of bands of ladrones. Most of the religious, however, remained loyal. See Sitio y conquista, pp. 79, 80.

[112] By the death of the archbishop, January 30, 1764, the British changed their tactics and recognized Anda as legal governor and captain-general. But even after this the British soldiers sacked the churches and houses of Cavite. See Sitio y conquista, p. 126.

[113] This treaty is published in Scots Magazine for 1763, pp. 134-142.

[114] When the British forces left, about four hundred prostitutes, who were abandoned by their departure, fled from Manila. See Sitio y conquista, p. 130.

[115] The Spanish troops entered Manila May 31, 1764, possession of the city being taken by Anda, accompanied by Busto, since the new governor ad interim, Francisco de la Torre, was sick. That night a banquet was given to the British commanders. June 4, Brereton tendered a banquet to Anda and other officials on his ship, the English praising Anda profusely. June 10 and 11, the British vessels left the bay for India. See Sitio y conquista, pp. 129-131.

[116] Montero y Vidal (ii, pp. 66, 67) says of the archbishop: "The unfortunate archbishop Rojo died January 30, 1764. The English gave him a solemn funeral, their troops granting him all the military honors. This prelate was more imbecile than traitor.... His obstinacy in submitting the islands to the dominion of the English; his struggles against Anda, ... the absolute ignorance as to his powers, and his mission and obligations; his pardonable ignorance of whatever concerned the military defense of the archipelago; ... his calm submission to whatever the English advised, even in matters which were clearly opposed to the integrity and interests of Spain; and other inexplicable acts: ... give an exact idea of the capacity and character of the unfortunate one who had the misfortune to exercise a command in such anxious times, for which he lacked the intelligence, valor, and the conditions necessary for its proper performance." See also ante, pp. 129-131, note 73.

[117] See document by this man in VOL. XLVII, pp. 251-284.

[118] At the death of Governor Arandía, June 1759, the government ad interim was assumed by Miguel Lino de Espeleta, bishop of Cebú. When Rojo took possession of the archiepiscopal see, July 22, 1759, he claimed that the government belonged to him. The auditors Villacorta and Galbán voted for Espeleta, and Calderon and Dávila for Rojo. Espeleta, however, was backed by the troops, and the matter was accordingly decided in his favor. His first measure was the repeal of the celebrated ordinances of good government compiled by Arandía. His next step was the prosecution of Santiago Orendaín, the favorite of Arandía, as he believed him to be the originator of the regulations contrary to the religious, charge of the prosecution being given to Auditor Villacorta. Orendaín took refuge in the Augustinian convent at Tondo, but was given up and lodged in the fort of Santiago. Escaping thence, he was received into the Recollect convent, whence he was taken by soldiers. The matter stirred up the opposing forces, and excommunications followed in rapid succession on both sides, the two auditors, Calderon and Dávila being among those excommunicated. The matter was quashed by the archbishop upon the arrival of a royal decree appointing him governor ad interim (July, 1761). Orendaín was liberated and the records of the case sent to Madrid. See Montero y Vidal, ii. pp. 7-9.

[119] See account of this revolt in VOL. XLVIII.

[120] See Anda's letter to the archbishop, ante, pp. 156-158.

[121] See VOLS. XLIII and XLIII; appendices in vol. ii of Montero y Vidal's Piratería; Barrantes's Guerras piraticas, appendix: for the negotiations between the king of Joló, and his brother Bantilan, and the Spaniards and English respectively. The king Ali-Mudin and his son were taken to Joló by Brereton when the British forces evacuated Manila in 1764. The king abdicated in favor of his son Israel. Thereupon, the Joloans divided into two factions, one in favor of the English and the other, headed by Israel, against them (Montero y Vidal's Piratería, i, p. 338).

[122] "The most singular of these imposts, however, is the Crusade. It was born in the ages of folly and fanaticism during which millions of Europeans set forth to wear themselves out in the East for the recovery of Palestine. The court of Rome revived it in favor of Ferdinand, who in 1509 undertook to wage war against the Moors of Africa. It still exists in Spain, where it is never less than 12 sols 6 deniers, or more than 4 livres. One pays more dearly for it in the New World, where it is collected only once in two years, and where it rises from 35 sols to 13 livres, according to the rank and fortune of the citizens. For this sum, people obtained the liberty of being absolved by their confessors from crimes reserved to [the cognizance of the] pope and the bishops; the right to use on days of abstinence certain forbidden articles of food; and a multitude of indulgences for sins already committed or which might be committed. The government did not strictly oblige its subjects to take this bull, but the priests refused the consolations of religion to those who neglected or disdained it; and perhaps there is not in all Spanish America a man sufficiently courageous or enlightened to brave this ecclesiastical censure." (Raynal, Etablissemens et commerce des Européens, ii, pp. 310, 311.)

[123] Orendain was a mestizo (a lawyer by profession) and maintained cordial relations with Diego Silán, the insurgent; and the communication of the latter may easily have taken place under his auspices. He bought the Augustinian convent and its library which were sold by the English with the understanding that if the latter abandoned the country, the religious could not claim their property. Embarking with the English after the peace, he was killed in Cochinchina by order of the king of that country. Vivar's Relación, p. 299, note.

See also ante, p. 121, note 64.

