Letter 944, p. 11, note 2.

947

ABSTRACT[14-1]

[Sidenote: 1479 / JULY 7]

Bill witnessing the delivery of plate by Geoffrey Hunt on behalf of William Paston to John Davy and Alice, his wife, late wife of John Gygges of Burnham, 7 July, 19 Edw. IV. The parcels are:--‘A round salt covered, parcel gilt at the borders, weighing 19 oz. 1½ qr., and also 6 silver spoons, square sharp knoppys, weighing 5 oz. 3 qr. 1 dwt.’; which Davy and his wife engage to keep safely, and redeliver to William Paston or Geoffrey Hunt before the feast of St. Faith next coming.

[_Two seals._]

[Footnote 14-1: [From Paston MSS., B.M.]]

948

ABSTRACT[14-2]

WILLIAM PASTON TO THOMAS LYNSTED

[Sidenote: 1479 / JULY 11]

Hears that he has felled wood and firs, etc. ‘Also Jullis hath do made saw (?) zattes.’ Desires him to ‘find the means that the young spring may be saved, and the wood fenced. . . . . And also let me be answered both for the old payment and the new of wood sale.’

11 July.

_P.S._--‘If Jullis have made a gate, it is the better for the spring,’ etc.

[The MS. is a very illegible note in William Paston’s hand, written on a small scrap of paper, and endorsed ‘A letter to Thomas Linsti[d], the ---- (_blank_) day of Julii, anno xix. E. iiij^{ti}.’]

[Footnote 14-2: _Ibid._]

949

WILLIAM PASTON TO HENRY WARYNS[15-1]

[Sidenote: 1479 / JULY 19]

Harry Waryns, I grete you well, and I thanke you for youre labour. And as for the tenauntez of Knapton, I understand by youre writing that they take non oder consideration to my sendyng but that I call so fast on my fee, for cause they thynke that I am aferd lest I shuld have it no longer; and as for that, I pray yow tell them for ther ungentilnes I woll have my fee of them, and in that maner and in non oder place; and ferthermor I shall fynd the mene that they shall paye it more hastely here after. And as for the money that they offyr to pay at the fest of Advincula Sancti Petri, receyve ye it off them and I shall assign one to receyve it azen of yow. As for the delivere of the catell, I fele be zowr wrytyng they will non sounar pay it thow ther catell shuld dye ffor ffawte off mete. Wer for, affor the money be paid I putt that in zour discresseon wheder ze will deliver them or nay; as ze do I hold me content.

Also as for Thomas Child, I understand be zour wrytyng he will not seale the indenture be cawse ther is no some of mony sertayne ne days of payment sett in the indentur; and as for that, I will neyther sett some nor days after his will; and if he will nat seale that, he shall never seale none for me; and at last I am sure he shall sell. I send zow azen the same indenture that ze sent me, that ze may kepe it still as long as Thomas Chyld abyde now at Paston, in aventure the casse may hap that he will sell yt herafter; and yff he be on departid, than send me both the indenture[s] to London be some massenger. As for Waryn Kynge, wer I understand be zour wrytyn that he seyth he delyver me all evydens, I understand not that; and as for rentall I am sure he deliver me none, and yff so be that he can make the rentall be hart, I wold he did make on [_one_], for it war necessare for me; for I understand be zow that ther was no rent gaderid this xv. ar xvj. zer for defallte off a rentall; and therfor yt is I had a call on the prior of Bromholm for the xxx. comb malt that ze toke hym. Wrytyn at Norton the xix. day of Jull’

By

W. PASTON.

Endorsed by the writer:--

‘A letter to Harry Waryns the xix day of Jule, A^o xix E. iiij^ti by John Ancell off Paston.’

[Footnote 15-1: [Add. MS. 34,889, f. 133.] The year of this letter appears by the endorsement. The MS. is a draft, partly in a clerk’s hand, corrected and continued in that of William Paston himself.]

950

WILL OF WALTER PASTON[16-1]

[Sidenote: 1479 / AUG. 18]

In Dei nomine, Amen. Ego, Walterus Paston, clericus, in bona et sana memoria existens, condo testamentum meum apud Norwicum xviiij^o die mensis Augusti in hunc modum. Inprimis lego animam meam Deo Omnipotenti, Beatæ Mariæ et omnibus Sanctis, et corpus meum ad sepeliendum in ecclesia Sancti Petri de Hundegate, coram ymagine Sancti Johannis Baptistæ. Item, lego summo altari præfatæ ecclesiæ, iij_s._ iiij_d._ Item, lego reparacioni ecclesiæ supradictæ, ij_s._ vj_d._ Item, Fratri Johanni Somerton, bachalaureo, v_s._ Item, lego Magistro Edmundo unam togam penulatam cum manicis de _mynkys_. Item, lego Roberto Wulff unam togam viridem ----[16-2] cum _chamelet_. Item, lego Roberto Holand, filio spirituali, togam meam curtam. Item, lego Magistro Roberto Hollar unam togam penulatam cum _gray_. Item, lego Johanni Parker mantellum meum rubeum. Item, lego Magistro Roberto Hollere unum pulvinar vocatum _le bolstar_. Item, lego Magistro Edmundo Alyard unum pulvinar. Item, lego Ricardo Richardson unam togam penulatam ad manus cum _menyver_. Item, volo quod residuum bonorum meorum in Oxonia sit ad usum Magistri Edmundi Alyard, sic quod solvat . . . .[17-1] Johanni Skelton et Thomæ Coco. Item, volo quod oves meæ, quas habet Willelmus Bataly senior in villa de Mawteby, dividantur equaliter inter fratrem meum Edmundum Paston, et sororem meam Annam Yelverton, et sororem meam Margeriam Paston, uxorem fratris mei Johannis Paston. Item, lego terras et tenementa manerij mei de Cressyngham, si possum dare, fratri meo Johanni Paston armigero, sibi et hæredibus suis, sub condicione ista, quod si contingat fratrem meum prædictum, Johannem Paston, esse hæredem patris mei, quod nullo modo habeat terras et tenementa prædicta, sed quod frater meus Edmundus Paston habeat terras et tenementa prædicta sibi et suis hæredibus. Residuum vero bonorum non legatorum lego et do disposicioni executorum meorum, ut et ipsi fideliter disponant pro anima mea.

Hujus autem testamenti mei executores condo per præsentes, fratrem meum Johannem Paston, armigerum, pro ista patria, et Magistrum Edmundum Alyard pro bonis meis remanentibus Oxoniæ.

[Footnote 16-1: [From Paston MSS., B.M.] It will be seen by the next letter that Walter Paston was dead before the 21st August 1479. This will was probably drawn up on the very day he died, or just before.]

[Footnote 16-2: Blank in MS.]

[Footnote 17-1: Here occurs a short word, which is to me unintelligible. It seems to be written ‘p^{i}uli.’]

[[Sidenote: 1479 / AUG. 18 _printed as shown, but text of letter says “xviiij” (19)_]]

951

WILLIAM PASTON’S PLATE[17-2]

[Sidenote: 1479 / AUG. 19]

This indenture made the xix. day of August, anno xix^o [witnesseth][17-3] that I, Richard Lee, have delivered to Mr. John Russhe thes parcellis folowyng of plate [and][17-4] of silver:--

First, a bason and an ewer with iij. combis in a skochyn. Item, a silver potte. A layer of silver, parte gilte with an acorne on the knoppe. A gilte stonding couppe ponsid with a cover. A chasid pece with a cover aparte gilte. ij. playne pecys. ij. deppe disshis. x. sponys. A white playne coppe with a starre in the botom with a cover. A standing coppe gilte with a cover. A candellstik of silver with a sokette. A trevett of silver. A salt of silver with a brokyn cover. A cover for a playn pece, the knoppe gravid with armys.

RICHARD LEE.

_Endorsed_--‘Plate of William Paston left with John Russhe, the xiij. day of Sept., a^o xix^o.’

[Footnote 17-2: [Add. MS. 27,451, f. 2, B.M.]]

[Footnote 17-3: Omitted in MS.]

[Footnote 17-4: Erased.]

952

[EDMUND PASTON TO JOHN PASTON[18-1]]

[Sidenote: 1479 / AUG. 21]

Suer dydynges arn com to Norwyche that my grandam is dyssessyd, whom God assoyle. Myn uncle had a messenger zesterday that she shuld not escape, and this day cam a nother at suche tyme as we were at masse for my brother Water, whom God assoyle! Myn uncle was comyng to have offered, but the last messenger retornyd hym hastely, so that he toke hys hors incontynent to enforme more of owr hevynes. My syster ys delyverd, and the chyld passyd to God, Who send us Hys grace.

Dokkyng told me sekretly that for any hast myn uncle shuld ryde by my Lady of Norffolk to have a iij. skore persons, whyther it is to convey my grandham hyder or nowght he cowde not sey; I deme it is rather to put them in possessyon of some of her londes.

Wretyn the Saterdaye the xxi. daye of August, anno E. iiij^ti xix^o.

[Footnote 18-1: [From Paston MSS., B.M.] This letter is neither signed nor addressed, but is in the handwriting of Edmund Paston, and is endorsed by John Paston the younger, ‘Dies mortis A. P.’]

953

ABSTRACT[19-1]

MANOR OF MARLINGFORD

[Sidenote: 1479 / AUG. 26]

Declaration by Robert Mill, John Hobbes, John Claryngton, Thomas Davy, John Brygge, John Watyr, and William Parson, tenants of the manor of Marlyngford, before the Abbot of St. Benet’s, John [R]adclyf Fywater,[19-2] Mr. John Smyth, Robert Ippeswell, William Lomnor, John Paston, Esq., William Yelverton, senior, John Coke, alderman, William Bastard, gentleman, and William Fuller, that they have always held of the manor in the name of Agnes Paston, daughter, and one of the heirs of Edmund Bery, Knt., and in her name only, till Saturday [21 Aug.] before St. Bartholomew Apostle, 19 Edw. IV., when her son, William Paston, desired them to attorn to him without showing writing or evidence.

Done in the parlour of John Cooke, 26 Aug., 19 Edw. IV. _Signed_: ‘Thomas, Abbot of Seynt Benettes of Hulme.’--‘J. Radclyff Fytzwauter.’--‘John Smyth, clerk.’--‘Robert Ipeswell.’--‘Will. Lomnor.’--‘W. Yelverton.’--‘John Cook.’--‘Will’m Bastard.’--‘Will. Fuller.’

[Footnote 19-1: [From Paston MSS., B.M.]]

[Footnote 19-2: John Radcliff, son and heir of Sir John Radcliff, called Lord Fitzwalter in No. 450 (vol. iii.). He was summoned to Parliament as Lord Fitzwalter in the first year of Henry VII.]

954

MEMORANDA[19-3]

[Sidenote: 1479 / AUG.]

Memorandum, uppon the presse at the ferther ende is a box with ij. or iij. bondellis with evydence off Oxenhed and Hawteyn.

Memorandum, that ther is rollis tytelyd uppon them ‘Contra Willelmum Pas[ton],’ and they be owther uppon the presse, or on the cowntre, or on the shelffe by the cowntre, or ellys in the cowntre on . . . that syde next the shelffe.

To enquire, off myn, oncle William, off Jane, off my grauntd[ames] wylle, and whoo wrot itt, and whether she be buried or noo, and who were present at hyr wylle makyng, and iff she spoke . . . . . owte off her londes.

Inquire--

Off the Kynge, The Chaunceler, Milorde Chamberleyn, Sir Thomas Mongomere, Mi Lorde Cardynall, Master Bele, and hys clerke, ffor my faderes wille.

[Footnote 19-3: [From Paston MSS., B.M.] These memoranda are in the handwriting of Sir John Paston. From the inquiry whether Agnes Paston was yet buried the date is evidently in August 1479.]

