Part 20

16. Their marriage custom was to have one wife--from whom they would separate and marry another, on any occasion or change of feeling--and to have three or four other women. They always considered that one the legitimate wife with whom they naturally cohabited. The man always gave the dowry, and this, together with certain gatherings in which they drank, was considered marriage. If the man separated from his wife, he lost the dowry which he had given her. If she separated from the man, she returned double the dowry which she had received, even though she had children. The property acquired during marriage, they always divided equally. They never disinherited the children in life or death, even though they were born of many women, if they had been married to these. The other children, born of other women, whom we call bastards, they called _asiao yndepat_. These did not inherit, but they always gave them something. Even if any one had no legitimate child at his death, the bastard could not inherit at all, but the property went to the nearest relatives of the deceased.

17. They were not accustomed to will more to any child, except in small sums, as three or four taes, or small pieces of land of the like value.

18. When anyone became a widower and no children had been born to the husband and wife, the whole dowry was returned. But if any sons or daughters had been born to them, even though these were dead at the time of bereavement, not more than half the dowry was returned.

19. If any child were living at the time of the death of the father or mother, all the property of the deceased was inherited by the child or children. If they were not old enough to administer it, the parents of the deceased kept and used it, and not the surviving father or mother of the minors. If the minor died afterward, neither the father nor the mother inherited it, but the minor's grandparents, or the nearest relatives of the deceased from whom the minor had inherited the property.

20. Among the slaves, the father and mother shared equally. If both were slaves of one master, the children were so also. If one slave belonged to one master and the other to another, the children were divided in this way. The master of the father took the eldest, the master of the mother, the second; and so on in this order with the rest. If there were an odd one, the two masters of the parents divided him; that is, the slave served both masters equally. If either the father or mother were free, the children were divided in the same way, so that if the father was free, the eldest son or daughter was free. On the contrary, if the father was a slave, the eldest son or daughter was a slave. This arrangement was kept and observed among them, namely, to give an equal share to both the father and mother. If one of them was free or half-free, they gave his part to him and to his children in proportion to the amount which fell to his lot.

21. If any chiefs wrangled over their cultivated lands, they came before the other chiefs of the village; and these tried them, and received testimony orally from both sides, under oath, according to their usage--which was sweating by the crocodile, the sun, the moon, and many other things by which they swore. In conformity with the evidence of each one, the suit between the said chiefs was decided; and if either one of them refused to comply with the sentence, all the chiefs together compelled him to observe it. This order was adhered to in this matter.

22. All the aforesaid information I have endeavored to procure from the oldest inhabitants of this province, and from all the priors of the province. If it be not set forth in a style as good as I ought to use, I beg your Lordship to pardon its defects, for the sake of my good will, etc.

NOTES

[1] Following in a translation of the title-page of the other edition of Morga's work, which shows that a second edition of the _Sucesos_ was published in the same year as was the first. A reduced facsimile of this title-page--from the facsimile reproduction in the Zaragoza edition (Madrid, 1887)--forms the frontispiece to the present volume. It reads thus: "Events in the Philipinas Islands: addressed to Don Christoval Gomez de Sandoval y Rojas, duke de Cea, by Doctor Antonio de Morga, alcalde of criminal causes in the royal Audiencia of Nueva España, and consultor for the Holy Office of the Inquisition. At Mexico in the Indias, in the year 1609." In the lower left-hand corner of the engraved title appears the engraver's name: "Samuel Estradanus, of Antwerp, made this."

[2] The month is omitted in the text.--_Stanley_.

[3] Fray Diego Bermeo, a native of Toledo, became a Franciscan friar; and in 1580 went to Mexico, and three years later to the Philippines. After spending many years as a missionary in Luzón and Mindoro, he was elected provincial of his order in the islands (in 1599, and again in 1608). Going to Japan as commissary provincial--in 1603, according to Morga, but 1604 as given by Huerta (_Estado_, p. 446)--he was obliged by severe illness to return to Manila; he died there on December 12, 1609.