[124] The laws above mentioned are as follows:

Law lxii: "We declare that the appointment of those who are to be judges of the causes and suits, which are handled in our royal Audiencias, belongs to the viceroys and presidents of them, in those cases, which by virtue of our cedulas, or in any other cases shall arise; and this must be observed in accordance with what is the practice in our councils and Audiencias of these kingdoms of Castilla." [Felipe III, Madrid, March 28, 1620.]

Law lxiii: "The appointment of the judge who is to supply the absence of auditors because of their death or inability, for the determination of matters with the auditor remaining in the Audiencia, belongs to the president of the Audiencia. This is to be the rule on all the occasions that arise, any ordinance to the contrary notwithstanding." [Felipe IV, Madrid, September 30, 1634.]

Law lxxxviii: "We declare and order that, in our Audiencias of the Indias, the least sum for the examination and determination of suits shall be and shall be considered to be three hundred thousand maravedis; and that if the sum does not exceed that amount, suits may be examined and determined by two auditors whose votes must be in harmony in every respect. Two auditors may also try and sentence, in all instances, suits representing a greater sum, in the same manner, except the Audiencias of Mejico and Lima. In those Audiencias it is our will that three votes be unanimous in every particular in order to try and sentence suits representing a greater sum, as is prescribed by the laws of these our kingdoms of Castilla." [Cárlos I, in the new laws of 1542; Felipe II, Aranjuez, September 24, 1568; Felipe IV, Madrid, September 22, 1626.]

Law cvi: "We order and command that when the auditors agree upon the sentence, they summon the clerk of the cause, and secretly order him to write before them the points and the effect of the sentence which they are to give. It shall be set down there and written neatly, and shall be signed before it is pronounced; or at least when it shall be pronounced, it shall be brought in written neatly and be signed by all who were in the assembly, although the vote or votes of one or some may not conform to the contents of the sentence. Consequently, at least in ordinary matters, the sentence shall not be pronounced until it is agreed upon and written neatly and signed. After it shall be published, it cannot be changed in any wise. The clerk shall immediately give in the court a copy of it to the party if he asks it, under penalty of a fine of two pesos for the courts." [Cárlos I, and the queen regent, Madrid, July 12, 1550, ordinance 14, concerning Audiencias; Felipe II, in said ordinances, no. 144.]

Law cxi: "The auditors of our Audiencias where there are no alcaldes of crime, shall try criminal causes in the first instance in the city where the Audiencia resides, and five leguas about it, provided that the prison orders are assigned by at least two auditors." [Cárlos I and the queen regent, 1530.]

Laws cvii-cxix refer to the manner of signing sentences; law cx relates to the action of the Audiencia outside the five-legua district.

[125] A village on the west coast of Panay.

[126] See Anson's description of the voyage of the Acapulco galleon, Kerr's Hist. and coll. of voyages (Edinburg and London, 1824), xi, pp. 406-411.

[127] This vessel made three efforts to make the voyage. In the second it lost its topmasts. Having refitted with spare masts, it sailed again on October 2. Struck by a severe storm, the vessel lost its masts again near the Ladrones, thus necessitating its return to the Philippines. See Le Gentil, ii, pp. 224, 225.

[128] Point Cabcabe, located on the southeast coast of Bataan.

[129] Bantay is the Tagalog word for sentinel, and in the text is given a Spanish plural. See Noceda and Sanlucar's Vocabulario.

[130] A minute of the council of war held September 25, 1762, signed by Ramon de Orendaín, with names of those attending and the decision pronounced by the archbishop is contained in a MS. owned by Edward E. Ayer.

[131] In our original the word is pasionero, which is "one who sings the passion during holy week." It seems probable that it is an error of the amanuensis for prisionero, "prisoner."

[132] According to manuscript maps in the archives of the Indies, at Seville, by the engineer Feliciano Márquez, dated September 30, 1767; and the pilot Francisco Xavier Estorgo, of 1770, the bastion of Carranza is another name for the bastion of San Andrés. An Irish pilot named Raymond Kelly was killed by the British while defending this bastion (see Sitio y conquista, p. 61)

[133] At the council held on the third of October, it was proposed that the women, children, and aged be sent out of Manila. It was also proposed that the governor, courts, and most of the citizens withdraw, leaving the city in charge of a leader with instructions for its defense or surrender. The fiscal recommended system and order in the matter of provisions and supplies, and the advisability of assigning pay to the Indians. But no decided action was taken as many disputes marked the council. The religious were, however, urged to look after the Indians, and aid in the defense of the walls, being permitted in case the city was indefensible, to capitulate, as well as to spike the cannon. Reports of this council, and the ones held on October 26 and 27, and the reply of the officials to the archbishop on October 23, are to be found in an original MS. owned by Edward E. Ayer. An extract from the council of the third is given by Montero y Vidal, ii, pp. 24, 25, note; and one from the council of the twenty-sixth, appendix, pp. 584-587. See also Sitio y conquista, pp. 56, 57.

[134] The fiscal Viana, in a deposition made July 6, 1764, attests his losses by the sack of Manila in 1762. He lost his silver service, best clothing, and other things, all amounting to a value of about 4,000 pesos. In the "Santisima Trinidad" he lost 600 pesos. From the beaterio of Santisima Trinidad was also taken a trunk full of silver plate and money belonging to Viana. (From an original MS. belonging to Edward E. Ayer.)