[[To enquire, off myn, oncle William _text unchanged: superfluous comma after “myn”?_]]

955

RICHARD CALLE TO MARGARET PASTON[20-1]

[Sidenote: 1479, or earlier]

Plesith it your mastresship to witte that I sende you a boxe with evidence of Baktons londes, weche plesith it you to delyver to my master, Sir John, so that I may have my money that is behynde. And as for Sporle, I sende you an endenture of the bercars[20-2] and iij. obligacions eche of v. marke. And as for any endenture of the wode sale I made non, but a noote breefely of the effecte, wech I sende you, as I tolde my mastre at Cristemas, and that tyme he seide to me he was the better plesid, and so I ded no more therto; and an obligacion of C_li._ weche they be bounde to hym to performe ther ther covinauntes; weche remayneth in the handes of the veker of Sporle. And I send you also ij. billes of the parcell of the wode sale, bothe the wynter sale and the somer sale, wherof the veker of Sporle and William Halman have the other parties of them, as he comaunded hym selfe at the begynnyng. And lete my countrelle doo what hym liste. I fynd hym a trewe man; he dothe as he hath reported that he shuld go on my harond, and so I undrestond from the[m] he hath do; but thow I have lost a frende of hym in that quarter, I have mo frendes in that contre the[n] hee, etc. Mastres, it were goode to remembre your stuffe of heryng nough this fisshyng tyme. I have goten me a frende in Lestoftot to helpe to purvey me of an vij. or viij. barell, and shal not stonde me upon above vj_s._ viij_d._ a barell, so that he may have money nough in the begynnyng, ye shal do more nough with xl_s._ then ye shal do at Cristemes with v. marke. The fisshyng at Yermouth wol not be so goode as it wolbe at Leystoft, for the haven wol not prove yette, etc. Almyghty God kepe you. Wrete this daye.

Be your servaunt, R. C.

[Footnote 20-1: [From Paston MSS., B.M.] This letter is not addressed, but seems to have been intended for Margaret Paston. The date is not very material, but as it mentions Sir John Paston, it cannot be later than 1479, the year in which he died. Perhaps it is about the year 1472. _See_ Nos. 819, 820.]

[Footnote 20-2: Barkers, or tanners to whom the bark of the woods had been sold.]

956

SIR JOHN PASTON TO MARGARET PASTON[21-1]

_To the ryght worshypfull mestresse, Margret Paston, be thys delyveryd._

[Sidenote: 1479 / OCT. 29]

Please it yow to weet, that I have ben heer at London a xiiij. nyght, wheroff the ffyrst iiij. dayes I was in suche ffeer off the syknesse, and also ffownde my chambr and stuffe nott so clene as I demyd, whyche troblyd me soor; and as I tolde yow at my departyng, I was nott weell monyed, ffor I hadde nott paste x. marke, wheroff I departyd xl_s._ to be delyveryd off my olde bedfelawe; and then I rode be yonde Donstaple, and ther spake with on off my cheffe witnessis, whyche promysed me to take labor, and to gete me wryghtyngs towchyng thys mater bytwyen me and the Duke of Suffolk,[21-2] and I rewardyd hym xx_s._; and then, as I informyd yow, I payed v. marke incontynent uppon my comyng hyddr to replegge owte my gowne off velwett and other geer.

And then I hopyd to have borowyd some off Townesend, and he hath ffoodyd me[21-3] fforthe evyrsynys, and in effecte I cowde have at the most, and at the sonest yisterdaye xx_s._ wherffor I beseche yow to purveye me C_s._ and also to wryght to Pekok, that he purveye me as moche, C_s._ whyche I supose that he hathe gaddryd at Paston and other places, by thys tyme; ffor with owte I have thys x_li._, as God helpe me, I ffer I shalle doo butt litell goode in noo mater, nor yitt I woote nott howe to come home, but iff I have it.

This geer hathe troblyd me so, that itt hathe made me moor than halffe seke, as God helpe me.

Item, I undrestande that myn oncle William hathe made labor to th’ Exchetor, and that he hathe bothe a wrytte off _essend._ clowsyth extr.; and also a _supercedeas_. I have wretyn to the Exchetor ther in off myn entent, iff myn oncle hadde hys wyll in that, yitt sholde he be never the nerre the londe, butt in effecte he shold have thys advantage, whyche is behovefull ffor a weyke mater to have a colour, or a clooke, or a botrase.

But on Tywesdaye I was with the Bysshop off Hely,[22-1] whyche shewyth hymselffe goode and worshypfull; and he seyde that he sholde sende to myn oncle William, that he sholde nott procede in no suche mater, till that he speke with hym; and moor ovyr that he sholde cawse hym to be heer hastelye; in whyche mater is no remedy as nowe, but iff it wer soo, that the Exchetor, iff he be entretyd to sytte by myn oncle William, whyche percase he shall nott, that iff my brother John and Lomnor have knowleche off the daye, and they myght be ther; Lomnor can geve evydence i now in that mater with owte the boke; and mor ovyr that they see bothe the letter and the other noote, that I sente to the Exchetor, and with helpe off the Exchetor all myght be as beste is; and iff my brother and Lomnor take labor her in, I shal recompence ther costs.

Wretyn in haste with schort advisement on the Frydaye next Seynt Symonds and Jude, anno E. iiij^ti xix^o.

Late my brother John se thys bille, for he knoweth mor off thys mater.

JOHN PASTON, K.

[Footnote 21-1: [From Fenn, ii. 276.]]

[Footnote 21-2: John de la Pole, Duke of Suffolk.--F.]

[Footnote 21-3: Fenn reads ‘ffoodyd ne,’ and in the modern copy ‘fooded not forth,’ of which some fanciful explanations are suggested in a footnote. The true reading ought certainly to be ‘me’ and not ‘ne,’ the meaning evidently being ‘he has put me off ever since.’ ‘To fode out with words’ is an expression which, as Halliwell informs us, occurs in Skelton, Harrington, etc.]

[Footnote 22-1: John Morton, afterwards Archbishop of Canterbury, and Cardinal.]

957

JOHN PASTON TO SIR JOHN PASTON[23-1]

_To Syr John Paston, Knyght._

[Sidenote: 1479 / NOV. 6]

Syr, aftyr all dwtes of recomendacyon, pleasyt to undyrstand, that, acordyng to your lettre sent me by Wyllson, Lomnore and I mett at Norwyche and drew ought a formable bylle ought of your, and send it ayen to th’Exchetore Palmer by my brodyr Edmund, whyche had an other erand in to that contre to spek with H. Spylman, to get hys good wyll towardes the bargayn lyek to be fynyshed hastyly betwyx Mastres Clyppysby and hym. And, syr, at the delyvere of the bylle of inquisicyon to th’Exchetour, my brodyr Edmund told hym that accordyng to your wryghtyng to me, I spak with myn oncle William, and told hym that I undyrstood by yow that my Lord of Elye had aswell desyred hym in wryghtyng as you by mouthe, that non of you shold swe to have the inquisycion fond aftyr your intentys tyll other weyes of pese wer takyn betwyx you; wherfor my brodyr Edmund desyred hym that with ought myn oncle labord to have it fond for hym, ellys that he shold not procede for yow; but th’Exchetour answerd hym that he wold fynd it for you, aftyr your byll, of hys owne autorite; and so it was fond. But, syr, ye must remembre that my Lord of Ely desyred myn oncle as well as you to surcease, as I put myn oncle in knowlage, and myn oncle at the fyrst agreid that he wold make no more sute a bought it, in trust that ye wold do the same, acordyng to my Lord of Elys desyer; wherfor ye had ned to be ware that th’Exchetor skyppe not from you, when he comyth to London, and sertyfye it, or ye spek with hym. Th’Exchetor shalbe at London by Twysdaye or Wednysday next comyng, at John Leeis house, for he shall ryd forwardys as on Monday next comyng be tymys, &c.

Syr, your tenauntes at Crowmer sey that they know not who shalbe ther lord; they marvayll that ye nor no man for yow hathe not yet ben there. Also, when I was with myn oncle, I had a longe pystyll of hym, that ye had sent Pekok to Paston, and comandyd the tenauntes ther that they shold pay non areragys to hym, but if [_unless_] they wer bond to hym by obligacyon for the same; myn oncle seythe it was other wyse apoyntyd be for the arbytrorys; they thought, he seythe, as well my Mastyr Fytzwalter as other, that he shold receyve that as it myght be gadryd; but now he seythe, that he wottyth well some shall renne away, and some shall wast it, so that it is nevyr lyek to be gadryd, but lost, and so I trow it is lyek to be of some of the dettors, what for casuelte of dethe and thes other causes befor rehersyd; wherfor me thynkyth if it were apoyntyd befor the arbytrors that he shold receyve theym, as he seythe, it wer not for you to brek it, or ellys if he be pleyn executor to my grauntdam, then also he ought to have it. I spek lyek a blynd man, do ye as ye thynk, for I was at no syche apoyntment befor th’arbytrors, nor I know not whethyr he is executor to my grauntdam or not, but by hys seying.

Also, syr, ye must of ryght, consyderyng my brodyr Edmundys diligence in your maters, sythe your departyng, helpe hym forwardys to myn oncle Syr George Brown, as my brodyr Edmund preyid yow in hys lettyr that he sent on to yow by Mondys sone of Norwyche, dwellyng with Thomas Jenney, that myn oncle Syr George may gett to my brodyr Edmund of the Kyng the wardshepp of John Clyppysby, son and heyer to John Clyppysby,[24-1] late of Owby, in the conte of Norffolk, Sqwyr, dwryng the nonnage of my Lord and Lady of York,[24-2] thow it cost iiij. or v. mark the swte. Let myn oncle Syr George be clerk of the haniper, and kepe the patent, if it be grantyd, tyll he have hys mone, and that shall not be longe to.

Myn oncle Syr George may enforme the Kyng for trowthe, that the chyld shall have no lond duryng hys yong modyrs lyff, and ther is no man her that wyll mary with hym withought they have some lond with hym, and so the gyft shall not be gret that the Kyng shold geve hym; and yet I trow he shold get the modyr by that meane, and in my conseyt the Kyng dothe but ryght if he graunt my brodyr Edmund Clyppysbys son in recompense for takyng my brodyr Edmundes son, otherwyse callyd Dyxsons, the chyldys fadyr being alyve. Dyxson is ded, God have hys sowle, Whom I beseche to send you your most desyred joye.

Wretyn at Norwyche, on Seynt Leonardes Day.

J. PASTON.

Syr, it is told me that Nycolas Barlee, the Scyuer, hathe takyn an axion of dett ayenst me thys terme. I prey yow let Whetley or some body spek with hym, and lete hym wet that if he swe me softly thys terme, that he shall be payed or the nexte terme be at an end. It is a bought vj_li._, and in feythe he shold have had it or thys tyme, and our threshers of Sweynsthorp had not dyed upp; and if I myght have payed it hym a yer ago, as well as I trust I shall sone aftyr Crystmass, I wold not for xij_li._ have brokyn hym so many promessys as I have.

Also, syr, I prey yow send me by the next man that comyth fro London ij. pottys of tryacle of Jenne,--they shall cost xvj_d._,--for I have spent ought that I had with my yong wyf, and my yong folkys, and my sylff, and I shall pay hym that shall bryng hem to me, and for hys caryage. I pray you lett it be sped.

The pepyll dyeth sore in Norwyche, and specyally abought my house, but my wyff and my women come not ought, and fle ferther we can not; for at Sweynsthorpe, sythe my departyng thens, they have dyed, and ben syke nye in every house of the towne.

[Footnote 23-1: [From Paston MSS., B.M.] It will be seen from the contents that this letter must have been written after the receipt of the last, or of one to the same effect addressed to John Paston.]

[Footnote 24-1: The writer probably intended to say ‘son and heir to William Clippesby,’ who died about this time. His widow Catherine, the daughter of John Spelman, Esq., of Stow Bekerton, soon afterwards married Edmund Paston.]

[Footnote 24-2: Richard, Duke of York, son of Edward IV., at this time a child of seven years old, and Anne Mowbray, daughter of the late Duke of Norfolk, to whom he was married in 1478.]

958

WILLIAM PASTON TO ROBERT WALSH[26-1]

[Sidenote: 1479 / NOV. 22]

Yet wold I tary, all be yt I have taryd your comyg this halff yer, for I deme her suche men as schall well undyrstond myn titill good; yff any man have good tytyll I am suyr that myn is gode. I dar well juperde to take a dystres, wedyr they come or nat, and so I wyll ze know. Wer for, in so much as I left myn distress for iowr dysyr, so that I be answerid off myn mony acordyng to myn ryth, ar else send me answer, one ar oder [_one or other_], and lett me take the avantage that the Kynge lawys will zeff me be dystress qweche I have delayed, me thynk to long, for any thank that I have.

