Chapter 1

Edited and annotated by Emma Helen Blair and James Alexander Robertson with historical introduction and additional notes by Edward Gaylord Bourne.

Contents of Volume II

Preface Expedition of García de Loaisa--1525-26

[Résumé of contemporaneous documents--1522-37]

Voyage of Alvaro de Saavedra--1527-28.

[Résumé of contemporaneous documents--1527-28]

Expedition of Ruy Lopez de Villalobos

[Résumé of contemporaneous documents--[1541-48]

Expedition of Miguel Lopez de Legazpi--1564-68.

[Résumé of contemporaneous documents--1559-68]

Warrant of the Augustinian authorities in Mexico establishing a branch of their brotherhood in the Philippines--1564

Act of taking possession of Cibabao, Fernando Riquel; Cibabao, February 15, 1565

Proclamation ordering the declaration of the gold taken from the burial-places of the Indians. M.L. de Legazpi; Çubu, May 16, 1565

Letters to Felipe II of Spain. M.L. de Legazpi and others; Cubu, May 27 and 29, and June 1, 1565

Letter from the royal officials of the Filipinas to the royal Audiencia at Mexico, accompanied by a memorandum of the necessary things to be sent to the colony. Guido de Labecares and others; Cubu, May 28, 1565

Relation of the voyage to the Philippines. M. L. de Legazpi; Cubu, [1565]

[1]Copia de vna carta venida de Seuilla a Miguel Saluador de Valencia. (Barcelona, Pau Cortey, 1566)

Letters to Felipe II of Spain. M.L. de Legazpi; Cubu, July 12, 15, and 23, 1567 and June 26, 1568

Negotiations between Legazpi and Pereira regarding the Spanish settlement at Cebú. Fernando Riquel; 1568-69

Bibliographical Data

Illustrations

Portrait of Miguel Lopez de Legazpi; photographic reproduction from painting in Museo-Biblioteca de Ultramar, Madrid. _Frontispiece_

Portrait of Fray Andrés de Urdaneta; photographic reproduction from painting by Madrazo, in possession of the Colegio de Filipinas (Augustinian), Valladolid.

Signatures of Legazpi and other officials in the Philippines; photographic facsimile from original MS. of their letter of June 1, 1565, in the Archivo general de Indias, Seville.

The Santo Niño of Cebú (image of the child Jesus found there by Legazpi's soldiers in 1565); from a plate in possession of the Colegio de Filipinas, Valladolid.

Preface

The next attempt to reach the Spice Islands is made by García Jofre de Loaisa. A synopsis of contemporary documents is here presented: discussion as to the location of the India House of Trade; concessions offered by the Spanish government to persons who aid in equipping expeditions for the Moluccas; instructions to Loaisa and his subordinates for the conduct of their enterprise; accounts of their voyage, etc. Loaisa's fleet departs from Spain on July 24, 1525, and ten months later emerges from the Strait of Magellan. Three of his ships have been lost, and a fourth is compelled to seek necessary supplies at the nearest Spanish settlements on the west coast of South America; Loaisa has remaining but three vessels for the long and perilous trip across the Pacific. One of the lost ships finally succeeds in reaching Spain, but its captain, Rodrigo de Acuña, is detained in long and painful captivity at Pernambuco. The partial log of the flagship and an account of the disasters which befell the expedition are sent to the emperor (apparently from Tidore) by Hernando de la Torre, one of its few survivors, who asks that aid be sent them. Loaisa himself and nearly all his officers are dead--one of the captains being killed by his own men. At Tidore meet (June 30, 1528) the few Spaniards remaining alive (in all, twenty-five out of one hundred and forty-six) in the "Victoria" and in the ship of Saavedra, who has been sent by Cortés to search for the missing fleets which had set out from Spain for the Moluccas. Urdaneta's relation of the Loaisa expedition goes over the same ground, but adds many interesting details.

Various documents (in synopsis) show the purpose for which Saavedra is despatched from Mexico, the instructions given to him, and letters which he is to carry to various persons. Among these epistles, that written by Hernando Cortés to the king of Cebú is given in full; he therein takes occasion to blame Magalhães for the conflict with hostile natives which resulted in the discoverer's death. He also asks the Cebuan ruler to liberate any Spaniards who may be in his power, and offers to ransom them, if that be required. Saavedra's own account of the voyage states that the time of his departure from New Spain was October, 1527. Arrivingat the island of Visaya, he finds three Spaniards who tell him that the eight companions o Magalhães left at Cebú had been sold by their captors to the Chinese.

