Chapter 12

When the ships near the coast, which they generally sight betwen forty and thirty-six degrees, the cold is very severe, and the people suffer and die. Three hundred leguas before reaching land, signs of it are seen, by certain _aguas malas_, [264] as large as the hand, round and violet colored, with a crest in the middle like a lateen sail, which are called _caravelas_ ["caravels"]. This sign lasts until the ship is one hundred leguas from land; and then are discovered certain fish, with half the body in the form of a dog; [265] these frolic with one another near the ship. After these _perrillos_ ["little dogs"] are seen the _porras_ ["knobsticks"], which are certain very long, hollow shoots of a yellow herb with a ball at the top, and which float on the water. At thirty leguas from the coast are seen many great bunches of grass which are carried down to the sea by the great rivers of the country. These grasses are called _balsas_ ["rafts or floats"]. Also many perrillos are seen, and, in turn, all the various signs. Then the coast is discovered, and it is very high and clear land. Without losing sight of land, the ship coasts along it with the northwest, north-northwest, and north winds, which generally prevail on that coast, blowing by day toward the land, and by night toward the sea again. With the decrease of the latitude and the entrance into a warm climate the island of Cenizas [ashes] is seen, and afterward that of Cedros [cedars]. Thence one sails until the cape of San Lucas is sighted, which is the entrance of [the gulf of] California. From that one traverses the eighty leguas intervening to the islands of Las Marias and the cape of Corrientes ["currents"], which is on the other side of California in Val de Vanderas ["valley of banners"], and the provinces of Chametla. Thence one passes the coast of Colima, Sacatul, Los Motines ["the mutinies"], and Ciguatanejo, and enters the port of Acapulco--without having made a way-station or touched land from the channel of Capul in the Filipinas throughout the voyage. The voyage usually lasts five months or thereabout, but often six and even more. [266]

By way of India, one may sail from the Filipinas to España, by making the voyage to Malaca, and thence to Cochin and Goa, a distance of one thousand two hundred leguas. This voyage must be made with the brisas. From Goa one sails by way of India to the cape of Buena Esperança [Good Hope], and to the Terceras [_i.e._, Azores] Islands, and thence to Portugal and the port of Lisboa. This is a very long and dangerous voyage, as is experienced by the Portuguese who make it every year. From India they usually send letters and despatches to España by way of the Bermejo ["Red"] Sea, by means of Indians. These send them through Arabia to Alexandria, and thence by sea to Venecia [Venice] and thence to España.

A galleon bound for Portugal sails and is despatched from the fort of Malaca, in certain years, by the open sea, without touching at India or on its coasts. It reaches Lisboa much more quickly than do the Goa vessels. It generally sails on the fifth of January, and does not leave later than that; nor does it usually anticipate that date. However, not any of these voyages are practiced by the Castilians--who are prohibited from making them--except the one made by way of Nueva España, both going and coming, as above described. And although the effort has been made, no better or shorter course has been found by way of the South Sea. [267]

_Laus Deo_

CONQUISTA DE LAS ISLAS MALUCAS

By the licentiate Bartolomé Leonardo de Argensola. Madrid; [published] by Alonso Martin, in the year M.DC.IX.

SOURCE: This is translated and synopsized from the original printed work, for which purpose have been used the copies belonging to Harvard University and to Edward E. Ayer, of Chicago.

TRANSLATION: This document is translated and synopsized by James A. Robertson.

CONQUEST OF THE MALUCAS ISLANDS.

Dedicated to King Felipe III, Our Sovereign.

Written by Licentiate Bartolome Leonardo de Argensola, chaplain of her Majesty the Empress, and Rector of Villahermosa.

Madrid. Printed by Alonso Martin M DC IX.

CONQUEST OF THE MALUCAS ISLANDS

[The usual licenses and preliminary matter precede Argensola's [268] history. The license of the king permitting the author, and no other, to have the book printed and sold for the following ten years, bears date "Madrid, January twenty-four, one thousand six hundred and nine." The license and approbation of the ordinary, Doctor Cetina, dated "Madrid, December 30, 1608," certifies that the history contains nothing against the Catholic faith. Pedro de Valencia, royal chronicler, under date of "Madrid, January 14, 1609," approves the work as deserving publicity. Licentiate Murcia de la Llana, after comparing a single printed copy with the original manuscript, appends a list of errata, with certification that, with these, the book corresponds to the original. This bears date "Madrid, May 4, 1609." Pedro Zapata del Marmol, at "Madrid, May seven, one thousand six hundred and nine," appraises the book and orders that it be sold at four maravedis per pliego or fold, thus making the price of the book, since it contains one hundred and six pliegos, twelve reals, sixteen maravedis. In his dedication, dated "Madrid, May 4, 1609," Argensola requests the king to read his book, as it "contains victories of the Church." The author's brother, Lupercio Leonardo de Argensola, secretary of the empress, chief chronicler of the king in Aragón, writes a letter "to the readers," in which he meets their arguments or supposed arguments, and defends the title and contents of the book, the method of treatment, the style, and its _raison d'être_.