Wretyn at Norwich, the xxij. Novembre.

[Footnote 26-1: [From Paston MSS., B.M.] This letter or fragment of a letter is a corrected draft in William Paston’s hand, and is endorsed by him:--‘A letter to Roberd Walsche of Colby, the ---- day off Novembre, anno xix.’]

959

JULLYE TO HIS FATHER[26-2]

[Sidenote: 1479 / NOV.]

Well beloved fader, my master prayed you that ye will sende knowlach be my broder as sone as these men be come to Knapton, and that ye may laye a weche to knowe ho sone they be come, and sende me be your sone ar else be some other trusty man; and I have take your son a grote for his laubour. And do this in hast; for wheder they com or nat I wille take a distresse ther, and thatt will abide[26-3] till I knowe the dealing of them this ij. ar iij. dayes for to know wheder they wille come or nat, and ther after shall I be demeaned.

_Endorsed in William Paston’s hand_--A letter fro ----[26-4] Jullye, clark of Sent Edmundes, to his fadyr, to North Walsham, the ----[26-4] day Novembr’, anno xix.

[Footnote 26-2: [From Paston MSS., B.M.]]

[Footnote 26-3: ‘Wer I lothe’ has been crossed through, and ‘thatt will abide’ written over.]

[Footnote 26-4: Blanks in MSS.]

960

MANOR OF KNAPTON[27-1]

Mr. Thomas Pasche of Wynsowr toke the astate and retorne to the Dean and Colage of Wynsowr _infra Castrum_.

And one ----[27-2] Holme, atornay off corte, is recognis (?) and was at stat takyn.

Robert Walsch off Colby j. myl. et di’ fro Blyklyng is steward.

Here folow revys of Knapton:--

Fro M. xvij. till xviij^o, Martyn Smyth. F[ro] M. xviij. till xix^o, Roberd Fraunk (?), his place bonde. Fro M. xix. till xx^o, Thomas Frank, his place fre.

[Footnote 27-1: [From Paston MSS., B.M.] This is a paper of memoranda in the handwriting of William Paston, endorsed ‘A mater tochyng Knapton for my fee.’]

[Footnote 27-2: Blank in MS.]

961

CRESSINGHAM MANOR[27-3]

[Sidenote: 1479 / NOV. 25]

Receyved at Cressingham, the Thirsday nex aftyr Seynt Edmund[27-4] at the corte ther v_li._ x_s._ by the handes of me, John Paston, Sqwyer.

Wherof payed to my modyr for costys don up on the berying of Walter Paston, and whyll he lay sek, and for the hyer of a man comyng with the seyd Water fro Oxenford xx_d._

xxix_s._ xj_d._

Item, payed to William Gybson for j. horse sadyll and brydyll lent to Water Paston by the seyd William, xvj_s._

Item, gevyn the seyd man comyng fro Oxenford with the seyd Water by the handys of J. Paston, xx_d._

Item, payed for dyvers thynges whyll Water Paston lay sek, iiij_d._

Item, for the costes of John Paston rydyng to kepe the coort at Cressingham, _anno supradicto_, whych was iiij. dayes in doing, for the styward mygh not be ther at the day prefyxid, iij_s._ iiij_d._

[Footnote 27-3: [From Paston MSS., B.M.] This paper is in the handwriting of John Paston the younger. The reference to the burial of Walter Paston proves it to be of the year 1479.]

[Footnote 27-4: St. Edmund’s Day is the 20th November. The Thursday after it in 1479 was the 25th.]

[[the seyd Water fro Oxenford _spelling “Water” unchanged_

Item, payed to William Gybson ... xvj_s._ _“s.” in plain (non-italic) type_]]

962

JOHN PASTON TO MARGARET PASTON[28-1]

_To my ryght worchepfull modyr, Margaret Paston, at Seynt Peter of Hundgate._

[Sidenote: 1479 / NOV.]

Ryght worchepfull modyr, aftyr all dwtes of humble recomendacyon, as lowly as I can, I beseche yow of your dayly blyssyng and preyeres. And, moder, John Clement, berer heroff, can tell yow, the mor pite is, if it pleasyd God, that my brodyr is beryed in the Whyghte Fryers at London; whych I thought shold not have ben, for I supposyd that he wold have ben beryed at Bromholme, and that causyd me so sone to ryd to London to have purveyd hys brynging hom, and if it had ben hys wylle to have leyn at Bromholm, I had purposyd all the wey as I have redyn to have brought hom my grauntdame[28-2] and hym to gedyrs; but that purpose is voyd as now. But thys I thynke to do when I com to London to spek with my Lord Chamberleyn,[28-3] and to wynne by hys meanys my Lord of Ely,[28-4] if I can; and if I may by eny of ther meanys cause the Kyng to take my servyse and my quarrell to gedyrs, I wyll, and I thynk that Sir George Brown, Sir Jamys Radclyff, and other of myn aqueyntance, whyche wayte most upon the Kyng, and lye nyghtly in hys chamber, wyll put to ther good wyllys. Thys is my wey as yet. And, modyr, I beseche yow, as ye may get or send eny messengers, to send me yowr avyse and my cosyn Lomeners to John Leeis hows, taylere, with in Ludgate. I have myche more to wryght, but myn empty hed wyll not let me remembre it.

Also, modyr, I prey that my brodyr Edmond may ryd to Marlyngforthe, Oxenhed, Paston, Crowmer, and Caster, and all thes maners to entre in my name, and to lete the tenants of Oxenhed and Marlyngfor know that I sent no word to hym to take no mony of theym but ther attornement; wherfor he wyll not, tyll he her fro me ayen, axe hem non, but lete hym comand theym to pay to servaunts of myn oncles, nor to hymsylff, nor to non othyr to hys use, in peyne of payment ayen to me. I thynk if ther shold be eny money axid in my name, peraventure it wold make my Lady of Norfolk ayenst me, and cause hyr to thynk I dellt more contrary to hyr plesure than dyd my brodyr, whom God pardon of Hys gret mercy. I have sent to entre at Stansted and at Orwellbery, and I have wretyn a bylle to Anne Montgomery and Jane Rodon to make my Lady of Norffolk, if it wyll be.

Your sone and humble servaunt,

J. PASTON.

[Footnote 28-1: [From Fenn, ii. 280.] Sir John Paston died in London on the 15th November 1479, as Fenn informs us. I presume he had some authority for the precise date, which I have not seen. The inquisition _post mortem_ is not now to be found; but the writ to the Escheator still exists, and is dated 30 Nov., 19 Edw. IV. This letter refers not only to the burial of Sir John Paston, but also to the death of his grandmother Agnes. The year was one of great mortality.]

[Footnote 28-2: Agnes, widow of William Paston the Judge.]

[Footnote 28-3: William, Lord Hastings.]

[Footnote 28-4: John Morton, afterwards Archbishop of Canterbury, and Cardinal, etc.]

963

WILLIAM LOMNOR TO JOHN PASTON[29-1]

_To the ryght worchypfull John Paston, Squyer, yn haste._

[Sidenote: 1479 / NOV. 28]

My Master Paston, I recomaunde me to yow, preyyng God to have mercy on my master your brother sowle, to whom ye ar heyre, and also to my mastras your grauntdam. Wherfore be th’avyse of my mastras your carful moder, your brothere Edmund, on Sunday next before Sent Andrew, rod to Marlyngforth, and before alle the tenauntez, examynid on James, kepere ther for Will. Paston, where he was the weke next before Sent Andrew, and there he seyd that he was not at Marlingforth from the Monday unto the Thorday at evyn, and soo there was no man there but your brothers man at the tyme of his decese; so be that your brothere dyyd sesid, and your brothere E. bad your man kepe possession to your behoffe, and warned the tenauntez to pay noo man, til ye hadde spoke them. So mesemyth that ys a remyttir to your old taylyd titell; comon with your concell. Forther, at afternoon he was at Oxned to understande how they had doo, and Peris kepyd your brotheres possession at that tyme; and your oncle his man was not there, but he assyned anothere pore man to be ther. Whethere that contynuid the possession of W. Paston or not be remembrid, &c.

And after the decese, &c., W. Paston sent the man that kepyd possession to fore to entre and kepe possession, wheche was noo warent be tha poyntment, for ye stande at your liberte as for ony apoyntment or comunycacion hadde before, and soo men seme it wer good for yow to stande at large til ye here more; yf ye myght have my Lord Chamberleyns good faver and lordship, it were ryght expedyent. As for my Lord of Ely, dele not wyth hym be owr avyse, for he woll move for trete, and elles be displesid. Your brother Edmund sent to John Wymond, and he sent word he wolle be a mene of trete, but wold take noo parte, and as I sopose that was be Heydons avyse; for your uncle sent to me to be with hym, and also the same man rodd to Heydon and Wymondham, &c. The brenger of this letter can tell, for he was with your brothere E. at these placez.

Forther, my mastras your moder gretyth yow well, and sendyth yow her blessyng, requiryng yow to come oute of that here [_air_] alsone as ye may; and your brothere E. comaundid hym to yow, and he doth hys dylygens, and parte for yow full well and saddely yn many behalvys, and hath brought my maistras your wife to Topcrofte on Friday last, and they fare all well there; and he yntendith to see my Master Fitz Water, whech lythe at Freton, ner Long Stratton. And God be your gide yn all your maters, and brenge yow sone home.

Wretyn at Norwyche, on Sonday at nyght next before Sent Andrew, and delyverd on Monday next be the morwyn.

Be your,

W. LOMNOUR.

[Footnote 29-1: [From Paston MSS., B.M.] It is apparent from the contents that this letter was written shortly after the decease of Sir John Paston in November 1479.]

964

ABSTRACT[31-1]

[WILLIAM PASTON TO ROBERT WALSH]

Thinks his dealing not very commendable, seeing that the writer is not paid his fee, according to the promise made by him and Fouke of Knapton, when they were with him at Norton. I had a distress and left it for your sake, but you show no consideration for me, etc.

[This is a draft in the handwriting of William Paston. To it is attached a small slip with these words, ‘A letter fro William Paston to Robert Walsch and Robert Fouk of Knapton.’]

[Footnote 31-1: [From Paston MSS., B.M.]]

965

JOHN PASTON TO MARGARET PASTON[31-2]

_To my ryght worchepfull and most kynd modyr, Margarett Paston._

[Sidenote: 1479 / DEC.]

Ryght werchepfull modyr, aftyr all dutes of humble recomendacyon, as lowly as I can, I beseche yow of your dayly blessyng and preyer. Pleasyt yow to undyrstand that wher as ye wyllyd me by Poiness to hast me ought of the heyer that I am in, it is so that I must pwt me in God, for her must I be for a season, and in good feyth I shall never, whyll God sendyth me lyff, dred mor dethe than shame; and thankyd be God, the sykness is well seasyd here, and also my besyness puttyth awey my fere. I am drevyn to labore in lettyng of th’execucyon of myn unkynd onclys entent, wher in I have as yet non other dyscorage, but that I trust in God he shall fayle of it.

I have spokyn with my Lord of Ely[32-1] dyvers tymys, whyche hathe put me in serteynte by hys woord, that he wyll be with me ayenst myn oncle in iche mater that I can shewe that he entendyth to wrong me in; and he wold fayne have a resonable end betwyx us, wher to he wyll helpe, as he seythe. And it is serteyn my brodyr, God have hys soule, had promysed to a byde the reule of my Lord Chamberleyn[32-2] and of my Lord Ely; but I am not yett so far forthe, nor not wyll be, tyll I know my Lord Chamberleyns intent, and that I purpose to do to morow, for then I thynk to bewith hym, with Godes leve. And sythe it is so that God hathe purveyd me to be the solysytore of thys mater, I thank Hym of Hys grace for the good lordes, mastrys, and frendys that He hathe sent me, whyche have perfytely promysyd me to take my cause as ther owne, and those frendes be not a fewe.

