Part 23
[39] "Because of the controversies which Señor Camacho had had with the regulars about subjecting them to the visitation, the pope issued a brief, in which that subjection was decreed; it came endorsed by the [Spanish] Council, and it seemed as if, in virtue of a decision so clear and explicit, no reply was left for the religious save that of the submission which Señor Cuesta desired; but their ingenuity found a mode of escape from this strait. They replied that this brief was a declaration of the rights of the archbishop, which they did not deny; and that their only proposition was, that it was not expedient to execute this decree in these islands (in regard to which his Holiness ought to have given a hearing to the religious orders). They asserted that it was, so far as concerned the point at issue, obtained surreptitiously; for it was staled therein that there were entire orders who were willing to come to these islands in the position of subordinates to the bishops--which was false, because the only authentic thing about it was, that the vicar-general of the Recollects had promised a hundred religious who should minister in Philipinas as subject to the visitation and the [royal] patronage; but when this was known to the general of the calced Augustinians, he had censured this proposal and compelled its withdrawal. The orders therefore petitioned that the execution of the papal brief be suspended, until appeal could be taken to his Majesty. Señor Cuesta, who was a very peaceable man, and averse to disputes, agreed to this, and sent a report to the king. The representations of the regulars were considered in the Council of the Indias, and it was decreed that the regulars must submit; but his Majesty, being informed by a member of his Council of the injurious results which might follow from this visitation, approved the proceedings of Señor Cuesta, and ordered him not to annoy the religious in this matter until further orders." (Zúñiga, Hist. de Philipinas, pp. 418, 419.)
[40] "He sent away most of the Chinese, and retained only those whom he deemed necessary for the mechanical offices and the service of the public; in this matter his reputation suffered somewhat, for it was reported that he had a share of the proceeds from the licenses of those Chinamen who remained in the country. However that may be, his decision was a very sagacious one, and advantageous to this country; for the Sangleys who come to Manila are more slothful than the Indians themselves. They remain here [pretending] to cultivate the land, and on account of this pretext licenses are given to them; but there is not one in each thousand of the Chinese who applies himself to this labor. The rest of them are all devoted to trade, a mode of life well suited to their idle dispositions and to the [social] system of their nation--where it is a received idea that he who is most deceitful is most clever. The Sangleys adulterate everything--coins, measures, sugar, wax, and whatever they can thus handle without the fraud being known. Every one of them is a monopolist; they all secrete their wares, even those of prime necessity, and sell them at the price that they choose to ask. The oddest thing is, that by dint of presents they are able to gain protectors, who defend them; and even if sometimes a fine is imposed on them, on that very day they plunder [people] in their trading, in order to pay for their losses. In this way they become rich in a short time, and send much money to their relatives in China, or else go back with it to their own country, defrauding the Philipinas Islands of this silver." (Zúñiga, Hist. de Philipinas, pp. 422, 423.)
[41] Zúñiga says (Hist. de Philipinas, pp. 443-445) that the Moros of Joló and Mindanao, although their rulers were nominally at peace with the Spaniards, had frequently ravaged the islands, the sultans pretending that they could not restrain their subjects; Bustamante accordingly decided to rebuild the fortress at Zamboanga, but when he laid this plan before the junta of treasury officials they refused it by a vote of ten against seven--on the ground that the fort was of no service against the Moros, and would cause extraordinary expense. "As a matter of fact, the entire situado of that military post amounts, in supplies and money, to about 25,000 pesos, which only serves to enrich the governor, who is sent from Manila every three years. Against the majority of votes in the junta the governor gave orders to reëstablish the post, exasperating people's minds, and giving occasion to the malcontents to exaggerate his despotism. The Recollect fathers, who had returned to the province of Calamianes because the secular priests--whom the bishop of Zebú had stationed there when the Recollects abandoned it--could not maintain themselves there on account of the Moros, erected with the money of their province some little forts, hardly deserving that name, which did not shelter many places in those islands from the pirates; and they requested the governor to establish a post in the island of Paragua, at Labo, hoping that thus they would be freed from those annoying enemies. The governor consented to this, and established a post [there] at much less cost than that of Zamboanga, but equally useless."