[135] Draper sent forty Frenchmen ahead the morning of the assault to fill up the ditch with the ruins of the bastion; to examine whether there was any ditch which impeded their passage; and communicate everything by signs. This duty was accomplished satisfactorily, for they met no obstacle. See Mas, i, p. 131.

[136] The column that occupied the wall by the left of the foundry took possession of everything as far as the bastion of the gate of Santa Lucía. The greater part of the people were killed, and the gate of Santiago alone was left free. See Sitio y conquista, p. 61.

[137] Ferrando gives this name as Nicolás de Ruiz (Historia, iv, p. 627), but all other accounts give it as Echauz.

[138] Anda was sixty-two years of age when he left Manila to undertake the defense of the provinces. See Mas, i, p. 138.

[139] "Since the natives of these islands, who were living at present, had never seen war like this, and now saw with their own eyes the effects of it, namely, the change of government, the cowardice of the Castilians, and the complete upheaval of order, they were caused great surprise, and thought that the end of the world was come. Consequently, most of them, that is, the herd, not all, began to commit thefts and to commit assaults on the highway, committing many murders, rapes, and other outrages, as is usual on these occasions; especially those who had been imprisoned in the jails for crime, to whom liberty was given in order that they might be of service in this war. Notwithstanding that the English hanged very many without trial or examination, as I saw several times in this place after it was lost, where I stayed for some months. They needed no gallows, for the criminals were hanged from any window grating like bananas." From History of the siege of Manila, by Father Agustín de Santa María, whose MS. is conserved in the Augustinian archives of Madrid. See Mas, i, p. 135, note.

[140] The castellan of Cavite at first refused to surrender the fort, and prepared to defend it. But the soldiers deserted and the natives began to loot the arsenal, whereupon the castellan also fled. See Mas, i, p. 136.

[141] The Augustinian fathers were imprisoned in their convent, although they were permitted to leave it at times provided it should be within the city. Suddenly a counter order was given and they were deprived of that permission. It was believed that the English were making such demonstrations in order that the Augustinians might surrender to them the silver that they had hidden. But since the procurator was firm in not revealing it, they were treated as traitors because their brothers favored the side of Anda. The English collected religious to the number of twelve, and embarked them to take them to Europa. One of them was released at the request of the archbishop. After the fathers had embarked, the English entered their convent and sacked it, so that nothing was left in it. They found six thousand pesos of coined silver which had been hidden in a garden, and the wrought silver which had been concealed when the question of paying the million was discussed. They did not pardon the relics of the saints, which they threw on the ground, in order to take the reliquaries in which they were kept. See Martinez de Zúñiga, pp. 641, 642.

[142] In the convent of the Augustinians in Manila, the British seized 8,000 pesos in money, and 20,000 in goods. The archbishop under threats of the conquerors ordered the heads of the Augustinian order to submit to the British authorities. See Sitio y conquista, pp. 73, 76.

[143] Probably Juan Manuel Maldonado de Puga, author of Religiosa hospitalidad, which has appeared in our VOL. XLVII.

[144] The archbishop offered José Pedro Busto (who had come to the islands with his friend Governor Arandía) the post of provincial in the name of the British government with a salary of 5,000 pesos per year, together with the perquisites of the office and the aid that he would need. But he refused it, and left Manila with twenty Cagayans, who accompanied him, and although pursued by mounted Sepoys, was not overtaken. Joining Anda, he became the real military arm of the opposition. At an estate held by the Jesuits in Mariquina, and where he was aided by the Jesuits, he urged the natives to resist British rule, being followed by the majority of them, whereupon he was able to attack and punish some of the ladrones of the region. He obtained many advantages by fighting in guerrila fashion. When Anda finally entered Manila as the British were about to evacuate the city, Busto accompanied him. See Sitio y conquista, pp. 85-89. et seq.

[145] The British exiled the superior of the Augustinians from Manila, and forbade him to live in any of the four neighboring provinces; and confiscated all the property of that order (Sitio y conquista, p. 83).

[146] Anda's force, says Le Gentil (ii, p. 262) consisted of about 9,000 men, of whom 2,000 were armed with muskets, and about 300 Europeans, most of whom were French deserters from the British. To such an extent did the desertion of the French occur that the British sent those left them (about 150) back to India. Anda refused the offer of a French sergeant to endeavor to cause the desertion of the Sepoys, on the ground that they were Mahometans. Anda's force, before he surrendered the command to Francisco de la Torre, is specified by Ayerbe (Sitio y conquista, pp. 132, 133), as follows: 12 infantry companies, consisting of 1,370 men, of whom 223 were deserters from the British; 2 cavalry companies, consisting of 293 men, of whom 100 were Spaniards, and the rest Cagayans, and 50 of whom had muskets, 50 blunderbusses, and the rest spears; 100 cavalry dragoons; 281 artillerymen, some of them deserters, most armed with sabers, and a few with muskets; 100 Indians commanded by the native colonel, Santos de los Angeles. 60 being infantry with muskets, and 40 cavalry with short firearms and spears; 300 native and mestizo commissary troops armed with muskets and bows and arrows, whose duty it was to prevent the entrance of food into Manila; 3 Boholans, armed with lance and shield, who acted as Anda's bodyguard; 400 Visayans, armed with bows and arrows; 2,000 Indians, enlisted in the villages near Polo, as a reserve; in addition to the natives used in other employments. Le Gentil (ii, pp. 266-268) accuses Anda of inaction, although he had an army of more than 10,000 men. But he adds that Anda could not count on his native troops, and had no large guns.