The work contains ten books, the first four of which consist almost entirely of matters extraneous to the Philippines, such as Maluco matters, the history of Pedro Sarmiento's expedition through the Strait of Magellan in search of Drake, etc. The last six books contain more Philippine matter, and while Argensola cannot always be credited with the same reliability as Morga, he often supplements the latter. His introduction in the first book reads as follows:] [269]

I write of the reduction of the Malucas Islands to the obedience of Felipe III, king of España, and the reduction of their kings to their former vassalage, which their predecessors rendered, and which was introduced anew by Don Pedro de Acuña, governor of the Filipinas and general of the Spanish fleet. That was a victory worthy the foresight of so pious a monarch, of the care of the dignified ministers of his supreme council, and of the valor of our nation: not so greatly because of the rare fertility of those provinces, as because by it was taken from the northern fleets one great compelling motive for sailing our seas, so that they should not infect the purity of the new faith of the Asiatic Indians, and the inhabitants of our colonies who trade with them, with heresy. The short time in which the undertaking was completed does not detract from its praise; on the contrary, it can, by that very fact, occupy a worthy place among more copious narratives. Well do I see the dangers to which I expose myself, but I am also confident that I shall not find a defense wanting. Illustrious sculptors or painters are wont to esteem highly the heads, arms, and other members, that are copied perfectly from living bodies, in imitation of which they form all the parts, when they wish to make any figure. Those ignorant of art despise that preparation, and only enjoy the statue or picture, which is composed of all its members, and do not examine the imperfections that they may possess. My present relation of the recovery of those kingdoms will be judged by this esteem and by this contempt. For the wise, who know how history is formed, will esteem this part drawn from life. Others who read, as they confess, only to pass the time, will value it but little--preferring some highly fabulous monstrosities, or a prolix book, which, under the name of history, contains a marvelous number of people, and their deaths; and which gives events, not as God disposed them, but as they desire them. Hence it happens that many things worth knowing remain hidden, for, since they are deferred tor general histories, they are contemporaneously written but meagerly, by those concerned in them; and when their manuscripts are wanted, they are not to be found, or else bind the writer to the laws imposed on him by those who wished to leave that memorial through their self-love or any other passion, and he can make no examination of their truth. Consequently to free a success so important as that of Ternate, the capital of all Maluco, from this danger, I was ordered to write it, during the lifetime of those who engaged in it either actively, or through counsel I am so fully informed of what is needful to write this history, that I hope to supply my want of ability by the truth. Of this alone have I deemed it fitting to advise the reader, and not of the advantage that will be derived from a perusal of this relation. For if the reader desire my relation, any advice on my part will be superfluous; and otherwise, even though such advice guide him rightly, it will be impossible to achieve anything thereby.

[The first four books treat somewhat briefly of the legendary history and the European discovery of the the Malucos; their importance in trade, by reason of their spices, and other resources; their inhabitants; the early Portuguese domination and cruelties, and the consequent risings and rebellions of the natives; the civil wars between Ternate and Tidors; and the accession of Felipe II to the Portuguese crown. The following extracts and abstracts are made from various parts of these four books:]