[42] The Jesuit Delgado says of this (Hist. de Filipinas, p. 205): "I was at that time in Manila, and saw the bodies of those unfortunate men, dragged along, stripped of their garments, and covered with some old rags; and I was obliged, in order that I might enter the anteroom of the palace, to step over the body of the governor, which was lying across the threshold of the door." The editor of Delgado reproduces in a footnote Otazo's letter (q.v. in this volume, post), with the following remark: "Don José Montero y Vidal, in his Historia de la piratería, t. 1, p. 254, asserts that Don Fernando de Bustamante was assassinated in a tumult at the head of which the Jesuits placed themselves. The following document will show that gentleman the falsity of his assertion."
[43] Archbishop Cuesta surrendered the government of the islands to Bustamante's successor, the Marqués de Torre Campo, who took possession of it on August 6, 1721. The home government censured Cuesta for too little strictness in investigating Bustamante's murder, and transferred him to the bishopric of Mechoacan, Mexico. He arrived at Acapulco January 11, 1724, took charge of his see on April 18, and died on May 30 following.
[44] "The long residencia of the persecuted auditor Torralba--imprisoned sometimes in Cavite and sometimes in Manila, and always loaded with taunts and annoyances--was settled by the Council of Indias, who condemned him to pay a fine of 100,000 pesos, besides the 20,000 previously imposed, with perpetual deprivation of office and exile from Madrid, and Filipinas. He was reduced to such want that he had to beg alms to support himself; and when he died, in 1736, he was buried as a pauper in [the church of] San Juan de Dios." (Montero y Vidal, Hist. de Filipinas, i, p. 436.)
[45] According to Zúñiga (Hist. de Philipinas, p. 443), the hatred of the citizens arose from the fact that Bustamante's harsh collection of the debts due to the royal treasury, many of those who owed the king having died, or being in great poverty, obliged the bondsmen to pay those debts; this was so resented by them that the citizens of Manila began to hate the governor.
[46] In the Ventura del Arco MSS. (Ayer library), iv, pp. 433-435, is a letter, apparently by one of the Jesuits, describing this attack; it differs from that of Concepción in some points. The attack was made by Malanaos, from La Sabanilla, under the chief Balasi; and warning of it was sent to the governor, Sebastian de Amorena, five days beforehand, by Prince Radiamura, brother of the sultan of Mindanao. The attack was made by the "king" of Joló and Buhayen, with 104 joangas, and a force of 3,000 men by land and sea. In the fort were not more than 200 men--Pampangos, creoles (probably "Morenos," that is, Malabars, etc.), and a few Spaniards; but they fought so bravely that the enemy could accomplish nothing in a siege of three months. Finally Radiamura sent a force of 1,090 men to aid the Spaniards, and at this the enemy raised the siege and went back to their homes. The above document is preceded by an account (pp. 409-432) of affairs at Zamboanga from its rebuilding to 1721, also from a Jesuit hand. The writer says that 3,000 men were sent for this enterprise, who built a town in a few months, although under the greatest difficulties, the former buildings being destroyed, and the site overgrown with shrubs and trees. By that time Bustamante seemed to have forgotten the undertaking, and they were neglected and left without aid. Of the soldiers, "some had but small wages, and most of them none; and the workmen were almost all obliged to serve at their own expense." Desertions ensued, so that "at the end of six months, hardly 300 men remained; and of these no small number died and many of them were sick, overcome by labor, or hunger, or the unusual difficulty of working the hard soil." So great were their miseries that they talked of abandoning the fort and returning to Manila; but in the following February several Jesuits arrived at Zamboanga and brought tidings that a new governor (Amorena) was to come with reënforcements, and supplies of money and food. This was accomplished in June, when 200 soldiers arrived from Manila; while in May the Jesuit José de Zisa had brought from Cebú supplies of money and food, with 200 Boholans--who, however, "are very much afraid of the Moros." Governor Cuesta sent orders for the old soldiers at Zamboanga to return to Manila, and for the Boholans to go back to their own villages; thus the garrison was left in poor condition to withstand an enemy, which probably emboldened the Moros to attack the fort in the following December, as is told above. The writer here mentioned states that the Jesuits had succeeded in making a surprising number of conversions, almost 600 persons being baptized in the Zamboanga district.