Undaunted by these failures, another expedition sets forth (1542) to gain a footing for Spanish power on the Western Islands--that commanded by Ruy Lopez de Villalobos; it is under the auspices of the two most powerful officials in New Spain, and is abundantly supplied with men and provisions. The contracts made with the king by its promoters give interesting details of the methods by which such enterprises were conducted. Various encouragements and favors are offered to colonists who shall settle in those islands; privileges and grants are conferred on Alvarado, extending to his heirs. Provision is made for land-grants, hospitals, religious instruction and worship, and the respective rights of the conquerors and the king. The instructions given to Villalobos and other officials are minute and careful. At Navidad Villalobos and all his officers and men take solemn oaths (October 22, 1542) to carry out the pledges that they have made, and to fulfil their respective duties. In 1543 complaint is made that Villalobos is infringing the Portuguese demarcation line, and plundering the natives, which he denies. An account of his expedition (summarized, like the other documents), written by Fray Jerónimo de Santistéban to the viceroy Mendoza, relates the sufferings of the Spaniards from hardships, famine, and disease. Of the three hundred and seventy men who had left New Spain, only one hundred and forty-seven survive to reach the Portuguese settlements in India. The writer justifies the acts of Villalobos, and asks the viceroy to provide for his orphaned children. Another account of this unfortunate enterprise was left by García Descalante Alvarado, an officer of Villalobos; it also is written to the viceroy of New Spain and is dated at Lisbon, August 1, 1548. Like Santistéban's, this too is a record of famine and other privations, the treachery of the natives, and the hostility of the Portuguese. Finally, a truce is made between the Castilians and the Portuguese, and part of the former embark (February 18, 1546) for the island of Amboina, where many of them perish.

Nearly twenty years elapse before any further attempt of importance is made to secure possession of the Philippine Archipelago. In 1564 this is begun by the departure from New Spain of an expedition commanded by Miguel Lopez de Legazpi, with which enterprise begins the real history of the Philippine Islands. Synopses of many contemporaneous documents are here presented, covering the years 1559-68. This undertaking has its inception in the commands of Felipe II of Spain (September 24, 1559) to his viceroy in New Spain (now Luis de Velasco) to undertake "the discovery of the western islands toward the Malucos;" but those who shall be sent for this are warned to observe the Demarcation Line. The king also invites Andrés de Urdaneta, now a friar in Mexico, to join the expedition, in which his scientific knowledge, and his early experience in the Orient, will be of great value. Velasco thinks (May 28, 1560) that the Philippines are on the Portuguese side of the Demarcation Line, but he will follow the royal commands as far as he safely can. He has already begun preparations for the enterprise, the purpose of which he is keeping secret as far as possible. By the same mail, Urdaneta writes to the king, acceding to the latter's request that he accompany the proposed expedition. He emphasizes the ownership of "the Filipina Island" (meaning Mindanao) by the Portuguese, and thinks that Spanish ships should not be despatched thither without the king's "showing some legitimate or pious reason therefor." Velasco makes report (February 9, 1561) of progress in the enterprise; the ships have been nearly built and provisioned, and Legazpi has been appointed its general. Urdaneta advises (also in 1561) that Acapulco be selected for their embarcation, as being more convenient and healthful than Navidad. He makes various other suggestions for the outfit of the expedition, which show his excellent judgment and practical good sense; and asks that various needed articles be sent from Spain. He desires that the fleet depart as early as October, 1562. Legazpi in a letter to the king (May 26, 1563) accepts the responsibility placed upon him, and asks for certain favors. Velasco explains (February 25 and June 15, 1564) the delays in the fleet's departure; he hopes that it will be ready to sail by the following September, and describes its condition and equipment. Velasco's death (July 31) makes it necessary for the royal _Audiencia_ of Mexico to assume the charge of this enterprise. Their instructions to Legazpi (September 1, 1564) are given in considerable detail. Especial stress is laid on the necessity of discovering a return route from the Philippines; and Urdaneta is ordered to return with the ships sent back to New Spain for this purpose. By a letter dated September 12, the members of the _Audiencia_ inform the king of the instructions they have given to Legazpi, and their orders that he should direct his course straight to the Philippines, which they regard as belonging to Spain rather than Portugal. In this same year, Juan de la Carrión, recently appointed admiral of the fleet, writes to the king, dissenting (as does the _Audiencia_) from Urdaneta's project for first exploring New Guinea, and urging that the expedition ought to sail directly to the Philippines. He says that he has been, however, overruled by Urdaneta. Legazpi announces to the king (November 18) his approaching departure from the port of Navidad; and Urdaneta writes a letter of similar tenor two days later. On that date (November 20) they leave port; and on the twenty-fifth Legazpi alters their course so as to turn it from the southwest directly toward the Philippines. This displeases the Augustinian friars on board; but they consent to go with the fleet. After various difficulties and mistakes in reckoning, they reach the Ladrones (January 22, 1565), finally anchoring at Guam. The natives prove to be shameless knaves and robbers, and treacherously murder a Spanish boy; in retaliation, their houses are burned and three men hanged by the enraged Spaniards. Legazpi takes formal possession of the islands for Spain. Proceeding to the Philippines, they reach Cebú on February 13, and thence make various journeys among the islands. They are suffering from lack of food, which they procure in small quantities, and with much difficulty, from the natives--often meeting from them, however, armed hostility. A Spanish detachment succeeds in capturing a Moro junk, after a desperate engagement; its crew are set at liberty, and then become very friendly to the strangers, giving them much interesting information about the commerce of those regions. Finally the leaders of the expedition decide to make a settlement on the island of Cebu. It is captured (April 28) by an armed party; they find in one of the houses an image, of Flemish workmanship, of the child Jesus, which they regard as a valuable prize, and an auspicious omen for their enterprise. The fort is built, and a church erected; and a nominal peace is concluded with the natives, but their treachery is displayed at every opportunity.