[4] Luis Sotelo, belonging to an illustrious family of Sevilla, made his profession as a Franciscan in 1594. Joining the Philippine mission, he reached the islands in 1600; and he spent the next two years in ministering to the Japanese near Manila, and in the study of their language. In 1600 he went to Japan, where he zealously engaged in missionary labors. Ten years later, he was sentenced to death for preaching the Christian religion; but was freed from this danger by Mazamune, king of Boxu, who sent the Franciscan as his ambassador to Rome and Madrid. Returning from this mission, Sotelo arrived in the Philippines in 1618, and four years later resumed his missionary labors in Japan. In 1622 he was again imprisoned for preaching, and was confined at Omura for two years, during which time he wrote several works, in both the Spanish and Japanese languages. Sotelo was finally burned at the stake in Omura, August 25, 1624. See Huerta's _Estado_, pp. 392-394.

[5] The present towns of San Nicolás, San Fernando, etc., lying between Binondo and the sea.--_Rizal_.

[6] This remark of Morga can be applied to many other insurrections that occurred later--not only of Chinese, but also of natives--and probably even to many others which, in the course of time, will be contrived.--_Rizal_.

[7] These devices, of which certain persons always avail themselves to cause a country to rebel, are the most efficacious to bring such movements to a head. "If thou wishest thy neighbor's dog to become mad, publish that it is mad," says an old refrain.--_Rizal_.

[8] This is the famous Eng-Kang of the histories of Filipinas.--_Rizal_.

[9] The Rizal edition of Morga omits the last part of this sentence, the original of which is _"entre vnos esteros y cienagas, lugar escondido."_

[10] "The Chinese killed father Fray Bernardo de Santo Catalina, agent of the holy office, of the order of St. Dominic ... They attacked Quiapo, and after killing about twenty people, set fire to it. Among these they burned alive a woman of rank, and a boy."--_Rizal_. This citation is made from Leonardo de Argensola's _Conquistas de las Molucas_ (Madrid, 1609), a synopsis of which will follow Morga's work.

[11] We are unaware of the exact location of this settlement of Laguio. It is probably the present village of Kiapo, which agrees with the text and is mentioned by Argensola. Nevertheless, from the description of this settlement given by Morga (_post_, chapter viii) and Chirino, it can be inferred that Laguio was located on the present site of the suburb of La Concepción. In fact, there is even a street called Laguio between Malate and La Ermita.--_Rizal_.

[12] "Fine helmets were found broken in with clubs... About thirty also escaped (among whom was Father Farfan), who were enabled to do so because of being in the rear, and lightly armed" (Argensola).--_Rizal_.

[13] Argensola says that the Chinese killed many peaceful merchants in the parián, while others hanged themselves of their own accord. Among these Argensola mentions General Hontay and the rich Chican--according to the relation of Fray Juan Pobre, because the latter had refused to place the famous Eng-Kang at the head of the movement.--_Rizal_.

[14] "And they tried to persuade the natives to unite with them; but the latter refused, and on the contrary killed as many of the Sangleys as they caught" (Argensola).--_Rizal_.

[15] Argensola says that "four thousand Pampangos, armed in the custom of their country, with bows and arrows, half-pikes, shields, and long broad daggers," were sent by the alcalde of Pampanga to the relief of Manila, which now needed soldiers.--_Rizal_.

[16] In this struggle many cruelties were committed and many quiet and friendly Chinese killed. Don Pedro de Acuña, who could not prevent or stifle this terrible insurrection in its beginnings, also contributed to the horrible butcheries that ensued. "Accordingly many Spaniards and natives went to hunt the disbanded Sangleys, at Don Pedro's order." Hernando de Avalos, alcalde of La Pampanga, seized more than 400 pacific Sangleys, "and leading them to an estuary, manacled two and two, delivered them to certain Japanese, who killed them. Father Fray Diego de Guevara of the order of St. Augustine, prior of Manila, who made this relation, preached to the Sangleys first, but only five abandoned their idolatry." ... Would he not have done better to preach to Alcalde Avalos, and to remind him that he was a man? The Spanish historians say that the Japanese and Filipinos showed themselves cruel in the killing of the Chinese. It is quite probable, considering the rancor and hate with which they were regarded. But their commanders contributed to it also by their example. It is said that more than 23,000 Chinese were killed. "Some assert that the number of Sangleys killed was greater, but in order that the illegality committed in allowing so many to enter the country contrary to the royal prohibitions might not be known, the officials covered up or diminished the number of those who perished" (Argensola).--_Rizal_.