And, modyr, as I best can and may, I thank yow and my cosyn Lomenore of the good avyse that ye have sent me, and I shall aplye me to do ther aftyr. Also, modyr, I beseche you on my behalf to thank myn cosyn Lomnorre for the kindness that he hathe shewyd on to me in gevyng of hys answer to myn onclys servaunt, whyche was with hym.

Modyr, I wryght not so largely to yow as I wold do, for I have not most leyser; and also when I have ben with my Lord Chamberleyn, I purpose not to tery longe aftyr in London, but to dresse me to yow wardes; at whyche tyme I trust I shall brynge yow more serteynte of all the fordell [_advantage_] that I have in my besyness then I can as yett wryght.

I am put in serteynte by my most specyall good mastyr, my Mastyr of the Rollys,[32-3] that my Lord of Ely is, and shal be bettyr lord to me then he hathe shewyd as yet, and yet hathe he delt with me ryght well and honourably.

Modyr, I beseche yow that Pekok may be sent to purvey me as myche money as is possybyll for hym to make ayenst my comyng home, for I have myche to pay her in London, what for the funerall costes, dettes, and legattes that must be content in gretter hast then shalbe myn ease. Also I wold the ferme barly in Flegge, as well as at Paston, if ther be eny, wer gadryd, and iff it may be resonably sold, then to be sold or putt to the maltyng; but I wold at Caster that it were ought of the tenauntes handys for thynges that I here (kepe ye consell thys fro Pekok and all folkys), whyche mater I shall appese, if God wyll geve me leve.

[Footnote 31-2: [From Paston MSS., B.M.] It is evident from the contents that this letter was written shortly after the death of Sir John Paston. The year 1479 was a year of great mortality, in which the Paston family lost three of its members. The letter is not signed, but is in John Paston’s hand.]

[Footnote 32-1: John Morton, Bishop of Ely.]

[Footnote 32-2: Lord Hastings.]

[Footnote 32-3: Robert Morton.]

966

JOHN PASTON AND HIS UNCLE WILLIAM[33-1]

[Sidenote: After 1479]

Thes be th’enjuryes and wrongys done by William Paston to John Paston, hys nevew.

Fyrst, the maners of Marlyngforthe, Stansted, and Horwellbery wes gev[en to] William Paston, Justyce, and to Agnes, hys wyff, and to th’eyers of ther tw . . . . to whom the seyd John Paston is cosyn and heyer, that is to sey, son to John, son and heyer to the seyd William and Agnes.

Item, wher the [_seyd William Paston was seasyd of the maner of ----_], Ed. Clere with other infeofyd to the use of the seyd Will[iam][33-2] and of hys heyres, the whyche William made hys wyll that th[e said Agnes], hys [wife], shold have the seyd maner for terme of hyr lyff. And aftyr th[at he] dyed, and the seyd Agnes occupyed for terme of hyr seyd lyff . . . . of the seyd feoffes the seyd maner; and aftyrwardes the seyd . . . . . . Afftyr whoys dethe Sir John Paston, Knyght, as cosyn and heyer to t[he said William], in to the seyd maner entred, and dyed with ought issue of hys bodye. . . . . . John as brodyr and heyer to the seyd Sir John, [_and cosyn and heyer is lett . ._],[34-1] . . seyd maner entred, and is lettyd to take the profytys of the same by . . . . of the maners of Marlyngforthe, Stansted, and Horwelbery befor r . . . . by the meanys of the seyd Wylliam.

[Footnote 33-1: [From Paston MSS., B.M.] It is evident that this paper was drawn up some time after the death of Sir John Paston in 1479. It is in his brother John’s handwriting.]

[Footnote 33-2: ‘Ed. Clere--Will[iam].’--These words are interlined in place of the words in italics within brackets, which are struck through.]

[Footnote 34-1: These words are struck through.]

967

JOHN PASTON TO ----[34-2]

[Sidenote: 1479-80]

Sir, I pray yow that ye will send sum chyld to my Lord of Bukingham place, and to the Crown, wich as I conseive is called Gerardes Hall, in Bred Stret, to inquere whedir I have any answer of my letter sent to Caleys, whech ye know off; and that ye will remembre my brotheris ston, so that it myth be mad er I cumm ageyn, and that it be klenly wrowgth. It is told me that the man at Sent Bridis is no klenly portrayer; [the]rfor I wold fayn it myth be portrayed be sum odir man, and he to grave it up.

Sir, it is informyd sum personis in this cuntre that ye know that the frere will sew a nodir delegaci fro Rome, direkt to sum byschop of Ingland, to amend his mater, &c.; and how be it that it may not gretly hurt, yet the seyd persones, &c., wold not he shuld have his entent, in asmoch as his suggestion is untrew, but rather they wold spend mony to lette it. I suppose the Abbot of Bery shuld labor for him rather than anodir, becawse the sey Abbot is a perteynor to the lord that is the freris mayntener, &c.; wherefor, ser, my moder and I pray yow enquere after a man callid Clederro, whych is solisitor and attorne with Master Will. Grey, that late was the Kingges proktor at Rome, and the seyd Clederro sendith matiers and letters owth of Ingelond to his seyd master ever[y] monith, &c. He is well knowe in London, and among the Lumbardes, and with the Bischop of Winchesteris men, but I wot not wher he dwellit in London, and I suppos if ye speke with him, he knowith me. Plese yow to comone with him of this mater, but let him not wete of the mater atwix my modir and him; but desir him to wryth to his master to lett this, if it may be, or elles to se the best wey that he have not his intent, and to comon with the proktor of the Whith Freris at Rome to hep forth, for the freris here have laborid to my moder, and praid her to lette his ontrewe intent, and have wrete to her proketor befor this. And I suppose if ye speke to the prior of the freris at London, he will writh to her seyd proktor, &c., but tell the prior no word that I know [ther]of, but let him wete if he will wryth to his proktor, odir men shall help forth.

More over, that ye will tell Cledero that I am not seker that the frere laborith thus, but be talis of freris and odir; nevertheles let him writh to his master that [for] whatsomevyr he do herin, he shall be truly content for his labor and costes. And if ye think that Cledro will writh effectually herin, geff hym j. noble, [bid] hym let his master know that my Lord of Wynchester[35-1] and Danyell ow godwill to the part that he shall labor for. And if thar be fown no sech sewth be the seyd [fre]re, yet wold I have sum thing fro Rome to anull the old bull, &c., or to apeyr [_impair_] it [if] it myth be do esily, &c., and tyding wheder ther be any sech sute, &c.

Your own, &c.

[For] how beit that it may nowthir avayl ner hurt, yet my moder will this be do. [I] send yow the copi of the bull, and how execucion was do, and informacion of the mater imparte, &c. And, sir, I sha content your noble, &c. And I pray yow red it over, and spede yow homeward, and bring this letter home with yow, &c.

[Footnote 34-2: [From Paston MSS., B.M.] As this letter refers to the making of a tombstone for Sir John Paston, it may be presumed to have been written either at the end of the year 1479, or in the course of the year 1480. The MS. is a rough draft, apparently in the hand of Edmund Paston. It has been slightly mutilated, and apparently since the letter was printed in Fenn’s fifth volume.]

[Footnote 35-1: William Waynflete, Bishop of Winchester.]

968

AN INVENTORY OF PLATE[36-1]

[Sidenote: 1479]

In primis, a sallt with j. cover, xx. unces di. & di. quart.

j. stumpe of a salte, ij. unces & di.

j. flat salt with a squyrell, j. unce iij. quarters.

iiij. Parys cuppis with a cover, with a rose in the botom, weyeng lvj. unces j. quarter.

ij. holowe disshes, xxix. unces iij. quarter di.

j. chafre of silver, ix. unces j. quarter.

xij. sylver spones, wereof my lady hath one.

j. lytil spone of Rippyngales, j. quarter & di. quarter, j. d. ob. q^a. di.

j. lityll spone for egges, j. quarter & di. quarter ob.

j. prikettes nuper Howis, ix. unces ij. d. weight.

j. preket nuper Howis, viij. unces iij. quarters & di.

j. long sokett.

j. nother long soket.

vj. soketes, with branches to remeve.

iij. wherwilles to the same.

j. playne pees for potage, per estimacionem, xj. unces j. quarter.

j. playn pees nuper Frere Water, iiij. unces j. quarter.

j. nother playn peece nuper Frere Walter, iiij. unces di. quarter.

j. chaleis, xv. unces & di. quarter.

ij. cruettes, vij. unces iij. quarters.

a paxbred,[36-2] iij. unces di. quarter j. d.

j. holowe barbore bason, bought of Colet.

j. standing pece couvered, bought of Elingham, xv. unces & j. quarter.

iij. gilt spones.

j. spone for grene gynger, gilt, j. unce j. quarter j. q^a. & di.

j. gilte cup covered, wel shapen with trayle, with j. knop with a kroune enamelid, xxiij. unces & di. & di. quarter.

j. nothir cupp standing covered, gilt, bell shapen with trailles, with a playn knopp not enamelid, xxiij. unces & j. quarter.

j. maser Sipton.

ij. masers.

iij. gilt spones.

j. gynger spone.

j. bag whiteleder, wherin is all this stuff folowyng this lyne:-- iij. girdels Staunton. j. girdel upholdester. Fawcon Skern coppe. Hans Eborlyn girdel. Purs gold with Jane Aske harnes. ij. lynen bagges lityll with broke silver and j. old harneis gilt.

* * *

Furst, a standing cuppe with a cover therto plommed, weyeng xxiiij. unces di.

Item, a standing coppe curid gilt, weyeng xxxvj. unces.

Item, a nother standing cupp cuerid gilt, weying xv. unces iij. q^a. & di.

Item, a goblette of silver and gilt covered xiiij. unces j. quarter & di.

Item, a nother goblett gilt, weyeng xij. unc’ & j. d. weight.

Item, a nothir goblet gilt, weyeng vij. unc’.

Item, a standing white pees with a cover withoute a knoppe, weyeng xxij. unces.

Item, a salt with a pale covered, xiiij. unc’ j. quarter.

Item, a rounde salt covered, xix. unc’ j. quarter di.

Item, a rounde salt uncovered, viij. unces.

Item, a basonne of xxxv. unc’ j. quarter.

Item, an ewer to the same of xv. unc’ & di. quarter.

Item, an ewer, xiiij. unc’ di. quarter.

Item, vj. silver sponys with square sharp knoppes of v. unces iij. quarter j. d. wight.

Item, spone for grene gynger of iij. quarters & ij. d. wight.

Item, a grete gilt chalis with a patent longing to the same, weying xlij. unces j. quarter.

Item, a litil standing pece chacid plumtes, with a kover to the same, x. unces j. quarter.

Item, a blak notte standing of silver and gilt, with a kover to the same, weying xviij. unc’.

Item, a grete maser with a prend in the botom, and the armes of Seint Jorge, weying xv. unc’ j. quarter & di.

Item, a nother maser sownde in the botom and a sengilbonde, viij. unc’ & j. quarter.

Item, a lytil maser with a foote, weying viij. unc’.

Item, a nother maser with a lytill foote, weing viij. unc’.

Item, a nothir litill maser with an higher foote, weying x. unces & j. quarter.

Item, xx^ti spones on a bundell, weying xvj. unc. j. quarter.

Item, vj. spones with acorns, weying v. unc’ & di. quarter.

Item, a peyre bedes of corall with paternostris of silver and gilt, and a knopp of smale perle, weying vj. unc’ j. quarter.