On May 28, 1565, the officials of the Western Islands write a report of their proceedings to the _Audiencia_ of New Mexico. They have ascertained that the hostility of the natives arises from the cruelty and treachery of the Portuguese, who in Bohol perfidiously slew five hundred men and carried away six hundred prisoners. The Spaniards ask for immediate aid of soldiers and artillery with which to maintain their present hold, and to relieve the destitution which threatens them. They advise the speedy conquest of the islands, for in no other way can trade be carried on, or the Christian religion be propagated.

Another account of the expedition is given by Esteban Rodriguez, pilot of the fleet; it contains some interesting additional details. On June 1, 1565, the ship "San Pedro" is despatched to New Spain with letters to the authorities, which are in charge of the two Augustinian friars, Urdaneta and Aguirre. The log of the voyage kept by the pilot Espinosa is briefly summarized. When they reach the coast of Lower California the master of the vessel and Esteban Rodriguez, the chief pilot, perish from disease. The ship reaches Navidad on October 1, and Acapulco on the eighth, "after all the crew bad endured great hardships." Of the two hundred and ten persons who had sailed on the "San Pedro," sixteen died on the voyage, and less than a score were able to work when they arrived at Acapulco, all the rest being sick.

The previous record of the expedition is now continued. Legazpi makes a treaty with the chiefs of Cebú, who acknowledge the king of Spain as their suzerain. Gradually the natives regain their confidence in the Spaniards, return to their homes, and freely trade with the foreigners. Legazpi now is obliged to contend with drunkenness and licentiousness among his followers, but finds that these evils do not annoy the natives, among whom the standard of morality is exceedingly low. They worship their ancestors and the Devil, whom they invoke through their priests (who are usually women). Legazpi administers justice to all, protects the natives from wrong, and treats them with kindness and liberality. The head chief's niece is baptized, and soon afterward marries one of Legazpi's ship-men, a Greek; and other natives also are converted. The Spaniards aid the Cebuans against their enemies, and thus gain great prestige among all the islands. They find the Moros keen traders, and through them obtain abundance of provisions; the Moros also induce their countrymen in the northern islands to come to Cebú for trade. An attempt to reduce Matan fails, except in irritating its people. A dangerous mutiny in the Spanish camp is discovered and the ringleaders are hanged. The Spaniards experience much difficulty in procuring food, and are continually deceived and duped by the natives, "who have no idea of honor," even among themselves. Several expeditions are sent out to obtain food, and this opportunity is seized by some malcontents to arouse another mutiny, which ends as did the former. On October 15, 1566, a ship from New Spain arrives at Cebu, sent to aid Legazpi, but its voyage is a record of hardships, mutinies, deaths, and other calamities; it arrives in so rotten a condition that no smaller vessel could be made from it. A number of men die from "eating too much cinnamon." Portuguese ships prowl about, to discover what the Spaniards are doing, and the infant colony is threatened (July, 1567) with an attack by them.