[17] The coming of the Spaniards to the Filipinas, and their government, together with the immigration of the Chinese, killed the industry and agriculture of the country. The terrible competition of the Chinese with any individual of another race is well known, for which reason the United States and Australia refuse to admit them. The indolence, then, of the inhabitants of the Filipinas, is derived from the lack of foresight of the government. Argensola says the same thing, and could not have copied Morga, since their works were published in the same year, in countries very distant from one another, and the two contain wide differences.--_Rizal_.

The Chinese question has always been of great importance in the Philippines. The dislike of the Filipino for the Chinese seemed instinctive and was deep-rooted. The subject of the Chinese immigration to the islands has served for special legislation on many occasions in Spain, but they have nevertheless persisted in their trading and occupations therein. See Stanley's edition of Morga, appendix II, pp. 363-368; and _Los Chinos en Filipinos_ (Manila, 1886).

[18] This should be six hundred and four.--_Rizal_.

[19] Nueva España.--_Rizal_.

[20] This archbishop seems to have been a principal cause of the disturbance and massacre of the Chinese, by taking a leading part in exciting suspicion against them.--_Stanley_.

[21] The Arab travelers of the ninth century mention that eunuchs were employed in China, especially for the collection of the revenue, and that they were called _thoucam_.--_Stanley_.

[22] "In earlier times a barrier, which ran from Osaka to the border of Yamato and Omi, separated the thirty-three western from the thirty-three eastern provinces. The former were collectively entitled Kuwansei (pronounce Kánsé), _i.e._, westward of the Gate; the latter Kuwantô (pronounce Kántô), _i.e._, eastward of the Gate. Later, however, when under the Tokugawa régime the passes leading to the plain in which Yedo, the new capital of Shôgune, grew up were carefully guarded; by the Gate (Kuwan) was understood the great guard on the Hakone Pass, and Kuwantô or Kuwantô-Hashiu, the eight provinces east of it: Sagami, Musashi, Kôtsuke, Shimotsuke, Hitachi, Shimosa, Katsusa, and Awa." Thus defined by Rein, in his _Japan_, p. II, Cf. Griffis, _Mikado's Empire_, p. 68, note.

[23] A flat-bottomed boat, capable of carrying heavy loads.

[24] Pedro Alvares de Abreu.--_Rizal_.

[25] According to Argensola, who gives a succinct relation of this expedition, the number engaged in it were as follows: Spaniards and their officers, 1,423; Pampangos and Tagáls (without their chiefs), 344; _idem_, for maritime and military service, 620; rowers, 649; Indian chiefs, 5; total 3,041. But he adds that all those of the fleet, exclusive of the general's household and followers, numbered 3,095. Probably the 54 lacking in the above number were the Portuguese under command of Abreu and Camelo, although Argensola does not mention Portuguese soldiers.... The names of the Indian chiefs attending the expedition at their own cost were: Don Guillermo (Palaot), master-of-camp; and Captains Don Francisco Palaot, Don Juan Lit, Don Luis Lont, and Don Agustin Lont. These must have behaved exceedingly well, for after the assault on Ternate, Argensola says: "Not a person of consideration among the Spaniards or the Indians remained unwounded."--_Rizal_.

[26] Said Dini Baraka ja.--_Rizal_.

[27] Combés (_Mindanao_, Retana's ed., cols. 73, 74) describes the bagacay as a small, slender reed, hardened in fire and sharp-pointed; it is hurled by a Moro at an enemy with unerring skill, and sometimes five are discharged in one volley. He narrates surprising instances of the efficacy of this weapon, and says that "there is none more cruel, at close range."