[147] The British troops under Thomas Backhouse, who invaded the provinces November 8, 1762, easily forced an entrance into the village of Pasig, driving the natives who opposed them like a herd of frightened sheep (Mas, i, pp. 162, 163).

[148] Anda's agents scoured the environs of Manila for contributions, and it is said that they committed many exactions. See Le Gentil, ii, p. 269.

[149] The letter written by the archbishop on October 29, to the provincials of the religious orders. His own sins he fears have been the cause of the loss of Manila and other places. But God has been merciful in much, and liberty, trade, and religion are preserved for the inhabitants. An attempt is being made to collect the one million of the ransom money demanded, and the rest will be taken from the "Filipino" and bills of credit on the Spanish monarch. It is necessary to cede the islands because of the force of the enemy in order to avoid greater misfortune. This cession is merely a temporary deposit made to the British sovereign. The aid of the religious is asked in preserving order and the statu quo, by not opposing the British.

[150] A copy of the letter written by the archbishop to Draper under date of October 29, 1762, and translated from the Latin, in which it was couched, into Spanish, is contained in a MS. owned by Edward E. Ayer. The archbishop servilely addresses Draper as "Prudent and most clement conqueror," and "most humane sir." The inhabitants are doing their best to gather the million demanded at once, and the archbishop has given all the silver of his church (except what is absolutely necessary for the sacrifice of the mass) and even his pectorals. He bewails the fate that makes it necessary for him to cede the islands to the English. Draper's letter on the twenty-seventh (twenty-eighth, English calendar) of October follows this, although it should properly precede it. It dwells on the humanity of the English, and the fact that by the cession of a few places, the archbishop has avoided much ruin, for the English arms would easily have reduced them; and the inhabitants have been left freedom of worship, trade, their possessions, churches, and convents. Those who persuade the archbishop through a false sense of honor not to cede the islands will be responsible for the consequences. The auditors are to immediately sign the cession. The cession signed on the thirtieth (English date) is as follows: "Sir: All the islands subordinate to that of Luzon, of which Manila is the capital (in the manner and form at present under the dominion of his Catholic Majesty) are to be ceded to his Britannic Majesty. The latter is to be the recognized sovereign until the peace between both kings decides their fate. Their religion, goods, privileges, possessions, and trade are to be conserved to the subjects of España who inhabit these islands, in the same manner that they have been conserved for the inhabitants of Manila and on the island of Luzon. All the alcaldes, governors, and military men shall enjoy the honors of war if they give their word of honor not to serve or bear arms against his Britannic Majesty during this war. The archbishop and auditors shall sign this agreement. [Signed] Guillermo Draper." It is to be noted that the archbishop's synopses of the various letters mentioned in the text correspond with the letters themselves.

[151] When Draper left Manila, he took what he wished from the archbishop's palace in which he lived. See Sitio y conquista, pp. 76, 77.

[152] A reference to Matthew xvi, 26, the Latin of the Vulgate being: Quid enim prodest homini si mundum universum lucretur, animæ vero suæ detrimentum patiatur? Aut quam dabit homo commutationem pro anima sua? This reads as follows in the Douay version: "For what doth it profit a man, if he gain the whole world, and suffer the loss of his own soul? Or what exchange shall a man give for his soul?"

[153] Various disorders were committed in Laguna province by the Indians. Dissatisfied with their alcalde-mayor because he favored the archbishop, the captain of Pagsanban issued a circular against the alcalde-mayor, treating him as a traitor. In return he was arrested and publicly lashed. The Indians, infuriated, ill-treated the alcalde-mayor's family, killing his brother-in-law, and later the alcalde himself. For this they were pardoned by Anda, who saw himself powerless to pursue any other course just then. See Mas, i, pp. 159, 160.

[154] Anda wrote Bishop Ustariz asking his coöperation in the maintenance of quiet in the provinces, in view of the British invasion, and the danger that threatened the Catholic faith. This letter the bishop sent to the Augustinian provincial with one of his own, asking him to conserve Spanish interests as much as possible, and to enrol the aid of the natives. An order promulgated by Anda, October 6, 1762, enjoins watchfulness on the part of the alcaldes-mayor. They are to forbid all passage to Manila, both of persons and supplies; are to deny all aid to the British and all strangers in their jurisdiction; and are to arrest or kill all suspects. See Vivar's Relación, pp. 294-296.

[155] Villacorta, whom Le Gentil terms a "just and impartial man," asserted that Anda was unjust toward Rojo, who was very sincere in his devotion to the Spanish sovereignty (Le Gentil, ii, p. 271). Villacorta had however himself conspired against Anda.

[156] See the British figures regarding the ransom money, post.

[157] The admiralty archives in England may have various data regarding this.