A petition (probably written in 1566), signed by the Spanish officials in the Philippines, asks for more priests there, more soldiers and muskets ("so that if the natives will not be converted otherwise, they may be compelled to it by force of arms"), rewards for Legazpi, exemptions from taxes for all engaged in the expedition, grants of land, monopoly of trade, etc. A separate petition, by Legazpi, asks the, king for various privileges, dignities, and grants. Still other requests are made (probably in 1568) by hit son Melchor, who claims that Legazpi had spent all his fortune in the service of Spain, without receiving any reward therefor.

Certain documents illustrative of this history of Legazpi's enterprise in 1565 are given in full. An interesting document--first published (in Latin) at Manila in 1901, but never before, we think, in English--is the official warrant of the Augustinian authorities in Mexico establishing the first branch of their order in the Philippines (1564). It was found among the archives of the Augustinian convent at Culhuacan, Mexico; and is communicated to us in an English translation made by Rev. T. C. Middleton, of Villanova College. The other documents are: the act of taking possession of Çibabao (February 15); a proclamation that all gold taken from the burial-places of the natives must be declared to the authorities (May 16); several letters written (May 27 and 29, and June 1) by Legazpi and other officials to the king; a letter (May 28) from the officials to the _Audiencia_ at Mexico, with a list of supplies needed at Cebu. To these is added a specially valuable and interesting document--hitherto unpublished, we believe--Legazpi's own relation of his voyage to the Philippines, and of affairs there up to the departure of the "San Pedro" for New Spain. As might be expected, he relates many things not found, or not clearly expressed, in the accounts given by his subordinates.

Next is presented (in both original text and English translation) a document of especial bibliographical interest--_Copia de vna carta venida de Sevilla a Miguel Salvador de Valencia_. It is the earliest printed account of Legazpi's expedition, and was published at Barcelona in 1566. But one copy of this pamphlet is supposed to be extant; it is at present owned in Barcelona. It outlines the main achievements of the expedition, but makes extravagant and highly-colored statements regarding the islands and their people.

In a group of letters from Legazpi (July, 1567, and June 26, 1568) mention is made of various interesting matters connected with the early days of the settlement on Cebú Island, and the resources and commerce of the archipelago. He asks again that the king will aid his faithful subjects who have begun a colony there; no assistance has been received since their arrival there, and they are in great need of everything. The Portuguese are jealous of any Spanish control in the Philippines, and already threaten the infant colony. He sends (1568) a considerable amount of cinnamon to Spain, and could send much more if he had goods to trade therefor with the natives. Legazpi advises that small ships be built at the Philippines, with which to prosecute farther explorations and reduce more islands to subjection; and that the mines be opened, and worked by slave-labor.

The Spanish settlement on Cebu was regarded with great jealousy by the Portuguese established in the Moluccas, and they sent an armed expedition (1568) to break it up. As the two nations were at peace, the Portuguese commander and Legazpi did not at once engage in war, but carried on protracted negotiations--a detailed account of which is here presented, from the official notarial records kept by Legazpi's chief notary, and transmitted to the home government. Legazpi claims that he has come to make new discoveries for his king, to propagate the Christian religion, and to ransom Christians held captive by the heathen in these regions; and that he had regarded the Philippines as being within the jurisdiction of Spain. If he has been mistaken, he will depart from the islands at once, if Pereira will provide him with two ships. The latter refuses to accept Legazpi's excuses, and makes vigorous complaints against the encroachments of the Spaniards. Pereira summons all the Spaniards to depart from the islands, promising to transport them to India, and offering them all aid and kindness, if they will accede to this demand; but Legazpi declines these proposals, and adroitly fences with the Portuguese commander. These documents are of great interest, as showing the legal and diplomatic formalities current in international difficulties of this sort.

_The Editors_

Documents of 1525-1528

_Expedition of García de Loáisa_ 1525-26 _Voyage of Alvaro de Saavedra_ 1527-28

[Résumé of contemporaneous documents, 1522-37]

Translated and synopsized by James A. Robertson, from Navarrete's _Col. de viages_, tomo v, appendix, pp. 193-486.