[28] Stanley translates this "flat-boats." Retana and Pastells (Combés's _Mindanao_, col. 787) derive this word from Chinese _chun_, "a boat," and regard the _joanga_ (_juanga_) as a small junk.

[29] "The soldiers, having entered the city, gave themselves universally to violence and pillage. Don Pedro had issued a proclamation conceding that all of the enemy captured within those four days, should be slaves" (Argensola). During the sack, which Don Pedro was unable to restrain, neither children nor young girls were spared. One girl was killed because two soldiers disputed for her.--_Rizal_.

[30] "The prince's name was Sulamp Gariolano. This step was contrary to the advice of Queen Celicaya" (Argensola).--_Rizal_.

[31] Sangajy, a Malay title (Marsden).--_Stanley_.

[32] The Jesuit Father Luis Fernández, Gallinato, and Esquivel made negotiations with the king for this exile, and Father Colin attributes its good outcome to the cleverness of the former. What was then believed to be prudent resulted afterward as an impolitic measure, and bore very fatal consequences; for it aroused the hostility of all the Molucas, even that of their allies, and made the Spanish name as odious as was the Portuguese. The priest Hernando de los Rios, Bokemeyer, and other historians, moreover, accuse Don Pedro de Acuña of bad faith in this; but, strictly judged, we believe that they do so without foundation. Don Pedro in his passport assured the lives of the king and prince, but not their liberty. Doubtless a trifle more generosity would have made the conqueror greater, and the odium of the Spanish name less, while it would have assured Spanish domination of that archipelago. The unfortunate king never returned to his own country. Hernando de los Rios says that during Don Pedro de Acuña's life he was well treated, but that during the administration of Don Juan de Silva "I have seen him in a poor lodging where all the rain fell on him, and they were starving him to death." He is described by Argensola as of "robust proportions, and his limbs are well formed. His neck and much of his breast are bare. His flesh is of a cloudy color, rather black than gray. The features of his face are like those of an European. His eyes are large and full, and he seems to dart sparks from them. His large eyelashes, his thick bristling beard, and his mustaches add to his fierceness. He always wears his campilan, dagger, and kris, both with hilts in the form of gilded serpents' heads." This description was taken from a picture sent to Spain.--_Rizal_.

[33] Other disturbances occurred also, because of Don Pedro's enemies having spread the news that the expedition had been destroyed, and most of those making it killed. "This report, having come to the ears of the Indians, was so harmful that they began to mutiny, especially in the provinces of Camarines and Pintados. The friars who instructed them could already do, nothing with them, for they asked why, since the inhabitants of the Malucos were victorious, should they be subject to the Spaniards, who did not defend them from the Moros. They said that the Moros would plunder them daily with the help of Ternate, and that it would be worse henceforth" (Argensola).--_Rizal_.

La Concepción states (_Hist. de Philipinas_, iv, p. 103) that these Japanese were settled in Dilao; and that the immediate cause of their mutiny was the killing of a Japanese by a Spaniard, in a quarrel.

[34] The authors of this poisoning were then known in Manila, and according to Argensola were those envious of the governor. "But although they were known as such, so that the suspicion of the crowd makes them the authors of the poisoning we shall repress their names ... for all are now dead" (Argensola).--_Rizal_.

Cf. La Concepción (_Hist. de Philipinas_, iv, pp. 105, 106); he ascribes the report of Acuña's poisoning to the physicians, who sought thus to shield their own ignorance of his disease.

[35] These were the results of having taken the king and his chiefs, who had entrusted themselves to Don Pedro de Acuña, prisoners to Manila, the king of Tidore, the ally of España, had already found means to break the alliance. The governors appointed by the captive king refused to have anything to do with the Spaniards. Fear was rampant in all parts, and the spirit of vengeance was aroused. "When his vassals saw the ill-treatment that the Spaniards inflicted on their king, they hated us so much that they acquired an equal liking for our enemies. (Her. de los Rios)." Don Pedro lacked the chief characteristic of Legazpi.--_Rizal_.