[158] With Cornish also went Auditor Pedro Calderon and his daughter, who went to Spain, and some missionaries, officers, and soldiers (Sitio y conquista, p. 77).

[159] More than four hundred houses were ruined in the barrios of Santa Cruz and Binondo by the British after the assault (Sitio y conquista, pp. 72, 73).

[160] The British found some copper on the "Filipino," and before setting fire to the vessel, spiked the cannon (Sitio y conquista, p. 72).

[161] In order to secure the release of Villacorta, it was alleged that he was insane; but his release was only accomplished after a money payment (Sitio y conquista, p. 75).

[162] In the province of Panay, the alcalde was corrupted by the English, but was prevented from surrendering the province, as he was seized and imprisoned by the Augustinians there, an act approved by Anda. In Cebú, quiet was restored after the alcalde was hanged with the aid of the loyal Augustinians. See Mas, i, pp. 161, 162.

[163] See synopses and excerpts of these letters, ante, pp. 153-160.

[164] The provinces of Pampanga and Bulacan remained faithful during the English invasion and were the only resource for the Spaniards (Mas, i, p. 160).

[165] The Indians and Chinese revolted in San Pablo de los Montes, killing their priest, Francisco Fierro, O.S.A. The people of Tanavan also killed their priest, Andres Enriquez, O.S.A. Other priests of other orders were killed, but members of the Society of Jesus escaped. For they showed themselves two-faced, since on one side, they were for the English, while on the other side, they declared for Anda, who, however, greatly mistrusted them. See Mas, i, pp. 160, 161 (citation from the MS. of Jesus de Santa Maria).

[166] Ferrando (iv, p. 638, note) has the following from a contemporary MS.: "But the most celebrated and comical, was the disappearance of one hundred and thirty-five American soldiers, who by means of a rare stratagem deceived the vigilance of an English company which was guarding them in the castle of San Fernando or the alcaicería of the Chinese. In order that they might succeed in their projected attempt, they mined a bit of land as far as the outlet of the guardhouse, and then asked for permission to enact a farce. Their request was granted without any difficulty, and on the day assigned for the representation, the one who took the part of the comedian began to make his conclusion while the others were going out of the mine. Finally the comedian concluded by saying that he was going to call his companions, and went away to where they had escaped. When the sentinels saw that they delayed in coming, suspecting what had really happened, they searched the place where the actors ought to have been. But the latter were already outside of Tondo, and immediately joined a company which Anda, previously notified of the project, had sent them. On account of this jest the English were greatly ashamed, and although they were angry at the occurrence, yet they praised the ingenious stratagem."

[167] This order was given at Apalit, January 27, 1763, and the four churches mentioned were those of Malate, Ermita, Santiago, and San Juan de Bagumbaya. The alcaldes and other officials were ordered to fire any public buildings, churches, or convents, which might serve as fortification to the enemy, immediately, if the village were attacked. See Malo de Luque, v, pp. 281-284; alto Montero y Vidal, ii, appendix, pp. 591-593, where it is published entire.

[168] Biñang, in Laguna.

[169] i.e., Drake, Smith, and Brook, the representatives of the East India Company, who were left in charge after Draper and Cornish left.

[170] This is the "Manifesto juridico defensorio en respuesto de los reparos hechos por el Padre Fray Antonio de las Huertas, de el Orden de Predicadores, a un Memorial que en Real Consejo de las Indias presentó el Padre Luis A. de Morales de la Compañia de Jesus, Procurador de su Religion, por las Provincias de Filipinas. Escrivele el Padre Pedro de Espinar de la Compañia de Jesus, Provincial General de su Religion, por las Provincias de Indias [Madrid, ca., 1680]." Pedro de Espinar died at Madrid, August 31, 1795. Luis de Morales was born at Tordesillas, September 29, 1641, and entered the Society August 28, 1658. After going to Manila he acted as missionary at various places, and in 1685 went to Europe as procurator. He was appointed visitor of Mexico, and then provincial of the Philippine missions, and finally rector of the Manila college, where he died, June 14, 1716. See Sommervogel's Bibliothèque.

[171] This last paragraph is evidently a note by Ventura del Arco.

[172] The British forces were greatly diminished through intemperance, sexual excesses, the heat, and carelessness of diet. They asked aid from Madras, which was about to be sent when the news of the peace came. At that time the forces at Manila were reduced to eight hundred men, and were already resolving on means of defense, and if need be, capitulation. See Le Gentil, ii, pp. 265, 266.

[173] Le Gentil (ii, pp. 272, 273) records that Anda was made a counsellor of Castile by the king as a recompense for his services. In addition he also asked money from the friars for the service which he had rendered them, but they refused to give him any, employing to convey their refusal a lawyer of Manila, named Dr. Aranas.

[174] Fayette was offered the command of the government at Zamboanga for the English; as was also a Spaniard named Luis Sandoval: but it was refused by both (Mas, i, p. 137).

[175] The English took charge of Rojo's obsequies since the Spaniards were too poor to do so, according him military honors on a magnificent scale (Le Gentil, ii, p. 271).

[176] See synopsis of this letter, ante, pp. 142-143.

[177] See ante, pp. 136-137, note 80.

[178] Le Gentil (ii, p. 268, et seq.), who was influenced by his friendship with Rojo's nephew, jests at Anda's pretensions to the office of governor and captain-general and underrates his ability.