The eastern archipelago ... embraces so many islands, that even yet we do not know their exact number. Modern writers make five divisions of this archipelago, which are themselves a like number of archipelagos--namely, Maluco, Moro, Papuas, Celebes, and Amboyno. The name of the first in that language is Moloc, and means the same as "capital," for it is the capital of all the adjacent parts; and, according to others, Maluco, which signifies in Arabic, as par excellence, "the kingdom." It is reduced to five chief islands, all under one meridian, all in sight of one another, and lying within a distance of twenty-five leguas. They lie across the equator, their most northern latitude being one-half degree, and their most southern one degree. They are bounded on the west by the island of Xilòlo, called Batochina de Moro by the Portuguese, and Alemaera by the Malucos. Of the many islands round about, which are also called Malucas, ... the following are remarkable for the abundance of their spice, namely--beginning at the north-Ternate, Tydore, Motiel, Maquien, and Bacham. In the time of their former pagans they were called Cape, Duco, Moutil, Mara, and Seque ... The inhabitants differ from one another, as it were, by the miraculous kindness of nature. The women are light-complexioned and beautiful, while the men have a complexion somewhat darker than a quince. The hair is smooth, and many anoint it with fragrant oils. They have large eyes and long eyelashes, which, with their eyebrows, they wear blackened. Their bodies are robust, and they are much given to war, but to all other employment they are slothful. They live long, grow gray early, and are always active, on sea no less than on land. Hospitable and kind to guests, they are importunate and insistent in their demands when they become familiar. They are full of self-interest in their dealings, and make use of tricks, frauds, and lies. They are poor, and consequently proud; and, to name many vices in one, they are ungrateful. The Chinese occupied all these islands when they subjugated all that orient, then the Javanese and Malays, and lastly the Persians and Arabs. These last, by means of commerce, introduced the superstitions of Mahomet among the worship of their gods (of whom some families boasted as ancestors). Their laws are barbarous. They set no limit to their marriages. The chief wife of the king, called _putriz_ in their language, determines nobility and the right to the succession--to which her children are preferred, even when they are younger than the children of other mothers. Not even the slightest theft is pardoned, but adultery is easily excused. At daybreak, those appointed for this duty sound (by law) large timbrels in the streets of the settlements, in order to awaken married people, whom, on account of human propagation, they judge worthy of political care. The majority of crimes are punished by death. In other things they obey the tyranny or will of the conqueror. The headdress of the men consists of colored Turkish turbans, with many feathers in them. That of the king, which corresponds to a crown, has the form of a miter in its peak. The remainder of the clothing universally consists of jackets which they call _cheninas_, and trousers of blue, crimson, green, or violet damask. Of the same material are their cloaks, which are short and military, and fastened diagonally or knotted on the shoulder, after the fashion of the ancient Roman garments, as known to us by the writings, statues, and other traces of those times. The women show off their hair, now letting it hang, and again knotting it upon the head, and placing various kinds of flowers in the bands that hold it; so that, in the adjustment of their headdress, they are not embarrassed by veils, plumage, or feathers. All that variety, even without art, adorns them. They wear bracelets, earrings, and necklaces of diamonds and rubies, and long strings of pearls--ornaments that are not prohibited to the common people; as neither are silks, which are especially worn by the women after the fashion of Persians and Turks. These are all the wealth of the seas and surrounding lands. Men and women betoken in their dress the natural haughtiness of their disposition. The variety of their languages is not little. It may happen that one village cannot understand the language of the next. Malay, being most easy to pronounce, is most common. From the variety of languages it is inferred that these islands have been populated by different nations. Antiquity, and the art of navigating in those districts, is ascribed to the Chinese. Others affirm that the Malucos are descended from the Javanese, who, attracted by the sweetness of the odors wafted by the spices, stopped at Maluco. They took a cargo of cloves, which until then were unknown, and, continuing to trade in these, carried them in their vessels to the Persian and Arabian straits. They went throughout those provinces, carrying also ilks, and chinaware--products of the resources and skill of the Chinese. The cloves, by means of the Persians and Arabs, came to the Greeks and Romans. Several Roman emperors tried to conquer the east, in order to find the spice regions, so much did they desire the spice. Believing that they all came from China, they gave them Chinese names. The Spaniards formerly brought the spices with other merchandise from the Bermejo [_i.e._, Red] or Erithrean Sea. The kings of Egypt once gained possession of the spices, and they reached Europe by way of the Asiatics. When the Romans made Egypt one of their provinces, they continued the trade. The Genoese, much later, transferring the commerce to Theodosia (now Cafa) distributed the spices, and there Venecia and other trading nations established their agents and factories. They sailed later by way of the Caspian Sea and Trapisonda; but the trade fell with the empire, and the Turks carried this merchandise in caravans of camels and dromedaries to Barcito, Lepo, and Damasco, and to various Mediterranean ports. [270] The sultans of Cayro restored this trade to the Bermejo Sea, and to Alexandria by the Nilo [_i.e._, Nile] River. The Portuguese deprived the sultans of it, after their conquest of the Eastern Indias, and now they bring the spices by way of the cape of Buena Esperanza in their fleets; while with those that sail along the coasts of Arabia and Persia, and to the cape of Guardafun, they prohibit drugs being taken to Cayro, sinking or capturing the vessel that tries to do so. The sultan's trade was suppressed by this fear and the security that was introduced, and all the spices come on the account of the royal crown to India, with innumerable delays, until they reach Lisboa. He who is master of the navigation will be master of this pleasing wealth.