[47] Spanish, Instituta, i.e., the compendium of Roman civil law compiled by the emperor Justinian. The mention of "the university" in this sentence is presumably of San José, the Jesuit institution.
[48] Thus in Ventura del Arco; but the indicative form in the second clause seems hardly satisfactory. One would rather expect a subjunctive with ut, making it read, "Who are they, that we may praise them?"
[49] Cuesta here alludes to the decree ordering the surrender of the records, and to its encroachment on the ecclesiastical immunity.
[50] In text, malos fundamentos; but malos seems improbable, as applied to the archbishop's own measures. It may be regarded as probably a copyist's error for solos.
[51] Miguel Molinos was a Spanish theologian, born at Zaragoza in 1627. He was one of the mystical thinkers, and attracted a considerable following, not only in Spain but in Rome, where finally he settled. He there published a book entitled Guia de la piedad, in which was taught the doctrine called "quietist;" this was condemned by Innocent XI, who caused him to be placed in the dungeons of the Inquisition, where he died (1696). An interesting account of him is given in the historical romance by J. H. Shorthouse, John Inglesant.
[52] When Archbishop Camacho attempted to enforce the episcopal right of visitation of the regular curas, the superiors of the orders replied to him "first verbally and afterward in a written statement, which was composed by the Jesuit Father Avina, who had been an auditor of the royal Audiencia of Manila." (Zúñiga's Historia, p. 398.)
[53] Spanish, economica potestad; but the word economica is here applied in an unusual sense, which is not made apparent by the definitions in the lexicons. It is possible that, as used here, it is derived from ecónomo, "he who is appointed to administer and collect the incomes of ecclesiastical posts that are vacant, or are held in trust" (Barcia)--the governor, as possessing this power, endeavoring to force a vacancy in the offices of archbishop and others, that he might use that power. Or, economica may mean "reserve," applied to powers placed in the governor's hands in reserve, only to be used in emergencies.
[54] "Never has there been seen a tumult [of the people] in which ambition was less dominant; all were content with their own offices, and at seeing themselves free from unjust and violent imprisonments. Only the archbishop, who had risen to the post of governor, was disturbed and uneasy; but his mind was somewhat calmed when he received a royal decree in which his Majesty commissioned the archbishop to restore the royal Audiencia to the same footing which it had before, and to set free Señor Velasco; and, in case he should be hindered by the governor, to suspend the latter from his office and himself assume the government in person--which was almost the same as what had just been accomplished, so far as this uprising concerned him." (Zúñiga, Hist. de Philipinas, p. 463.)
[55] Spanish, lo que se llevó la trampa; literally, "what the trap carried away with it;" a variant of the phrase llevarselo el demonio. It is translated above in accordance with the definition in Caballero's Diccionario de modismos (2nd edition, Madrid, 1905), p. 744.
"Fairs" [ferias] here alludes to the annual sale or fair at Acapulco which took place at the arrival of the galleon from Manila; in this case the goods from Filipinas evidently were sold at a loss.
[56] Apparently referring to Juan Ventura de Maturana, who was royal secretary in the Council of the Indias in 1734-35.
[57] This was Doctor Carlos Bermudez Gonzalez de Castro, a secular priest, a native of Puebla, Mexico, and a prominent ecclesiastic at Nueva España. He arrived at Manila on June 29, 1728; displayed great zeal in his office, kindness to the Indians, and piety and charity in his personal character; and died on November 13, 1729, being nearly seventy-two years old. (Concepción, Hist. de Philipinas, x, pp. 167-170, 182-184.)