[179] During the sickness of the archbishop, the question arose as to his successor in the government (an office really held by Anda). Villacorta, who had joined Anda, and who had been left in Bacolor by the latter who had gone to attend to camp matters, claimed the office as senior auditor. Anda, hearing of the matter, immediately returned to Bacolor. Villacorta passed the matter off as mere conversation. But Anda investigating further, found that Galbán and Viana claimed that Bishop Ustáriz should be governor, in accordance with royal orders. Anda sought advice from various ecclesiastics, but they all refused any direct answer except the Jesuit, Franciscan, and Recollect provincials, who declared in Anda's favor. The discussion was finally ended by the arrival of the new governor ad interim, Francisco de la Torre. See Mas, i, pp. 188-191.

[180] On arriving at Bacolor, Anda speedily improvised a powder factory and foundry, and assumed the offensive immediately. The powder factory was directed by fathers Eugenio Garrido, parish priest of San Miguel de Mayumo, and Agustín María Castro, O.S.A.; and the foundry, by Father Facundo Acosta. See Montero y Vidal, ii, p. 39 and note.

[181] The original of this letter exists in Academia de la Historia, Madrid, "Colección Mata Linares, tomo 97" (Montero y Vidal, ii, p. 50, note).

[182] Shortly before leaving Manila the British lost a ship which was burned at Cavite, forty-three men perishing (Sitio y conquista, p. 130).

[183] This is probably the Mercure de France, which was founded by Visé, in 1672, under the name of Mercure galant, and is the second oldest paper of France. The name Mercure de France was adopted by Lefevre in 1714. In 1788 a political part was added under the title "Historical and political news." The publication of the sheet was abandoned in 1799, resumed again for the years 1814-1823, and definitely abandoned in 1825. A number of papers have adopted the name Mercure in imitation of it. See Grand Dictionnaire (Paris), vol. xi.

[184] When Manila was surrendered, in order to receive the Augustinian convent, it was necessary for the provincial to make a contract to pay 10,000 pesos, in case that the confiscation of its effects should be considered as proper in the courts of Madrid and London. The British court approved the operations of the English council, and by virtue of their sentence, an Englishman went to Madrid to collect the 10,000 pesos. See Mas, i, p. 195, note.

[185] Upon the outbreak of the first insurrection in Pangasinan, Anda wrote to the religious for aid in quelling it; and in order to quiet the insurgents, promised them full pardon (Mas, i, pp. 148, 149).

[186] A communication from Drake to Silán, May 9, grants him the titles of governor, alcalde, and sargento-mayor, of Ilocos. Montero y Vidal, ii, p. 100.

[187] The title-page of this pamphlet (which is without date of publication, or author) reads as follows: "A plain narrative of the reduction of Manila and the Philippine Islands." This is listed in the bibliography issued by the Library of Congress, Books of the Philippine Islands (p. 124), under the joint authorship of Sir Samuel Cornish and Sir William Draper, because the signatures of both are appended to the several "Conditions" and "Proposals" inserted at the end (which we publish elsewhere). It is probable, however, that the latter alone is the author of the Plain narrative, as is evident if it be read in conjunction with the following pamphlet, Colonel Draper's answer, which is signed by the latter. From the internal evidence furnished also by the latter pamphlet, we are inclined to believe that the Plain narrative was published at London in 1764, and prior to Colonel Draper's answer.

[188] The following items from various British magazines contemporary with the siege show the considerable place taken in English politics by the question of the ransom:

The Gentleman's Magazine for 1764 (vol. xxxiv, p. 544) says, under date of November 15: "A categorical answer came over from the courts of France and Spain, relative to the payment of the subsistance money due for the prisoners of the former, and the ransom of the Manillas, both which, according to this report, have been absolutely refused by the said powers."

The London Chronicle for February 28-March 2, 1765 (vol. xvii, no. 1279) says: "We hear the Spaniards want to deduct 1,230,000 piasters, or pieces of eight, out of the ransom of the Manillas, for the damages and losses the inhabitants sustained on the 6th of October 1762, when it was taken by storm by the English forces."

"London, Jan. 25. By letters from Madrid we are assured that Lord Rochfort had, in consequence of orders from England, demanded the final sentiments of the Catholic ministry, respecting the payment of the Manilla ransom, in order to be transmitted home for the inspection of the grand council of the nation; and it was current there, that this long protracted affair would soon be amicably adjusted." (Scots Magazine, 1766, p. 48.)

"London, May 20. They write from Madrid, that some dispatches, just received from Manilla, in the East Indies, which the court had impatiently expected, would possibly hasten the final payment of the ransom-bills; and that Lord Rochfort appeared to be on very good terms with the Catholic ministry." (Ut supra, p. 270.)

"London, Aug. 29. According to letters from Madrid, one reason alledged for the non-payment of the Manilla ransom is the delay of the expected flotas from New Spain, which has rendered the treasury very bare of money." (Ut supra, p. 441.)