[36] This relation forms an appendix to Theodore de Bry's _Ninth part of America_ (Frankfort, 1601), and was printed by Matthew Becker (Frankfort, 1602). The copper plates are different from those of the Dutch edition of the relation.--_Stanley_.

The plates representing Oliver van Noordt's fleet, presented in the preceding volume, are taken from tome xvi of Theodore de Bry's _Peregrinationes_ (first ed.), by courtesy of the Boston Public Library. The title-page of the relation reads in part: "Description dv penible voyage faict entovr de l'univers ou globe terrestre, par Sr. Olivier dv Nort d'Avtrecht, ... Le tout translaté du Flamand en Franchois, ... Imprimé a Amsterdame. Ches Cornille Claessz fur l'Eau au Livre a Escrire, l'An 1602." This relation was reprinted in 1610, and numerous editions have appeared since.

[37] One of the Canary Islands.

[38] This anchor was given him by a Japanese captain, in Manila Bay, on December 3, 1600.--_Stanley_.

[39] What we now call Java used to be called Java major, and the island of Bali was Java minor.--_Stanley_.

[Note: Inasmuch as Morga enters somewhat largely into the ancient customs of the Tagáls and other Filipino peoples in the present chapter, and as some of Rizal's notes indicative of the ancient culture of those peoples are incorporated in notes that follow, we deem it advisable to invite attention to Lord Stanley's remarks in the preface to his translation of Morga (p. vii), and Pardo de Tavera's comment in his _Biblioteca Filipina_ (Washington, 1903), p. 276. Stanley says: "The inhabitants of the Philippines previous to the Spanish settlement were not like the inhabitants of the great Indian Peninsula, people with a civilization as that of their conquerors. Excepting that they possessed the art of writing, and an alphabet of their own, they do not appear to have differed in any way from the Dayaks of Borneo as described by Mr. Boyle in his recent book of adventures amongst that people. Indeed there is almost a coincidence of verbal expressions in the descriptions he and De Morga give of the social customs, habits, and superstitions of the two peoples they are describing; though many of these coincidences are such as are incidental to life in similar circumstances, there are enough to lead one to suppose a community of origin of the inhabitants of Borneo and Luzon." Pardo de Tavera says after quoting the first part of the above: "Lord Stanley's opinion is dispassionate and not at all at variance with historical truth." The same author says also that Blumentritt's prologue and Rizal's notes in the latter's edition of Morga have so aroused the indignation of the Spaniards that several have even attacked Morga.]

[40] More exactly from 25° 40' north latitude to 12° south latitude, if we are to include Formosa in the group, which is inhabited likewise by the same race.--_Rizal_.

[41] We confess our ignorance with respect to the origin of this belief of Morga, which, as one can observe, was not his belief in the beginning of the first chapter. Already from the time of Diodorus Siculus (first century B. C.), Europe received information of these islands by one Iamboule, a Greek, who went to them (to Sumatra at least), and who wrote afterward the relation of his voyage. He gave therein detailed information of the number of the islands, of their inhabitants, of their writing, navigation, etc. Ptolemy mentions three islands in his geography, which are called Sindæ in the Latin text. They are inhabited by the aginnatai. Mercator interprets those islands as Celebes, Gilolo, and Amboina. Ptolemy also mentions the island agajou daimonoc (Borneo), five baroussai (Mindanao, Leite, Sebu, etc.), three sabade'ibai (the Java group--iabadiou) and ten masniolai where a large loadstone was found. Colin surmises that these are the Manilas.--_Rizal_.

Colin (_Labor Evangelica_, Madrid, 1663) discusses the discovery and naming of the Philippines. He quotes Ptolemy's passage that speaks of islands called the Maniolas, whence many suppose came the name Manilas, sometimes given to the islands. But as pointed out in a letter dated March 14, 1904, by James A. LeRoy, Spanish writers have wasted more time on the question than it merits. Mr. LeRoy probably conjectures rightly that many old Chinese and Japanese documents will be found to contain matter relating to the Philippines prior to the Spanish conquest.