In primis, j. standing cuppe covered playne with a rounde knoppe, weyeng xxv. unces.

j. nodir cuppe of golde covered playne with a chacid knoppe, weying xxiij. unces iij. quarters.

j. layer of gold with a crokid spoute, weyeng xiij. unces iij. quarters.

j. nothir layer of golde, weyeng xiij. unces j. quarter j. d.

j. chaleis of fyne golde in pecis broken, xxiiij. unces.

j. coppe of golde covered, chacid with a perle, xxj. unces.

j. salte covered with a berall gairneshid, v. unces j. quarter.

j. nothir salt covered, garnyshed with stones, v. unces iij. quarter.

j. par of gilt basouns covered, weyeng viij^xx. xix. unces & di.

j. salte gilte, weyeng xxviij. unces di. quarter.

j. cover to the same, weyeng viij. unces j. quarter.

j. nothir salte gilte withoute a cover, xxvij. unces iij. quarters.

j. standing pees gilte, with a cover Skern, xxxvij. unces j. quarter.

j. nothir standing pees gilte with a cover, A. P. xxj. unces di. & di. quarter.

j. flatte pees covered, gilt, A. P. xviij. unces & di.

j. potte for grene gynger gilte, x. unces & di. iiij. d. ob.

j. cover to the same, weying j. unce & j. quarter.

j. stonding cuppe covered parcell gilt, Sir Buk, xvj. unces & j. quarter.

j. salt covered parcell gilt, Sir Ric.’, xij. unces & di.

j. paxe parcell gilte, Staunton, xiij. unces.

j. standing cuppe with a kever, parcell gilt, Staunton, xix. unces & di.

j. goblett for Rynesh wyne covered, xj. unces & di. quarter.

j. powder boxe, vj. unces j. quarter di. quarter.

j. noder powder boxe, viij. unces j. quarter.

j. candilstykke with a lous [_loose_] sokett and j. preket, P. xvij. unces di. quarter.

ij. candilstikkes with ij. lous preketes, Skern, xxxj. unces j. quarter di.

di. doss. [_half a dozen_] sylver spones, Shipton, vj. unces di. & di. quarter.

di. doss. spones, Stanton, vij. unces.

j. bason, P. xlv. unces di.

j. bason, Sparke, lx. unces.

j. bason, Sturmer, with a spoute, xxxiiij. unces. j. quarter j. d. q.

j. bason, Sturmer, withoute a spoute, xxxij. unces j. quarter di. quarter j. d. q^a.

j. bason, Rous, l. unces iij. quarters.

j. ewer, P. xvj. unces & di. & di. quarter.

j. ewer, Sparke, xx. unces.

j. ewer, Sturmer, xiiij. unces j. quarter and di. quarter q^a.

j. ewer, Sturmer, xiiij. unces di. di. quarter j. d. ob. q^a.

j. ewer, Rous, xviij. unces.

j. pott, Hous, lvij. unces.

j. pott, P. xxviij. unces iij. quarter di. ij.

j. pott, S. . . . lett, xv. unces.

j. pott, Rous, xxxv. unces.

j. pott, Spark, xxvij. unces j. quarter.

j. flagon, xxxix. unces.

j. layer, ix. unces a quarter & di.

j. layer, ix. unces j. quarter & ij. di.

vj. Parys cuppis with a cover, Skerne, lxx. unces iij. quarters di.

j. grete boll pees, with a cover, Noris, xl. unces j. quarter.

xxiij. disshis of sylver, Skerne, xvij^{xx.}vj. unces di.

iiij. chargeours, v^{xx.}x. unces.

xxvij. dishes, xx^{xx.}xj. unces di. & di. quarter.

xxiij. sawcers, vj^{xx.}xv. unces.

[39-1]xij. flatt cuppis of silver, P. and Staunton, v^{xx.}v. unces iij. quarters.

[39-1]iiij. coveres to the same, P. and Staunton, xl. unces.

j. chargeour priour (?) water, xlvj. unces j. quarter di.

[Footnote 36-1: [From Paston MSS., B.M.] This inventory was certainly drawn up after the death of Agnes Paston, but how many years later it is impossible to say.]

[Footnote 36-2: A silver plate with a figure of the Crucifixion upon it given to be kissed at Mass.]

[Footnote 39-1: These two entries are bracketed together in the MS., and ‘Shend bi Ley’ (?) written in the margin.]

[[with a rose in the botom, weyeng _text has “weyeng,”_

j. prikettes nuper Howis, / ix. unces ij. d. weight. _text has “weight,”_

j. standing pece couvered, bought of Elingham, _text has “Elingham.”_

j. cover to the same, weyeng, _text has “weyeng,”_

j. paxe parcell gilte, Staunton, _period after “j.” missing_

j. candilstykke ... and j. preket, P. _text has “P,”_]]

969

ABSTRACT[39-2]

WILLIAM PASTON TO HIS BROTHER EDMUND PASTON

[Sidenote: After 1479]

Encloses the will of his father, ‘such as my brother hath’; who says he had it out of the register. My business is no further advanced since I left you, except that my brother has got a pardon of the alienation made by the Bishop of Winchester. Can get no estate in it except according to his father’s will, viz. to himself and his heirs-male. My brother’s will is that I should have Runham, which is £8 a year at least, in recompense of the 10 marks out of Sporle, if he would release all his right in that manor. There is nothing touching you in my brother’s[40-1] will, for I read it over and will write it also; ‘so that I woll have the same for my copy that he wrote with his own hand.’

Recommend me heartily to my sister your wife.

London, 22 Feb.

[The writer of this was William, the son of the eldest John Paston, not that uncle William with whom the two younger John Pastons had so many disputes. I see nothing to fix the date beyond the fact that the letter was written after Sir John Paston’s death.]

[Footnote 39-2: [From Paston MSS., B.M.]]

[Footnote 40-1: Sir John Paston, who died in 1479.]

970

WILLIAM PASTON TO JOHN KYNG[40-2]

_To John Kynge, Fermour of my Maner of Hartwelbury, in Kelsall, besides Royston, be this delyverd._

[Sidenote: 1480 / FEB. 24]

John Kyng, I grete yow hartely well; and I understond as well by my frende, Syr William Storar, as by Ric. Browne, that as well my kynnesman Syr John Paston that dede is, as my kynnesman John Paston that now leveth, have ben with yow, and yovyn yow many grete thretis, for that ye acordyng to the trowth, tolde unto them that ye ocupyed my maner of Harwelbury be my leese, and be my ryght. And further more I understond, notwithstondyng the seyde grete thretis, that ye, lyke a full trewe, harty frende, have delyd and fastely abedyn in my tytill, and wolde not retorne to none of them. Wherfor I hartely thank yow; and furthar more to corage yow in yowr fast dealyng, I schew onto yow that I have ryght bothe in law and in concience, wherby I promyse yow on my feythe to defende yow and save yow harmeles for the occupacion of the londe, or any thynge that ye schall doo in my titill a gaynst hym, and it schulde cost me as moche as the maner is worth, and also another tyme to doo as moche for yow, and it ly in my powre, yf ye have ony mater to doo ther as I may doo for yow.

And, also, I here say, by my seid frende, Syr William Storar, and by Ric. Brown, that ye ar of suche substaunce, and of suche trust, and suche favor in the contre ther, that it lithe in yowr powre to do a goode turne for yowr frende.

Wretyn at London, the xxiiij^ti day of Februari.

Be WILLIAM PASTON.

[Footnote 40-2: [From Paston MSS., B.M.] It is scarcely necessary to point out that this letter was probably written within a year after Sir John Paston’s death.]

971

GEORGE, SERVANT TO WILLIAM PASTON, TO JOHN KYNG[41-1]

_To John Kyng of Therfeld, in Herdfordshire._

[Sidenote: Date uncertain]

Right trusty and welbeloved frende, I comaunde me to you. And, Ser, I tolde my maister that ye wolde have ben with him or this; for which cause he mervaileth ye kepe nat your promyse. Wherfore I avise you to come and bryng my maister his money afore this fest of Cristmasse.

And, also, ye ar yerly behynde of a boore or els ten shillinges after the price of oon bore. And where ye be owyng your boore for ij. yerys, I wolde avyse you to delyver unto Ser William Storer the seid dute, or els I counceile you to send my maister a resonable somme of money with thies boores afore Cristmasse for your thanke, consideryng his kynde dealyng, as well in sufferaunce of your money as in your owne matier.

Writen at London, the xvj^th day of Decembre.

Be your frende, GEORGE,

servaunte to Mr. W. PASTON.[41-2]

[Footnote 41-1: We place this letter after the last for convenience. Its date is unimportant.]

[Footnote 41-2: The subscription is in a different hand from the letter itself, which is in a clerk’s hand, very well written.]

972

JOHN, PRIOR OF BROMHOLM, TO JOHN PASTON[41-3]

_To my right worchipful maister, John Paston, Sqwyer._

[Sidenote: 1480-7]

Right worchipful maister, I recomaunde me un to yow, desiryng to knowe of youre welfare and prosperyte, wheche Jesu maynteyne and encreese to His pleser after youre hertys desyre, thankyng yow ever of youre good maistership to me shewed at alle tymes withoute deserte on my behalve, prayng yow, and hirtely besechyng of youre goode contynuance. Please it yowre maistership, for as moche as it [is] moved on to the my good maisters, the counsell of the Duche of Lancastr, that they be weelwillyng to make laboure on to my Sovereyn Lady the Qween at youre good instaunce for certeyn tymber toward my dortour at Bromholm, in wheche myn specyall desyre is to have viij. princypall beemys, everych on in length xj. zerds. I am not expeert in makyng of any supplicacion, besechyng youre maistership to take it uppon you to do it make after your avyce, alegged all poverte, as youre worchipfull discrecion can moche better than I can enforme; and I remitte all to youre wysdam, ever besechyng you to calle this matyer to youre remembraunce. No more at this tyme, but the Holy Trinite mote have yow in His governaunce, and sende you longe lyf to endure to His pleser.

Wreten the xiiij^e day of Octobr.

Youre preest and chapeleyn,

JOHN, Priour of Bromholm.

[Footnote 41-3: [From Fenn, iii. 400.] On the date of this letter Fenn remarks as follows:--‘John Titleshale was prior of Bromholm from 1460 for about twenty years. This letter must have been written therefore either on the 14th October 1460, or on the same day in 1465, as Edward IV. married in that year, and J. Paston died in May 1466. If it was written in the former, the request [for timber] must have been to Queen Margaret; if in the latter, to Elizabeth, the Queen of Edward IV.’ In these observations Fenn overlooks the possibility of the letter having been addressed to any other John Paston than the first of that name; and neither of the two years, which alone suit that supposition, has much internal probability. It is inconceivable that the letter could have been written in 1460, when Queen Margaret had retired into Wales after the battle of Northampton, and it is almost equally improbable that the date could have been 1465, when John Paston, the father, was in prison. We have very little doubt that the letter was addressed to John Paston the youngest, called of Gelston, long after his father’s death, and after that of his brother Sir John also. John Tytleshale, who was Prior of Bromholm in 1460, was succeeded, at what date we are not informed, by John Macham; and after him John Underwood, Bishop of Chalcedon, suffragan of the Bishop of Norwich, was prior in 1509. The date of this letter, however, must lie between 1480 and 1487, in which latter year John Paston the youngest was created a knight for his services at the battle of Stoke.]

973

ABSTRACT[43-1]

[Sidenote: Not after 1481]

Appointment touching ‘Ayeseldys wyff.’ Her friends to labour for her acquittal of the felony, without letting of Wremmegey’s wife, etc. £20 to be deposited ‘in mene hand’ by the friends of A’s wife, to be delivered on her acquittal to Darby and other frends of W.’s wife. Also Master Yelverton shall have his £3 due to him from Ayseldys wife paid by both parties.

_Signed_--John Yelverton.

[I can find no other reference to the matter referred to in this paper, and cannot tell the date; but as John Yelverton, the son of the judge, died on the 9th July 1481 (Blomefield, x. 31), it cannot be later than that year.]

[Footnote 43-1: [From Paston MSS., B.M.]]

974

EDMUND PASTON TO WILLIAM PASTON[43-2]

_To my brother, Wylliam Paston, be this delyverd._

[Sidenote: About 1481(?)]

I hartely recomawnd me to zow. Here is lately fallyn a wydow in Woorstede, whyche was wyff to one Bolt, a worstede marchaunt, and worth a m^l._li._, and gaff to hys wyff a C. marke in mony, stuffe of howsold, and plate to the valew of an C. marke, and x_li._ be zere in land. She is callyd a fayer jantylwoman. I wyll for zour sake se her. She is ryght systyr, of fader and modyr, to Herry Ynglows. I purpose to speke with hym to gett hys good wyll. Thes jantylwoman is abowght xxx. zeres, and has but ij. chyldern, whyche shalbe at the dedes charge; she was hys wyff but v. zere. Yf she be eny better than I wryght for, take it in woothe I shew the leeste. Thus lete me have knowlache of zowr mynde as shortly as ze can, and whan ze shall moun be in this cuntre. And thus God send zow good helth and good aventure.