"Paragraph of a letter from Madrid. Our politicians are at a loss to know what will be the result of the demand made by the English ambassador, for the payment of the Manilla ransom. If the English court are really in earnest, it is generally thought by those who pretend to be conversant in court-affairs, that the Spanish court would rather pay it, than venture another war with G. Britain. All I can say in the matter is, that it should be immediately insisted on, as, in all probability, this court will prevent the further progress of trade between Manilla and the South seas, as they seem to think the whole riches of the mines will be centered in China, with which this court has no trade. This seems probable enough since the expulsion of the Jesuits, as it was through their interests that trade has so long subsisted; and what confirms it the more is, that the court will not pay for the additional fortifications of that place (Manilla) since it has been given up by the English. But if one may add his thoughts, I believe two or three ships, properly authorised, to back the above demand, would be more powerful intercessors." (Ut supra, 1767, p. 549.)

"London, Nov. 19. A letter from Madrid has this passage: 'Sir James Gray, the British Minister, has already entered upon his negotiation, of which the Manilla affair and the West-India commerce are the first objects.'" (Ut supra, p. 605.)

[189] If this Ship was not admitted in the Capitulation by any Accident of Non Compliance with the Terms of the Vice Roy's Letter in that Case, we agreed to take his Bills on the King of Spain, he assuring us they would be duly paid. (Note by Draper.)

[190] The damage sustained by the Inhabitants before the plundering could be stopped, was estimated and deducted from the Ransom. (Note by Draper.)

[191] A Spanish Galleon sailing from the Havannah a Month before the Arrival of Sir George Pocock and Lord Albemarle to attack that Place, and taken in her Passage to Cadiz by two English Cruizers off the Canary or Western Islands, might with the same Degree of Equity be claimed by the Spaniards under their Capitulation for the Havannah. (Note by Draper.)

[192] See ante, pp. 71, 72, note 28.

[193] This is reprinted in vol. ii of The Field of Mars (London, 1781). See Bibliography of Philippines (Washington, 1903), p. 124.

[194] The full title of this book is as follows: "Colonel Draper's answer to the Spanish arguments, claiming the galeon, and refusing payment of the ransom bills, for preserving Manila from Pillage and destruction: in a letter addressed to the earl of Halifax, his Majesty's principal secretary of state for the southern department. London: printed for J. Dodsley, in Pall-mall. MDCCLXIV."

Scots Magazine for 1764, pp. 455, 456, comments as follows on the money received by the English from the conquest of Manila:

Three distributions have been made of the money hitherto received on account of the capture of Manila. The first consisted of 526,306 Spanish dollars collected in specie, jewels, gold and silver plate, and merchandise, received in part of the four millions of dollars to be paid agreeable to the capitulation, including the plunder taken from the seamen and soldiers after the conquest, amounting to 496,000 dollars. The second arose from the balance of the first account, and the amount of sundry naval, victualling and ordnance stores, confiscated and secreted effects, amounting to 92,561 dollars and a fraction. The third arose from the sale of vessels, merchandise, naval and victualling stores, and confiscated effects, sold at Manila and Fort St. George, amounting to 43,280 pagodas and a fraction. Of each of these the East-India company received one third. Distribution has also been made of the effects saved out of the Spanish galley attacked and destroyed by three of the boats of the squadron in the bay of Manila, amounting to 13,319 dollars and a fraction. The total distribution to each class, being cast into Sterling money, comes out thus:

Between the Admiral, General, and Commodore, 1/8th £.14120 12 9 To the Captains of the navy, and Field-officers of the army, 2/8th, each 1539 0 8 1/2 To the Lieutenants and Masters of the navy, and Captains of the army, 1/8th, each 165 4 8 To the warrant-officers of the navy, and subalterns of the army, 1/8th, each 80 0 5 1/2 To the petty officers of the navy, and non-comm. officers of the army, 1/8th, each 30 0 1 To the seamen and soldiers, 2/8ths, each 6 0 3

[195] i.e., The renown of the deed is enough for me.

[196] A famous Spanish Ambassador, in the Reign of James the First. (Colonel Draper's Answer, p. 9, note.)

[197] These arguments are presented by Draper in French and English parallel texts, the latter evidently being translated from the former.

[198] The Spaniards, by sailing to Manila, by the West, are a Day later in their Computation of Time in that Country. (Colonel Draper's Answer, p. 13, note.)

[199] The Marquis de Ayerbe says that the British soldiery left nothing of value in the private houses, and rendered useless what they did not care to carry away. They committed numberless atrocities. At the convent of St. Dominic, they cut off the head of the Virgin of the rosary. They sacked and profaned the churches. The archives of the Audiencia, secretaryship, offices of the treasury, and many private papers, were burned. They were aided by the servants of the Spaniards and the natives who had come to defend the capital. On the petition of the archbishop, guards were placed by Draper in the convent of the nuns of Santa Clara and in the beaterios. That being done, Draper ordered the sack for three hours, a period which was prolonged to more than forty. The drunken soldiers violated the defenseless women, looted, destroyed, and profaned the churches, being aided in this by the Chinese and criminals who had been given their liberty. At the end of twenty-four hours, the archbishop protested, but notwithstanding the orders of Draper, the sack continued. The most inhuman deeds are said to have been committed by the natives. See Sitio y conquista, pp. 67, 68; and Montero y Vidal, pp. 31, 32, and note.

[200] i.e., "Even to the death."