Expedition of García de Loaisa 1525-26

[These documents are all contained in Navarrete's _Col. de viages_, tomo v, being part of the appendix of that volume (pp. 193-439). They are here summarized in even briefer form than were the documents concerning the voyage of Magalhães, indicating sources rather than attempting a full presentation of the subject. Navarrete precedes these documents with an account of Loaisa's voyage covering one hundred and ninety pages--compiled, as was his account of Magalhães, from early authors and the documents in the appendix.]

A memorandum without date or signature [2] describes to the king the advantages that would arise from establishing the India House of Trade at Corunna rather than at Seville: the harbor of Corunna is more commodious; it is nearer the resorts of trade for the northern nations; much trade now going to Portugal will come to Corunna; larger ships can be used and better cargoes carried; it is nearer to sources of supply, and expeditions can be fitted out better from this place; and it will be impossible for the captains or others to take forbidden merchandise, or to land articles on the return voyage--as they could do at Seville, because of having to navigate on the river. (No. i, pp. 193-195.)

1522. The king and queen, after the return of the "Victoria" issue a document with thirty-three concessions to natives of their kingdom who should advance sums of money, etc., for fitting out expeditions for the spice regions; these privileges are to cover the first five expeditions fitting out. The interests and rights of the sovereigns and of the contributors are clearly defined. These fleets are to trade in the Moluccas, or in any other lands and islands discovered within Castile's demarcation. The House of Trade for the spice regions is to be established at Corunna. (No. ii, pp. 196-207.)

Madrid, April 5, 1525. Fray García Jofre de Loaisa, a commander of the order of St. John, [3] is appointed captain-general of the fleet now fitting out at Corunna for the Moluccas, and governor of those islands. His powers are outlined, being such as were usually given in such expeditions. As annual salary he is to have, during the voyage, "two thousand nine hundred and twenty ducats, which amount to one million, ninety-four thousand five hundred maravedis." He is to have certain privileges of trade, being allowed to carry merchandise. Rodrigo de Acuña is appointed captain of the fourth ship, with a salary of three hundred and seventy-five thousand maravedís. He may invest fifty thousand maravedís in the fleet, such sum being advanced from his salary. The accountant for the fleet, Diego Ortiz de Orue, is instructed to fulfil the duties incident to his office (these are named), and to keep full accounts. Instructions are issued also to the treasurer, Hernando de Bustamante, who is ordered "to obey our captain and the captain of your ship, and try to act in harmony with our officials, and shun all manner of controversy and discord." He must discuss with the captains and officials questions pertaining to his duty, for the better fulfilment thereof. (Nos. iii-vi, pp. 207-218.)

Toledo, May 13, 1525. The crown reserves the right to appoint persons to take the place of any officials dying during the expedition. In case Loaisa should die, his office as governor of the Moluccas is to be filled in the following order: Pedro de Vera, Rodrigo de Acuña, Jorge Manrique, Francisco de Hoces. His office as captain-general falls first to Juan Sebastian del Cano; then to those above named. Further, the chief treasurer, factor, and accountant are next in succession; and after them a captain-general and other officers shall be elected by the remaining captains, treasurers, factors, and accountants. Instructions are given to Diego de Covarrubias as to his duties as factor-general of the Moluccas. He is to exercise great care in all matters connected with trade, selling at as high rates as possible. (Nos. vii, viii, pp. 218-222.)

A relation by Juan de Areizaga [4] gives the leading events of Loaisa's voyage until the Strait of Magellan is passed. The fleet leaves Corunna July 24, 1525, and finishes the passage of the strait May 26, 1526. On the voyage three ships are lost, the "San Gabriel," "Nunciado," and "Santi Spiritus." The "Santiago" puts in "at the coast discovered and colonized by. . . Cortés at the shoulders of New Spain," to reprovision. Loaisa is thus left with only three vessels. (No. ix, pp. 223-225.)