From Norwyche, the Saterday after xij^the day.

Your,

E. PASTON.

[Footnote 43-2: [From Paston MSS., B.M.] There is nothing to show the date of this letter, except the fact that William Paston did not come of age before the year 1481, so that it is not likely to be earlier. Perhaps it may be a few years later, in which case the widow would not have been very much his senior; but that circumstance was not likely, in those days, to have been greatly regarded in the matter.]

975

EDMUND PASTON TO MARGARET PASTON[44-1]

_To my ryght wurchypfull and especiall good mother, Margaret Paston._

[Sidenote: Between 1481-4]

Ryght worchypfull and moste especialle good modyr, in my moste umble wyse, with alle my dute and servyse, I recomawnd me to yow, besechynge zow of zour blyssyng, whyche is to me moste joy of erthely thynge; and it plese zow to be so good and kynd modyr to me to forgeve me, and also my wyffe, of owr leude offence that we have not don ower dute, whyche was to have seyn and ave waytyd up on zow or now. My huswyffe trustythe to ley to zow her huswyferey for her excuse, wyche I muste beseche zow not to accepte, for in good faythe I deme her mynde hathe ben other weys ocapyed than as to huswyfery, whyche semyth welle by the latchesnes of the tylthe of her landdes. I beseche God for the forderawnce of them as now rewarde zow and the good parson of Mautby, and also Mastyer Baley, who I wende woold not have balkyd this pore loggeyng to Norwyche wardes.

I undyrstand by the bryngger here of that ze entende to ryde to Walsyngham; yf it please zow that I may wete the seayson, as my dute is, I shalle be redy to awayte up on zow.

Plese it zow that the brynggar here of cam to me for x_s._ viij_d._ whyche I shuld ow hys fadyr; trew it was at my laste departyng from hym, I owte hym somych, but sertaynly or I cam at Thetfford homewardes, I thowt of concyence he owte to have restoryd me as myche. I had my horsse with hym at lyvery, and amonge alle one of them was putte to gresse and to labur, so that he dyed of a laxe by the wey. I payed for hard mete ever to hym.

Plese it zow to delyver Kateryn v_s._, wyche I send zow in this bylle. I am not assartaynd how she is purveyde of mony towardes her jornay. Yf her fadyr cowde not acleymed j_d._ of me, I woold not se her dysporveyd, yf I myght, nor the poreste chyld that is belonggyng to hys loggeyng.

Modyr, my wyffe is boold to send zow a tokyn. I beseche zow pardon alle thyngges not done acordyng to dute. I beseche God send zow the accomplyshment of zour moste and woorchypfull desyers.

At Owby, the Saterday next before Candylmes.

Zour umble son and servant,

EDMOND PASTON.

[Footnote 44-1: [From Paston MSS., B.M.] Fenn dates this letter 1479-80, suggesting that it must have been written very soon after Edmund Paston’s marriage with the widow of William Clippesby, as it seems to imply that he had not yet carried his bride to pay her duty to his mother. I do not, for my part, know the date of this marriage, and I suspect Fenn had no other clue to it than the fact that William Clippesby, the lady’s first husband, died on the 24th September 1479; but I presume his widow was still unmarried when she proved his will on the 18th May 1480 (_see_ Blomefield, xi. 144). I consider, therefore, that the letter must have been written between the years 1481 and 1484, as Margaret Paston died in November of the latter year.]

976

MONASTERY OF ST. FAITH[45-1]

[Sidenote: 1481 / AUG.]

Robertus filius domini Walteri de Mauteby militis insp[ex]sit cartas an[tiquas] . . . . concessas Deo et monasterio Sanctæ Fidis quinque quarteria salis annualis redditus . . e olim . . . . . . quinque _wayes_ percipienda de salinis ma[r]issi de Mauteby secundum mensuram ejusdem [mari]ssi. Quam quidem concessionem prædictus Robertus ratificat . . . . . suum sub sigillo suo quid est[[45-2]]. And this deed sawe John Paston at the seid Seynt Feythes, mense Augusti Anno xxj^o Regis E. [Q]uarti. And for this rent a . . the prior and the monkys there shewyd [to th]e seyd John, the same moneth and tyme, thes obitis foloyng tightled in the . . . . . they s[ay]d that they . . . . . whiche wold be knowyn and wachid. So the sayd . . . . the obbites . . . . . . . . . . bi Maltby xij. die mensis Aprilis. Et d’ns d’nii (?)

JOHANNES DE MALTB[Y].

[Footnote 45-1: [Add. Charter 17,252, B.M.]]

[Footnote 45-2: Here occurs a representation of a shield in the middle of the text of the MS.]

977

ABSTRACT[46-1]

ANONYMOUS TO MRS. [MARGARET PASTON?]

There is no tachment made in the land unless it be done privily. The sheriff has been thrice in our town in these three weeks. As for the panel of Frances’ matter, there is none of the sheriff’s deputies but Francis to inquire of.

[I am quite unable to attach a date to this letter, or to conjecture by whom it was written. Even the person to whom it is addressed is very uncertain, though I have suggested Margaret Paston.]

[Footnote 46-1: [From Paston MSS., B.M.]]

978

MARGARET PASTON’S WILL.[46-2]

[Sidenote: 1482 / FEB. 4]

In the name of God, amen. I, Margaret Paston, widowe, late the wiff of John Paston, Squier, doughter and heire to John Mauteby, Squier, hole of spirit and mynde, with perfite avisement and good deliberacion, the iiij^te day of February, in the yer of Our Lord God a m^{l.}cccclxxxj. make my testament and last wille in this fourme folowyng. First, I betake my sowle to God Almyghty and to Our Lady His blissid Moder, Seint Michael, Seint John Baptist, and to Alle Seintes, and my body to be beried in the ele of the cherch of Mauteby, byfore the ymage of Our Lady there. In which ele reste the bodies of divers of myn aunceteres, whos sowles God assoile.

Item, I bequethe to the high awter of the seid cherch of Mauteby xx_s._

Item, I wulle that the seid ele in which my body shalbe beried be newe robed, leded, and glased, and the walles therof heyned [_heightened_] convenyently and werkmanly.

Item, I wulle that myn executours purveye a stoon of marble to be leyde alofte upon my grave within a yer next after my decesse; and upon that stoon I wulle have iiij. scochens sett at the iiij. corners, wherof I wulle that the first scochen shalbe of my husbondes armes and myn departed, the ij^de of Mawtebysarmes and Berneys of Redham departed, the iij^de of Mawtebysarmes and the Lord Loveyn departed, the iiij^te of Mawtebysarmes and Sir Roger Beauchamp departed. And in myddys of the seid stoon I wull have a scochen sett of Mawtebysarmes allone, and under the same thise wordes wretyn, ‘In God is my trust,’ with a scripture wretyn in the verges therof rehersyng thise wordes, ‘Here lieth Margret Paston, late the wif of John Paston, doughter and heire of John Mawteby, Squier,’ and so forth, in the same scripture rehersed the day of the moneth and the yer that I shall decesse: ‘on whos sowle God have mercy.’

Item, I wulle that myn executours shall purveye xij. pore meen of my tenauntes, or other if they suffice not, the whiche I wulle shalbe apparailled in white gownes with hodes according, to holde xij. torches abowte myn herse or bere at such tyme as I shalbe beried, during the exequies and masse of my berying; which xij. torches I wille remayne in the seid cherch of Mawteby whil they may last for my yerday.

Which yerday I wull myn heire kepe in the same cherch for me my seid husbond and myn aunceteres yerly during the terme of xij. yeres next after my decesse;[47-1] and I wulle that ich of the seid xij. pore meen the day of my beriing have iiij_d._ Also, I wulle that iche preste being at my berying and masse have viij_d._, and ich clerk in surplys iij_d._ Also, I wull that the preste which shall berie me have vj_s._ viij_d._, so that he seye over me at the tyme of my berying all the whole service that to the berying belongeth.

Also, I wulle that from the day and tyme that I am beried unto the ende of vij. yeres than next folowyng be ordeyned a taper of wexe of a_li._ to brenne upon my grave ich Sonday and haliday at alle divine service to be seid or sunge in the seid cherch and dailly at the masse of that preest that shalle singe there in the seid ele for my sowle.

Item, I wulle that vj. tapers, ich of iiij_li._, brenne abowte myn herse the day of my beryng, of which I wull that iiij. yerly be kept to brenne abowte myn herse whan my yerday shalbe kept aslong as they may honestly serve.

Item, I wulle have an honest seculer prest to synge and pray in the seid ele for my sowle, the sowles of my father and mother, the sowle of the seid John Paston, late my husband, and for the sowlys of his aunceteres and myn during the terme of vij. yeres next after my decesse.

Item, I wulle that myn executours purveye a compleet legende in oon book, and an antiphoner in an other book, which bookes I wull be yeven to abide ther in the seid cherch to the wursship of God aslonge as they may endure.[48-1]

Item, I wulle that every houshold in Mauteby as hastily as it may be convenyently doo after my decesse have xij_d._

Item, to the emendyng of the cherch of Freton in Suffolk I bequethe a chesiple and an awbe.[48-2]

And I wulle that ich houshold being my tenaunt there have vj_d._

And I bequethe to the emendement of the cherch of Basyngham a chesiple and an awbe.[48-3]

And I wulle that every houshold there have viij_d._

Item, I bequeth to the emendyng of the cherch of Matelask a chesiple and an awbe.[48-4]

And I wull that every pore houshold that are my tenauntes there have viij_d._

Item, I bequethe to the emendyng of the cherch of Gresham a chesiple and an awbe.[48-6]

And I wulle that ich pore houshold that be my tenauntes there have vj_d._

Item, I wulle that ich pore houshold late my tenauntes at Sparham have vj_d._

Item, to the reparacion of the cherch of Redham there as I was borne I bequeth v. marc and a chesiple of silk with an awbe with myn armes therupon to the emendement of the same cherche.[48-5]

Item, to iche of the iiij. houshes of Freres in Norwich, xx_s._

Item, to iche of the iiij. houshes of Freres of Yermouth and at the South toun to pray for my sowle I bequeth xx_s._

Item, to the ankeres at the Frere Prechours in Norwich I bequeth iij_s._ iiij_d._

And to the ankeres in Conesford I bequeth iij_s._ iiij_d._

Item, to the anker at the White Freres in Norwich I bequethe iij_s._ iiij_d._

Item, to iche hole and half susters at Normans in Norwich, viij_d._

Item, to the Deen and his bretheren of the Chepell of Feld, to the use of the same place to seye a _dirige_ and a masse for my sowle, xx_s._

Item, to the hospitalle of Seint Gile in Norwich, also for a _dirige_ and a masse for my sowle, xx_s._

Item, to iche of the iiij. pore meen, and to either of the susters of the seid hospitall, ij_d._

Item, to the mother cherche of Norwiche for a _dirige_ and masse, xx_s._

Item, to iche lepre man and woman at the v. Yates in Norwich, iij_d._

And to iche forgoer at every of the seid yates, ij_d._

Item, to iche lepre without the North gates at Yermouth, iij_d._; and to the forgoer ther, ij_d._

Item, to iche houshold of the parish of Seint Peter of Hungate in Norwich that wull receyve almes, have iiij_d._

Item, I wull have a _dirige_ and a masse for my sowle at the parisshe cherche of Seint Michael of Coslany in Norwich, and that every preste ther havyng his stipend being therat have iiij_d._, and iche clerk in surplys of the same parissh than ther being have ij_d._, and the parissh clerk vj_d._, and the curat that shall seye high masse have xx_d._, and I bequeth to the reparacion of the bellys of the same cherche vj_s._ viij_d._, and to the sexteyn there to rynge at the seid _dirige_ and masse, xx_d._

Item, I wull that myn executours shall geve to the sustentacion of the parson or preste that shall for the tyme mynystre the sacramentez and divine service in the cherch of Seint Petre of Hungate in Norwich, xx_li._ of lawfull money;[50-1] whiche xx_li._ I will it be putt in the rule and disposicion of the cherch reves of the same cherche for the tyme being by the oversight of the substancialle persones of the seid parissh, to this intent, that the seid cherch reves, by the oversight as is before-seid, shall yerly yeve, if it so be that the profites of the seid cherch suffice not to fynde a prest after ther discrecions, part of the seid xx_li._ to the seid parson or preste, unto the seid xx_li._ be expended.