[201] Before the sack began, Draper ordered all the Indians to leave Manila. He also ordered whatever had been taken from the churches to be restored, but nothing was found except some vestments taken by the Sepoys, who appeared on the walls dressed in the same. Especially were the sacred places treated with deep respect. The religious were allowed to return to their convents, in an endeavor to gain their powerful influence. Especially did he try to win over the Augustinian ex-provincial Remijio Hernandez, then in charge of the province, writing him several letters. But he was unable to obtain his desire, for Hernandez remained firm in his loyalty. See Mas, i, pp. 134, 135, 137.

[202] A letter written to the London Chronicle, and published in that paper, for the issue of December 27-29, 1764, no. 252, p. 618, attests the humanity of General Draper. The writer, an eyewitness of the storming of Manila, asserts that Draper took very careful precautions to avoid the excesses that are liable to occur at such a time, with the miscellaneous troops under his command. As soon as the capitulation was in force, the chief men of Manila were allowed to retire into the country to escape possible contagion from the carnage. The writer denies any personal motive for the declaration, as he was really at Manila against his will, and has no connection with army or navy. "The following is nearly an exact list of the troops, that were employed on that expedition: 500 regulars, Mr. Draper's own regiment; 250 Marines; 500 seamen; 600 Seapoys (black troops); 250 French, who, to be free of a prison, had entered into the Company's service--a total of 2,100. The increasing these to 4000, and representing them as let loose to every degree of rapine, after the capitulation, are both equally unjust, and carry their conviction; nor can there be any greater evidence of Mr. Draper's humanity and presence of mind, than that with such a body of troops he should restrain their impetuosity at such a period." If the Spaniards fail in paying the ransom, they should surrender the city in the condition in which it was at the time of the surrender.

[203] Col. Draper's answer to this point is contained in Scots Magazine for 1764, pp. 722-724; and an extract is given in London Chronicle, 1764, p. 612.

[204] When Colonel Draper left Manila, all the Oyidores (the first Magistrates of the Place) were taken as Hostages: What has been done with them since that Time, he supposes Mr. Drake, the Deputy Governor, will inform the East India Company, and the Ministry. (Colonel Draper's Answer, p. 27, note.)

[205] Francisco Javier de la Torre.

[206] The diminutive of Moros.

[207] Evidently a reference to Sebastian Joseph Carvalho e Mello, Marquis Pombal, the Portuguese prime minister, who expelled the Jesuits from Portugal by the decree of September 1, 1759; and to the famous Lisbon earthquake of November 1, 1755. See Nicolini's History of Jesuits (London, 1879); Cretineau-Joly's Histoire de la Compagnie de Jésus (Paris, 1859), v; and Griesinger's Jesuits (London, 1903, 3d ed.).

[208] The storm against the Jesuits, which ended with the expulsion of the order in 1770.

[209] The original of this document is worn in many places. Matter in brackets is conjectural readings; otherwise the lacunas are indicated by periods.

[210] This trouble with the Jesuits arose first from the sermon preached by Father Francisco Javier Puch, S.J., March 9, 1764, in which he accused the alcaldes-mayor of robbing both king and natives (Montero y Vidal, ii, pp. 116, 117; and Ferrando, v, pp. 9-16).

[211] i.e., Let them be erased from the book of life.

[212] One of these MSS., entitled Breve noticia de los Religiosos Agustinos Calzados de esta provincia de Filipinas..., and which belongs to Bernardino Hernando, O.S.A., reader in the Valladolid convent, has the following data in regard to the contributions made to the English: "From the royal coffers, 12,469 pesos; from the governor, 6,991; from the cathedral, 9,000 pesos in coined silver, and 33,973 in wrought silver; the church of Quiapo, 716 pesos in wrought silver; that of Ermita, 5,117, ditto; from [the Order] of St. Dominic and tertiary branch, 16,028 in coined silver, and 11,616 in wrought; from the tertiary branch of [the Order of] St. Francis, 58,000 pesos in coined silver, and 970 in wrought; from [the Order of] St. Augustine, 25,556 pesos in coined silver, and 11,025 pesos in wrought silver; from the Society, 40,434 pesos in coined silver, and 8,794 in wrought silver; from the Misericordia, 196,042 pesos, 2 reals, and 4 granos in coined silver; from the minor Ruiz, 1,472 pesos in wrought silver, and 836 of the deposit belonging to Varela: all of which items make a total of 459,420 pesos. The wealthy citizens and families, to wit: Infante, Reyes, Jugo, Villar, Suárez, Ocampo, Memije, Varela, Bogan, Piñón, Monteroso, Mazo, Neyra, Lizárraga, Ruano, Noriega, Castro, Solano, Otal, Casañas, Cachit, Mantilla, Barrio, León y Verdugo--48,777 pesos. The sack amounted to 418,442 pesos. The English seized 25,000 pesos from [the property of] the absent Blanco; from the marqués de Monte Castro, 8,000 pesos; from the marquesa de Salinas, 10,000 pesos; in the seizure of San Pablo, the convent of the Calced Augustinian fathers, 60,000 pesos, which were buried, in coined silver, and 40,000 in wrought silver. To all these items must be added 2,000,000 pesos which were charged against his Catholic Majesty's treasury. The total sum is 3,069,639 pesos."