The deposition of Francisco Dávila--given (June 4, 1527) under oath before the officials at Corunna, in order to be sent to the king--and several letters by Rodrigo de Acuña, dated June 15, 1527, and April 30, 1528, give the interesting adventures of the ship "San Gabriel" and its captain after its separation from Loaisa's fleet. The vessel after various wanderings in the almost unknown seas near South American coasts, and exciting adventures with French vessels on the coast of Brazil, finally reaches Bayona May 28, 1527, in a wretched condition and very short of provisions. She carried "twenty-seven persons and twenty-two Indians," and is without her proper captain Acuña, who had been left in the hands of the French. Abandoned by the latter on the Brazilian coast, he was rescued by a Portuguese vessel and carried to Pernambuco "a trading agency of the King of Portugal," where he was detained as prisoner for over eighteen months. In his letter to the King of Portugal, Acuña upbraids him for treatment worse than the Moors might user "but," he adds, "what can we expect when even the sons of Portuguese are abandoned here to the fare of the savages? There are more than three hundred Christians, the sons of Christians, abandoned in this land, who would be more certain of being saved in Turkey than here.... There is no justice here. Let your majesty take me from this land, and keep me where I may have the justice I merit." Late in the year 1528, Acuña is ordered to Portugal, as is learned from another document, dated November 2 of that year. Before leaving Pernambuco he desires that a testimony of everything that has happened since his departure from Spain until his arrival at Pernambuco be taken down by the notary-public, this testimony being taken from the men who had come with him, "and the Frenchmen who were present at my undoing, and others who heard it from persons who were in the ships of the French who destroyed me." Acuña desires this in case any accident befall him while on the way to Portugal, and "that the emperor may be informed of the truth, and that I may give account of myself." This testimony is much the same as that contained in the other documents. (Nos. xxiii, pp. 225-241; and no, xv, pp. 313-323.)

June 11, 1528. Hernando de la Torre, captain-general and governor in the Moluccas, sends the king a log of the fleet up to June 1, 1526, followed by the adventures of the flagship, "Sancta Maria de la Victoria," after its separation from the rest of the fleet, with a description of the lands and seas in its course. The log was made by the pilot of the "Victoria," Martin de Uriarte. De la Torre prefaces these accounts with a letter in which he asks for aid, "of which we are in sore need." He says "all the captains of the ships, caravels, and the tender, seven in number; the treasurer, accountants, and officials, both general and private, ... are dead or lost, until now only the treasurer of one of the ships is left" and he [de la Torre] has been elected captain, "not because they found in me any good qualifications for the office, but only a willing spirit." He gives account to the king "of all that has happened, as I am obliged to do, and because of my office it is more fitting for me than any other to do so." Some notable events mentioned in the log are: the entrance into the Santa Cruz River on January 18, 1526; their arrival on the twenty-fourth at the cape of Las Virgines, near which Juan Sebastian del Cano's ship founders in a storm; and the passage of the strait, beginning March 29, by three ships and the tender, the last-named being lost on Easter Day. A detailed description of the strait follows. On September 4, "we saw land, and it was one of the islands of the Ladrones which the other expedition had discovered," where they find a Spaniard who had fled from the ship of the former expedition. On September 10 they depart from this island for the Moluccas. October 8 they land at an island where the friendly advances of the natives are checked by a native from Malacca, who declares that the Castilians would kill all the inhabitants. On the tenth, "the eleven slaves we had seized in the island of the Ladrones fled in the same canoe that we had seized with them." On the twenty-first they anchor at "Terrenate, one of the Malucos, and the most northern of them." November 4, they have news that the Portuguese are fortified in other islands of the archipelago. Negotiations with the Portuguese are detailed at some length. "The islands having cloves are these: Terrenate, Tidori, Motil, Maquian, Bachan." A description of these islands follows, and then the pilot adds, "All these islands of Maluco and those near by are ... mountainous." March 30, 1528 a Castilian vessel anchors at Tidore, one of three sent by Cortes [5] to seek news of Loaisa. The two others had been blown from their course five or six days before reaching the Ladrones. This ship, under command of Captain Saavedra Ceron, had ransomed three men of the caravel "Santa Maria del Parral," one of Loaisa's ships, on an island to the north of Tidore. These men declare that their ship had been captured by the natives, the captain and most of the crew killed, and the remainder made prisoners. The accusation is made that these three men, in company with others, had themselves killed their captain. The document closes with various observations as to recent events, and states various needs of the Spaniards. The governor praises Saavedra, declaring that because of his diligence he is worthy of great rewards. (No. xiv, pp. 241-313.)