[58] This house must have been, since it was under the control of this provincial, the beaterio of Santa Catalina, founded under Dominican auspices. Its first prioress was Sor Francisca del Espiritu Santo, who died on August 24, 1711, at the age of sixty-three years.
[59] In the text, a cuya accion tuvieron todos aqui; but evidently some word is omitted after tuvieron--probably mal, as such a proposal could not be generally approved.
[60] A sort of coach, with four seats: it was closed with doors; and the body was supported by heavy straps, and placed between two wooden shafts (Dominguez).
[61] Espolios: property left by a prelate at his death.
[62] Spanish, decima; possibly meaning a tenth part due to the crown.
[63] Boleta: referring to the assignments of lading-space in the Acapulco galleon; each ticket giving its owner the right to ship one pieza of goods. See VOL. I, p. 63.
[64] Spanish, Paysanaje, literally "peasantry;" applied here somewhat scornfully to the mass of citizens as distinguished from the nobility and military class, and especially to the merchants of Manila. Cf. French, bourgeoisie.
[65] Probably referring to Don Joseph Patiño, then one of the ministers of the Spanish government, through whose hands much of the business relating to the Philippines seems to have passed (as mentioned in Extracto historial).
[66] In this document we resume the history of the commerce between the Philippines and Nueva España which is presented in the Extracto historial (Madrid, 1736), the first two "periods" of which appeared in VOL. XXX of this series (q.v., pp. 23-101). The great length of this work compels us to condense and abridge most of it here; but "Periods" ii-vi are presented in full (save for the text of some long decrees), as being of earlier date, and covering a longer space of time, while they are comparatively brief in statement. In thus condensing this work, it has been our aim to retain all matter of vital interest and real value, eliminating only "vain repetitions" and matters of trifling importance. The first memorials presented by Manila and Cadiz respectively set forth various facts connected with the Manila-Acapulco trade, on which are based their main arguments, each endeavoring to justify its own side of the controversy and its demands from the Spanish government; the succeeding memorials largely repeat these statements and arguments, in new combinations, with wearisome iteration--kaleidoscopic effects produced by the same old bits of glass--which it seems useless to reproduce in our translation. But we have carefully preserved all new facts, dates, and arguments adduced, and whatever will throw additional light on that commerce, or on the social and economic conditions of Spain, the mother-country, at that period, since these must naturally affect those of her colonies. Wherever possible, we have used the exact wording of the text, and have made full citations from it which are indicated by quotation-marks; and the numbers of sections are everywhere retained, thus facilitating easy reference to the original work. The Extracto, thus made accessible to English and American readers, and all that is really important in it presented in compact form and accurate translation, is a valuable addition to the history of commerce, as well as to that of colonial development and administration. Not are its psychological aspects less interesting and valuable, although perhaps not so obvious at first glance; it shows the demoralizing effects on the Spanish people of their conquests in the New World and of the flood of wealth poured into Spain in consequence of these, and the results of too paternal a mode of government in her colonies--in both cases destructive to ambition, industry, personal initiative, patriotism, and even common honesty. (Cf. notes in our VOL. XXX, pp. 71, 77.)
[67] Expediente: "the collection of all the papers belonging to a subject in a transaction," here evidently referring to the documents pertaining to the Manila trade, which as Abreu says (see VOL. XXX, p. 24), were placed in his hands by the Council of the Indias (of which he himself was a member) for use in compiling the Extracto.
[68] Consulado: equivalent to the American phrase "board of trade."
[69] See section 35, post.
[70] The phrase regulacion de derechos apparently means, in reality, a (special) rule for the payment of duties; that is, if the Manila merchants would pay the 100,000 pesos which they had offered as an "adjustment" according to the special rule for the collection of those duties--a rule going above the duties as prescribed by law--they should be permitted to do so, and should be excused for the penalties which had accumulated, or at least for the back dues remaining unpaid during the time when the "indult" bad been conceded to them of compounding the duties at 74,000 pesos only. The stress seems to be laid upon the fact that they must not be permitted to consider their payment as an "indult," but us an arrangement, and one that was based on a somewhat higher rate than had previously been granted to them. Even though it may be considered as a sovereign favor to them, objection is made to having it specifically stated as an "indult."