[Mindanao--which, as appears from an allusion by Argensola, was not always considered a portion of the Philippines proper--is visited by one of the early Portuguese conquerors, Captain Pinto, being sent there by Tristan de Atayde "and to the neighboring islands, to provide themselves with the necessities of life." There "he visited the king, by whom he was courteously received; and after his credentials were examined, and consultation over his requests was held with the Sangages [271] of the king's council, peace and friendship were made. Pinto sold his merchandise at whatever price he wished, and traded for and bought a cargo of provisions at will." (Book ii, pp. 49-50.) The desire for cloves [272] on the part of the Portuguese is so strong in the Malucos that the natives determine to burn their trees, although "the clove harvest forms the wealth of the Maluco kings," in order to cause them to leave. Although the threat is not carried out, wars prevail constantly between natives and conquerors. The contests become so vindictive and troublesome that they lead to arguments for abandoning the Philippines after Felipe II's accession to the throne. The passages relating to this are as follows:]

The apprehensions of this danger had made the ministers of all those provinces anxious, for their fears were being confirmed by proofs of manifest rebellion. In Goa, Diego Lopez de Mezquita was already a prisoner in the fortress of Benastirim, and under a strong guard, and the viceroy was awaiting the decision from España to dispose of him and of the soldiers; for they feared lest the Ternatans would make use of the great help that could be sent them by the Chinese; which could be sent much more easily if the matters then being discussed in Castilla were made certain. It was reported that the Council of State--having noted that the Filipinas not only did not augment the royal incomes, but were even lessening them, and were the occasion for fruitless expense; and that they were so numerous and so difficult of conservation--had proposed to King Filipo, our sovereign, to abandon them, and withdraw the Audiencia and presidios that sustained them. They added to this argument the example of the Chinese kings and nations, who also had abandoned those islands--although they are so near and can aid them so easily, that the islands may be reckoned as a part of their mainland. They said that as España was governing them, signal detriment was being received, and there were no hopes that any betterment would be obtained in future; for the amount of silver passing thither from Nueva España, both for regular expenses and for merchandise, was immense. For the same reason, and by the same road, that treasure was being sent by the hands of the Chinese to the center of those kingdoms, which, intractable by the severity of their laws, are debarred by those laws, as by arms and fortifications, from all trade with foreigners. They asserted that the monarchy, scattered and divided by so many seas, and climes, could scarcely be reduced to one whole; and that human foresight could not bind, by means of ability, provinces separated by nature with so distant boundaries. These arguments, they said, were born not of the mind, but of experience, a truth manifest to the senses. All other arguments that could be adduced against this reasoning they declared to be honorable and full of generous sound, but difficult of execution. It would be more advisable to increase the power of the king in Europe, where the forces could attend to emergencies without the casualties that militate against them in outside seas and dominions. Each one of these arguments was enforced so minutely by the ministers of the treasury that this proposition merited consideration and examination. Had God permitted the king to exclude the Filipinas from his monarchy, and leave them exposed to the power of whomsoever should seize them first, the Malucans would have so strengthened the condition of their affairs that it would have been impregnable.

This same resolution has been communicated on other occasions, and in the reign of King Filipo Third, now reigning. He, conforming to his father's reply, has ever refused to accept counsel so injurious. Consequently, that most prudent monarch answered that the Filipinas would be conserved in their present condition, and that the Audiencia would be granted sufficient authority so that justice could be more thoroughly administered; for in the completeness and rigor of justice the king based the duration and energy of the state. For the same reason, the military force there would be strengthened, and the royal incomes of Nueva España, or those of any other of his kingdoms, would be expended for that purpose, for all the treasures, and those still to be discovered in the bosom of the mines, must be applied to the propagation of the gospel. For what, he asked, would the enemies of the gospel say, if they should see that the Filipinas were deprived of the light, and of the ministers who preach it, because they did not produce metals and wealth as did other rich islands in Assia and America? He said that the entire power of the sovereigns must minister to this superior end, as sons of the Church and assistants of the apostolic voice, which is being continued in the successes of the first preaching. If he had refused to yield one jot in his severity to his northern vassals, [273] or to grant them liberty for their consciences, why should he relent toward the pagans and Mahometans, who are the harvest that God has assigned him, in order to enrich the Church with those so remote children? By this wise he enjoined silence on the discussion, and with this glorious aim the decision has ever been made when zeal or human convenience has discussed the abandonment of those states.... This religious motive influenced Felipo; but, besides it, those who had experience of those Asiatic sources of wealth urged others. The most abundant wealth consists of diamonds, rubies, large and seed pearls, amber, musk, civet, and camphor, from Borneo and China; vermilion, coral, quicksilver, copper, and white cloth, from Cambaya and Mengala; rugs, carpets, fine counterpanes, camlets, from Persia; brocades, ivory, rhubarb, cardamoms, cassia, [274] incense, benzoin, wax, china, lac for medicine and dyes, cloves, and mace, from Banda; with gold, silver, and pearls, medicinal woods, aroes, eagle-wood, calambuco, [275] ebony, and innumerable other rare plants, drugs, spices, and ornaments. They say that Venecia lost all this when the commerce passed to Portugal [276] (Book ii, pp. 84-86)....

[While the war between the Portuguese and the natives is at its height, a galleon passes which is later found to have been neither Spanish nor Portuguese, as the natives fear, "but a ship of Venetians, private persons, on its way from Manila to China, with various bartered merchandise of those states and of the east" (Book ii, p. 89).