Letters and documents follow which give details of the voyage of Loaisa, and events in the Moluccas until the year 1535. From a letter written (May 3, 1529) by Hernando de Bustamante and Diego de Salivas it is learned that Jorge Manrique, captain of the "Santa Maria del Parral," had been killed by his own men; and that sixty-one of those sailing in the fleet died a natural death, nine were drowned when the "Santi Spiritus" was wrecked, nine were killed by the Portuguese, and four were hanged. A writ handed to the king from the Council of the Indies says that German factors denied the report of the death of Loaisa; and it is advised that one or two caravels be sent from New Spain--from Colima, or Guatemala, or Nicaragua--to find out the truth of this report.

A letter from Hernando de la Torre states that "Juan Sebastian del Cano, who was captain of the ship wrecked in the strait," became captain-general at Loaisa's death and "died a few days afterwards;" and that of the one hundred and twenty-three men of the "Victoria," and twenty-five others who came with Saavedra, only twenty-five men were left. In an investigation concerning matters connected with Loaisa's expedition, Juan de Mazuecos declares (September 7, 1534) that Loaisa had died of sickness, four hundred leagues from the Strait of Magellan; and that all who ate at his table had died within the space of forty days. Like depositions concerning this expedition are taken from several others, among them being Fray Andres Urdaneta. A document made up from the above investigations says that Loaisa's death was in the last of July, 1526, and that the Ladrones number in all thirteen islands, "in which there are no flocks, fowls, or animals." (Nos. xvi-xxv, pp. 323-400. These documents are much alike.)

The noted Augustinian Urdaneta [6] wrote an account of this disastrous enterprise, and of subsequent events, covering the years 1525-1535; this relation is the best and most succinct of all the early documents regarding Loaisa's expedition. It bears date, Valladolid, February 26, 1537; and the original is preserved, as are the majority of the Loaisa documents, in the Archivo general dé Indias in Seville. Urdaneta, as befits an actor in the events, uses the first person, and gives a very readable and interesting account of the expedition. He describes a Patagonian thus: "He was huge of body, and ugly. He was clad in a zebra skin, and on his head he bore a plume made of ostrich feathers; [7] he carried a bow, and on his feet had fastened some bits of leather." He describes, briefly and graphically, the storms that scattered the ships and caused the foundering of the "Santi Spiritus." Shortly after entering the strait, "a pot of pitch took fire on the commander's ship, and the ship began to burn, and little was lacking that we did not burn in it, but by God's help, and the great care exercised, we put out the fire." "We left the strait in the month of May, five hundred and twenty-six [_sic_] [8]--the commander's ship, two caravels, and the tender. A few days afterward we had a very great storm, by the violence of which we were separated from one another, and we never saw each other again.... In these adversities died the accountant Tejada and the pilot Rodrigo Bermejo. On the thirtieth of July died the captain-general Fray Garcia de Loaisa, and by a secret provision of his majesty, Juan Sebastian del Cano was sworn in as captain-general ... On the fourth of August ... died Juan Sebastian del Cano, and the nephew of the commander Loaisa, [9] who was accountant-general." When they reached the Ladrones "we found here a Galician ... who was left behind in this island with two companions from the ship of Espinosa; and, the other two dying, he was left alive.... The Indians of these islands go about naked, wearing no garments. They are well built men; they wear their hair long, and their beards full. They possess no iron tools, performing their work with stones. They have no other weapons than spears--some with points hardened with fire, and some having heads made from the shin bones of dead men, and from fish-bones. In these islands we took eleven Indians to work the pump, because of the great number of sick men in the ship." The trouble with the Portuguese in the Moluccas is well narrated. Of the people of Java, Urdaneta says: "The people of this island are very warlike and gluttonous. They possess much bronze artillery, which they themselves cast. They have guns too, as well as lances like ours, and well made." Others of their weapons are named. Further details of negotiations with the Portuguese are narrated, as well as various incidents of Urdaneta's homeward trip in a Portuguese vessel by way of the Cape of Good Hope. He disembarks at Lisbon on June 6, 1636, where certain papers and other articles are taken from him. The relation closes with information regarding various islands, and the advantages of trading in that region. He mentions among the islands some of the Philippines: "Northwest of Maluco lies Bendenao [Mindanao]...in this island there is cinnamon, much gold, and an extensive pearl-fishery. We were informed that two junks come from China every year to this island for the purpose of trade. North of Bendenao is Cebú, and according to the natives it also contains gold, for which the Chinese come to trade each year." (No. xxvi, pp. 401-439.)

Voyage of Alvaro de Saavedra 1527-28

[These documents are printed in the latter part of the appendix to