The usage of the word indulto in this connection will become more clear if it is remembered that it means a special favor in one form or another, a grace of the sovereign, a special exemption from rule or penalty. Barcia and others define indulto as an impost levied on the cargoes of the galleons from the Indias; but it seems doubtful if this be strictly correct, as no impost by that name can be found in Leyes de Indias or Ordenanzas de Bilbao, even in connection with averías and almojarifazgos. I take it to mean, rather, the exemption from the duties on ships' cargoes which would, under other provisions of law, be owed. There is one interesting instance of the use of indulto to signify exemption, in Teatro de la legislación universal de España é Indias (Madrid, 1790-97; 28 vols.), ii, p. 341, under the head, "Administration of averías," where it is provided by Carlos II that "the proceeds of certain indultos for gold, silver, and merchandise unregistered shall be applied to the fund from averías, in order that it may result to the benefit of those who shall not have transgressed the laws of registration; and notification shall first be given to the Council." This seems to confirm my belief that the indulto was not properly a tax, but the favor of an exemption, in cases, from the tax; or of exemption (in this case, it would appear) from the penalty to fall upon him who had evaded the tax by concealment; it was, then, by derivation a composition of the tax. But the king here provided that it should not be paid into his coffers, but be applied to the fund from averías, thus swelling the fund from which all shippers benefited, and to which they were supposed to contribute to make the trade possible; see the chapter on "Averías," in Leyes de Indias. The foregoing statements suggest a reason why the royal authority was opposed, in this Manila trade controversy, to having the composition of the duties, and of the penalties which the merchants had incurred by past violations of the rules, regarded or considered as an "indult," and not as a "regulation" or rule specifying a lump sum to be paid as duties. This indult might (by this and other laws) have had to go into other funds; though I know of no fund for averías in the Manila trade, yet the Spanish mere desire for uniformity of legislation and practice might explain this strenuous objection to considering this regulation as an indult or grace of the sovereign (in the special sense that had been established for this sort of favor) in the galleon trade with the West Indies.--James A. LeRoy (now [1906] U.S. consul at Durango, Mexico).
[71] The Duke de Alburquerque took possession of his office as viceroy of Nueva España on November 27, 1702; his term of office lasted a little more than eight years. Little of importance occurred therein except several raids by pirates (among whom was Captain William Dampier) in Mexican waters. Alburquerque was succeeded (January 15, 1711) by Fernando de Alancastre, Duke de Linares, who was an able, vigorous and benevolent ruler, and spent or bequeathed the greater part of his fortune for the benefit of the poor--whose number and sufferings were enormous at this time, through unusual calamities of floods and earthquakes, famine and pestilence. Linares's term of office expired on August 15, 1716, and he died in June of the next year; he was succeeded by Baltasar de Zúñiga, Marqués de Valero. (Bancroft, Hist. Mexico, iii, pp. 278-290.)
[72] Spanish, harrieros, "muleteers;" for goods and silver were transported across Mexico by pack-trains of mules.
[73] That is, the present attempt by Linares to inquire into and settle past irregularities; for it gives those who are suspected an opportunity to compromise the affair.
[74] That is, not only because money can (speaking generally) easily open the way for a settlement in such case, but because, in this specific matter, it is a fair supposition that large speculations cannot be carried on with small capital--and indeed most of these Mexican transgressors are too poor to pay the penalties incurred by their past infractions, if these were strictly adjudged against them.
[75] Barracan is a woolen fabric impenetrable to water, about half a vara wide, of which rain-cloaks and other articles are made; picote is a coarse, rough fabric made from goat's hair (Dominguez).
[76] At fol. 40 verso of the Extracto, elefantes are defined as "linen goods of that country [i.e., Filipinas], having no durability, and but little valued in that kingdom [i.e., Mexico]."