Item, I bequeth to Edmund Paston, my sone, a standing pece white covered, with a white garleek heed upon the knoppe, and a gilt pece covered with an unicorne, a fetherbedde and a traumsom at Norwich, and the costers[50-2] of worsted that he hath of me.

Item, I bequeth to Katerine his wiff a purpill girdill harneisid with silver and gilt and my bygge bras chafour, a brasen morter with an iren pestell, and a stoon morter of cragge.

Item, I yeve and graunte to Robert, sone of the seid Edmund, alle my swannes morken with the merke called Dawbeneys merk, and with the merk late Robert Cutler, clerk, to have hold and enjoye the seid swannes with the seid merkes to the seid Robert and his heirs for evermore.

Item, I bequeth to Anne, my doughter, wiff of William Yelverton, my grene hangyng in my parlour at Mauteby, a standing cuppe with a cover gilt with a flatte knoppe and a flatte pece with a cover gilt withoute, xij. silver spones, a powder boxe with a foot and a knoppe enamelled blewe, my best corse girdill blewe herneised with silver and gilt, my primer, my bedes of silver enamelled.

Item, I bequeth to the seid Anne, my fetherbedde with sillour,[50-3] curteyns and tester[50-4] in my parlour at Mauteby, with a white covering, a peire blankettes, ij. peire of my fynest shetes iche of iij. webbes, a fyne hedshete of ij. webbes, my best garnyssh of pewter vessell, ij. basyns with ij. ewres, iij. candelstekes of oon sorte, ij. bras pottes, ij. bras pannes, a bras chafour to sett by the fyre, and a chafour for colys.

Item, I require myn executours to paie to the seid William Yelverton and Anne the money that I shall owe them of ther mariage money the day of my decesse of such money as shalbe receyved of such londes as I have putte in feffement to accomplissh my wille.

Item, I bequeth to William Paston, my sone my standing cuppe chased parcell gilt with a cover with myn armes in the botom and a flatte pece with a traill upon the cover, xij. silver spones, ij. silver saltes wherof oon is covered the hole bedde of borde alisaundre as it hangeth on the gret chaumber at Mauteby, with the fetherbedde, bolster, blankettes, and coveryng to the same, ij. peire shetes, ij. pilwes, and my best palet, a basyn, an ewre, and a litel white bedde that hangeth over the gresyngges in the litell chaumber at Mauteby for a trussyng bedde.

Item, I bequeth an C. marc in money to be paied and bestowed to the use and byhoff of the seid William Paston after this forme folowyng; that is to sey, in purchasyng of as moche lond to him and to his heires as may be had with the same money, or ellys to bye a warde to be maried to him if eny suche may be goten, or ellys to be paied to him assone as it may be convenyently gadered and receyved of sucche londes as by me are put in feffement as is beforseid after the ele in Mauteby cherche be fynsshed and performed as is beforseid, and after the stipend of the preste lymyted to singe for me be yerly levied, as well as the money be dispended upon the keping of my yerly obite. And if the seid William dye or he come to the age of xxj. yer, than the seid C. marc to be disposed for the wele of my sowle by myn executours.

Item, I bequeth to John Paston my sone a gilt cuppe standyng with a cover and a knoppe liche a garkeek heed, vj. gobelettes of silver with oon cover.

Item, I bequeth to Margery Paston, the wif of the seid John, my pixt of silver with ij. silver cruettes and my massebook with all myn awterclothes.

Item,[52-1] I bequeth to William Paston, sone of the seid John Paston, and Elizabeth his suster, C. marc whan they come to laufull age, to be take and receyved of the londes beforseid; and if either of them die or they come to the seid age, than I wull that the part of him or hir so deying remayne to the survyver of them at laufull age, and if they bothe dye or they come to the seid age, than I wull that the seid C. marc be disposed for the helth of my sowle by th’avise of myn executours.

Item, I bequeth to Custaunce, bastard doughter of John Paston, Knyght, whan she is xx. yer of age, x. marc, and if she die bifore the seid age, than I wull that the seid x. marc be disposed by myn executours.

Item, I bequeth to John Calle, sone of Margery my doughter, xx_li._ whan he cometh to the age of xxiiij. yer, and if the seid John dye or he cometh to the seid age, than I wull that the seid xx_li._ evenly be divided attwen William and Richard, sones of the seid Margery, whan they come to the age of xxiiij. yer; and if either of the seid William and Richard dye or he come to the seid age, than I wull that the part of him so dying remayne to the survyver; and if bothe the seid William and Richard dye or the come to the seid age, than I wull that the seid xx_li._ be disposed by the good advys of myne executours for me and my frendes.

Item, I bequethe to Marie Tendalle, my goddoughter, my peir bedys of calcidenys gaudied[52-2] with silver and gilt.

Item, I wull that iche of myn other godchilder be rewarded by th’avyse of John Paston, my sone.

Item, I bequeth to Agnes Swan my servaunt, my musterdevelys gown furred with blak, and a girdell of blak harneised with silver gilt and enamelled, and xx_s._ in money.

Item, to Simon Gerard my silver gobelet cured and a flatt pece with verges gilt, and myn hole litel white bedde in my chapell chaumber at Mauteby with the fetherbedde liche as it is nowe in the seid chapell, with a peire blankettes, a peire shetes, and a pilwe of doune.

Item, to John Heyth a materas with a traunsom, a peire shetes, a peire blankettes, and a coverlight.

Item, I wull that myn housholt be kept after my decesse by half a yer, and that my servauntes wages be truly paied at ther departing, and also that every persone being my servaunt the day of my decesse have a quarter wages beside that they at her departing have do service fore.

Item, I wull that alle suche maners, londes, and tenementes, rentes and services whiche are descended unto me by weye of inheritaunce immediatly after my decesse remayne unto myn heires accordyng to the last wille of Robert Mauteby, Squier, my grauntfader, except suche londes as I have putte in feffement to accomplissh therof my last wille, and except v. marc of annuyte which I have graunted out of the maner of Freton in Suffolk to Edmund Paston, my sone, Katherine his wiff, and Robert, ther sone, for terme of ther lyves.

Item, I bequeth to Anne, my doughter, x_li._ to hir propre use.

And to Osbern Berney x. marc of the money comyng of the londes by me put in feffement as is beforseid.

Item, I wull that the residewe of the stuffe of myn houshold unbiquothen be divided equally betwen Edmund and William, my sones, and Anne, my doughter.

The residewe of all my godes and catalle and dettes to me owing I yeve and comitte to the good disposicion of myn executours to performe this my testament and last wille, and in other dedes of mercye for my sowle, myn aunceterez sowlez, and alle Cristen sowles, to the most pleaser of God and profit to my sowle.

Of this my testament, I make and ordeyne the seid John Paston, Squier, my sone, Thomas Drentall, clerk, Simon Gerard and Walter Lymyngton myn executours.

And I bequeth to the seid John Paston for his labour x_li._

And to iche of myn other executours for their labour v. marc.

In witnesse wherof to this my present testament I have putto my seal. Yevyn day and yer biforseid.

[Footnote 46-2: [Add. Charter, 17,253, B.M.]]

[Footnote 47-1: In the margin is written in John Paston’s hand, ‘Memorandum, v. yer to come to kepe the yerday.’]

[Footnote 48-1: In margin, ‘v_li._ vj_s._ viij_d._’ This and the marginal notes which follow are all in John Paston’s hand.]

[Footnote 48-2: In margin, ‘xvj_s._ viij_d._’]

[Footnote 48-3: _Ibid._]

[Footnote 48-4: _Ibid._]

[Footnote 48-5: _Ibid._]

[Footnote 48-6: In margin, ‘v_li._’]

[Footnote 50-1: In margin, ‘xx_li._’]

[Footnote 50-2: Pieces of tapestry used on the sides of tables, beds, etc.--_Halliwell._]

[Footnote 50-3: Canopy of tapestry.]

[Footnote 50-4: Head of the bedstead.]

[Footnote 52-1: Opposite this paragraph is written in the margin in John Paston’s hand: ‘C. marke. Solut’ E. P. _l._ marke.’]

[Footnote 52-2: Halliwell explains ‘gaudees’ as ‘the larger beads in a roll for prayer.’ According to Palsgrave they represented the _Paternoster_.]

[[wherof oon is covered the hole bedde _punctuation unchanged: missing comma after “covered”?_

[48-5] [48-6] _in the body text, footnote markers 5 and 6 are reversed, but see text and footnotes_]]

979

JOHN PASTON TO MARGARET PASTON[54-1]

_To my ryght worchepfull modyr, Margaret Paston._

[Sidenote: 1482(?)]

Ryght worchepfull modyr, in my most humble wyse I recomand me to yow, besechyng yow of your dayly blyssyng. And when I may, I wyll with as good wyll be redy to recompence yow for the cost that my huswyff and I have put yow to, as I am now bond to thank yow for it, whyche I do in the best wyse I can. And, modyr, it pleasyd yow to have serteyn woordys to my wyff at hyr depertyng, towchyng your remembrance of the shortness that ye thynk your dayes of, and also of the mynd that ye have towardes my brethryn and systyr your chyldyr, and also of your servauntes, wher in ye wyllyd hyr to be a meane to me, that I wold tendyr and favore the same. Modyr, savyng your plesure, ther nedyth non enbasatours nor meanys betwyx yow and me; for ther is neyther wyff nor other frend shall make me to do that that your comandment shall make me to do, if I may have knowlage of it; and if I have no knowlage, in good feyth I am excuseabyll bothe to God and yow. And, well remembred, I wot well ye ought not to have me in jelusye for one thyng nor other that ye wold have me to accomplyshe, if I overleve yow; for I wot well non oo man a lyve hathe callyd so oft upon yow as I, to make your wylle and put iche thyng in serteynte, that ye wold have done for your sylff, and to your chyldre and servauntes. Also at the makyng of your wylle, and at every comunycacyon that I have ben at with yow towchyng the same, I nevyr contraryed thyng that ye wold have doon and performyd, but alweyso ffyrd my sylff to be bownde to the same. But, modyr, I am ryght glad that my wyff is eny thyng your favore or trust; but I am ryght sory that my wyff, or eny other chyld or servaunt of your shold be in bettyr favore or trist with yow then my sylff; for I wyll and must forbere and put fro me that, that all your other chyldre, servauntes, prestys, werkmen, and frendys of your that ye wyll ought bequethe to, shall take to theym. And thys have I, and evyr wylbe redy on to, whyll I leve, on my feyth, and nevyr thought other, so God be my helpe, Whom I beseche to preserve yow and send yow so good lyff and longe, that ye may do for youre sylff and me aftyr my dyssease; and I beshrewe ther hertys that wold other or shall cause yow to mystrust, or to be unkynd to me or my frendys.

At Norwyche, thys Monday, with the hand of your sone and trwest servaunt,

JOHN PASTON.

[Footnote 54-1: [From Paston MSS., B.M.] This letter, which was undoubtedly written during the later years of Margaret Paston, may be conveniently placed after her will.]

[[but alweyso ffyrd my sylff _text unchanged: error for “alweys offyrd”?_]]

980

T. CRYNE TO JOHN PASTON[55-1]

_To my wurshepfull and tendrest maister, John Paston, Esquyer._

[Sidenote: 1482 / APRIL 10]

Righ wurshepfulle, one of my most kyndest and tenderest, and undeserved most contynuell maister, I recomaunde me to you. And where your trusty maistershep willeth me to come to Norwich, pleas it you I may not; for ever, as in long tyme passed, on Thursday in Esterne Weke, begynne Maister Heydons courtes and letes, the vieu of the halfyere of the houshold accompte, the closyng up fynally of th’accomptes of alle baillievs, so that the resceyvour may make his fynall accompte, which wille extende in alle to xiiij. dayes and more; and to this season is my duete, and elles I shulde not faill your pleasure.

Moreover, pleas it you, my Lord Riviers in his owne persone hath bene atte Hikelyng, and his counseill lerned, and serched his fees for his homages, among which ye be for Begvyles pasture in Somerton, and, I suppose, Wynterton, late Sir John Fastolfes; my maistres your modre for Mawtebyes in Waxham; wherein I beseche you previde, for I have done therein hertofore, asfer as I myght, &c. What it meneth, my lord is sette sore to approwement and husbondry. His counseill hath tolde him he may sette his fynes for respite of homage at his pleasure, &c.

I besech you my maistresse may have worde of this. And oure blessed Lord ever mutte preserve you, and be your governour and defender.

Wreten at Thorplond, this Wednesday in Esterne Weke, fallyng the x. day of Aprill, anno E. iiij^ti xxij.

Your servaunt,

T. CRYNE.

[Footnote 55-1: [From Paston MSS., B.M.]]

981

ABSTRACT[56-1]

[Sidenote: 1482 / OCT. 9]

Grant by Margaret Paston to her son Edmund and his wife Catherine and to Robert their son, of an annuity of five marks out of the manor of Freton, Suffolk, with power to distrain for payment.

9 Oct. 22 Edw. IV.

[Footnote 56-1: [From Paston MSS., B.M.]]

982

MARGERY PASTON TO JOHN PASTON[56-2]

_To my right worshipfull master, John Paston, in haste._

[Sidenote: 1482(?) / NOV. 1]

Right reverent and worshipfull sir, in my moste umble vice, I recomaunde me unto yow, as lowly as I can, &c. Plese you to wete, John Howes, Alexander Qwharteyn, John Fille, with the parson and the newe myller of Marlyngforthe, have goten Thom’ At Welles carte of Estetodenham, fermour to myn uncle William Paston, Herry Hervy of Meelton Magna, fermour and baly to my seide uncle, Ric. Barkers carte of the seide towne of Meelton, late fermour, and yette is in daunger to[57-1] my seide uncle, and William Smythes carte of Brandon juxta Bernham Broom, late fermour and baly, and also in daunger to[57-1] my seide uncle, on Monday and Twesday last past, caryed a wey from Merlyngforth in to the place at Seint Edmondes in Norwich, xij. of yowr greete plankes, of the weche they made vj. loodes, beryng a bowte the seide cartes, bowes and gleves, for feere of takyng a wey. Sir, as for yowr servauntes of Marlyngforth, they withholde her catell and hem selfe bothe from the coorte, and come not within the lordship, nor make noon attornment, exept Thom’ Davy and John Water, weche absentyng of the tenauntes is to them a greet hurt and los, for lak of sedyng ther londes with ther wynter corn; besechyng you for Godes sake to remembre som remedy for them.

My Lady Caltorp hath ben at Geppeswich on pilgry mache, and came homward be my Lady of Norffolk, and ther was moche communicacion of yowr mater be twix you and myn uncle, seyng to my Lady Caltorp, ye nede not a gonne to London, ye myght have an ende at home; rememberyng to my seid Lady Caltorp of the mocion that he made towchyng the maner of Sporle, promyttyng to my lady to abyde that, and to write and seale as largely as any man wol desire hym. And at his departyng from my lady he was not mery, what the cauce was I wot not [but he was not mery of your departyng].[57-2] My Lady Calthorp desireth me to write to yow to have ende, for he intendes largely to have a peace with yow, as he seth; but truste hym not to moche, for he is not goode.

My mother in lawe thynketh longe she here no word from you. She is in goode heele, blissed be God, and al yowr babees also. I mervel I here no word from you, weche greveth me ful evele; I sent you a letter be Brasiour sone of Norwiche, wher of I here no word. No more to you at this tyme, but Almyghty Jesu have you in Hes blissed kepyng.

Wreten at Norwich, on Allowmes Day at nyght.

Be yowr servaunt and bedewoman,

MARGERY PASTON.

Sir, I prey yow, if ye tary longe at London, that it wil plese to sende for me, for I thynke longe sen I lay in yowr armes.

[Footnote 56-2: _Ibid._ This letter, it will be seen, must have been written before the death of Margaret Paston in 1484, and from what is stated in No. 953, it is certainly not earlier than 1479. The date, moreover, must be between 1480 and 1482, for it is stated that the outrages here complained of occurred on the Monday and Tuesday before the letter was written; and in the next letter we find that there was a new outrage of the same description on Friday. If Hallowmas Day, the date of this letter, was a Wednesday, the year must be 1480, if a Thursday 1481, and if Friday 1482. We are rather inclined to think it was the latter.]

[Footnote 57-1: ‘In danger to’ signifies either in debt or otherwise responsible to another person.]

[Footnote 57-2: These words are crossed out in the MS.]

983

MARGERY PASTON TO JOHN PASTON[58-1]

_To my ryght wurchupfull mayster, John Paston, Esquyer, be this letter delyverd in hast._

[Sidenote: 1482 / NOV. [3]]

Myne owyn swete hert, in my most humylwyse, I recomaund me on to you, desyryng hertly to here of your welfar, the wheche I beseche Alle myghty God preserve and kepe to His plesur, and your hertes desyer.

Ser, the cause of my wrytyng to you at this tyme: on Friday att nyght last past come Alexander Wharton, John Hous, and John Fille, with ij. good carts well mannyd and horsyd with hem to Marlyngford, and there at the maner of Malyngford and at the mille lodyn bothe cartes with mestlyon[58-2] and whete, and betymys on Saturday, in the mornyng, they departyd fro Marlyngford towardes Bongey, as it is seyd; for the seyd cartes come fro Bongey, as I soppose, by the sendynge of Bryon, for he goth hastyly over the se, as it is seyd. And as I suppose he wyll have the mestlyon over with hym, for the most part of the cart loodes was mestlyon, &c.

Item, ser, on Saturday last past, I spacke with my cosyn Gornay, and he seyd, if I wold goo to my Lady of Norffolk, and beseche hyr good grace to be your good and gracyous lady, she wold so be, for he seyd that one word of a woman should do more than the wordes of xx. men, yiffe I coude rewyll my tonge, and speke non harme of myn unkyll. And if ye comaund me so for to do, I trist I shuld sey nothynge to my ladys displesure, but to your profyt; for me thynkyth bi the wordes of them and of your good fermore of Oxned, that thei wyll sone drawe to an ende. For he cursyth the tyme that ever he come in the ferme of Oxned, for he seyth that he wotyth well that he shall have a grette losse, and yet he wyll not be a knowyn wheder he hathe payd or nought; but whan he sethe his tyme, he wyll sey trowth.

I understond by my seyd cosyn Gornay that my lady is nere wery of hyr parte, and he seyth my lady shal come on pylgremage in to this towne, but he knowth not wheder afore Cristmes or aftyr; and if I wold thanne gete my Lady Calthorpe, my moder in lawe, and my moder, and myselfe, and come before my lady, besechyng hyr to be your good and gracyous lady, he thynkyth ye shull have an ende; for fayne she wold be redde of it with hyr onowr savyd, but yette money she wold have.

No more to you at this tyme, butte I mervell sore that I have no letter from you, but I prey God preserve you, and send me good tydynges from you, and spede you well in your materes. And as for me, I have gotyn me anothyr logyn felawe, the ferst letter of hyr name is Mastras Byschoppe. She recomaundyth hyr to you by the same tokyn that ye wold have had a tokyn to my Mayster Bryon.

Att Norwych, the Sonday next after the Fest of All Seyntes.

Be yowr servaunt and bedewoman,

MARGERY PASTON.

[Footnote 58-1: [From Paston MSS., B.M.] For evidence of date, see preliminary note to last letter.]

[Footnote 58-2: Mixed corn, commonly rye and wheat, which were most in demand to make bread of.]

984

B. R. TO JOHN PASTON[60-1]

_To the right worshipfull John Paston, squier, with my lord Chamburlayn._

[Sidenote: 1479-83]

Right worshipfull sir, y recommaunde me to you, as hartily as y can, desiring to undrestand zour welefare, and also to knowe somwhat certainly hou your matier dothe with your uncle, and hou fer ye be, for in thes parties y assertayne you, moche mater is shewed and proclaimed in worshipful presence, fer fro th’entent of your welewillers, of the discorage and reprofe in maner of you, and by such as men supposed you to have ben right wele favoured with, and the contrary shewed in the presence of right worshipfull, and right many, and as it is said, iij. scor in nombre, with such termes and under such forme, as it is reported, as is full hevy to diverse here for to here. Hou it is ye knowe beste, and hou it is I pray you lete your frendis in this cuntre undirstand; for right a worshipfull persone told me of this, to the which y coude not answer, I se al day the world so unsure. But, Sir, ye did of policy some thingis that peradventure, and it were to do, ye wold take anothir avise, &c. I can nomore but _sapienti pauca_, &c. And I biseche you, Sir, send me some tidingis of the parties beyonde the se, for owr wyves here speke of many thingis, &c. Moreovir, Sir, Margarete Ronhale told me late that my maistres your wif fareth wele, blissed be Almighti God, and all your other frendis here, blissed be God. Sir, it is so that, as y am enformed, there is a soudiour of Caleis called John Jacob, of olde tyme duelling in Lynne.[60-2] I pray you to inquir secretly what maner man he ys, and in what condicion there, for I know a man hath to do with him; but be ye beknowen of no thinge, but that ye list wisely to enquere what he is and of what condicion, &c. And if there be any thing in thies parties that y can do you service yn, I pray you commaunde you, and I shalbe as redy to the accomplisshment therof to my power, as any man lyvyng; and that knowith God, Who I biseche to send me good tidingis fro you, and you your noble desires. From Weston.

By yours,

B. R.

[Footnote 60-1: [Add. MS. 34,889, f. 220.] This letter is probably late in the reign of Edward IV. John Paston would seem to have entered the service of Hastings, the Lord Chamberlain, some time after the death of his brother Sir John in 1479. _See_ No. 993.]

[Footnote 60-2: Against this passage in the margin is written in another hand:--‘M^{d}. pro Barnard.’]

985

WILLIAM PASTON AND SIR JOHN FASTOLF[61-1]

To alle maner of pepill to whome this present wrytyng shall come unto, se, or here, we, William Barker, late of Blofeld, in the cownte of Norffolk, clark, and Margret Wyssetour, wedow, late the wyf of William Wyssetyr, late of Pokethorp, be Norwich, gentylman, dyssesid, send gretyng in our Lord God Everlastyng.

For as meche as it is merytory to wytnesse and testyfy the treuth in materes dowtabill or beyng in varyaunce, whan ony persons is lefully ther to requyred, It is so that I, the seid William Barker, was late howshold servaunte be the space of xxj. yere with Sir John Fastolf, Knyght, dyssesid, and had wedded Annes, late dyssesid, that was the hoole syster, bothe on to Sir Thomas Howes, clerk, dyssesid, and also hoole syster to Isabell, modyr to the seid Margret Wyssetyr, which forseid Thomas Howys and William Wyssetyr were bothe howshold servauntes many yerys to the seid Sir John Fastolf, and were with hym in such syngler trust that he made them bothe his feoffes in alle his landes with in the reame of Ynglond, and also his exsecutores: Be it knowen to alle maner persons that we, the seid William Barker and Margret Wyssetyr, testyfy, depose, and wytnesse for trouthe that we have full serteyn prof and knowlache that William Paston, of the seid counte of Norffolk, jentylman, was kynnysman unto the seid Sir John Fastolf, and was with hym in ryght syngler gode favour and trust; wherupon the seid Sir John Fastolf made the seid William Paston one of his seid feoffes in all his seyd maneres, londes, and tenementes, rentes, and servyces with in this seid reame of Ynglond, and made this seid William prevy to many of his materys of gret charge, and putt the seid William Paston to many lawbores in his lyf, which the seid William Paston ded of gode love and kynd dysposycion, for he never had of the seid Sir John Fastolf fee ne reward in hys lyf; notwithstondyng he had for the seid Syr John Fastolf and for his materes many grete lawboures, costes, jornays, and besynesse in the lyf of the seid Sir John Fastolf, and ded for hym many kynd dedes at his owne charge, for the which the seid Sir John, and he had contenuyd lyff, wold have largely have recompensed. And also the seid William Paston had, aftir the desesse of the seid Sir John Fastolf, at the desyr and instans of the exsecutores of the seid Syr John, had many gret lawboures, costes, and jurnays to his gret peyne, as well in rydyng to London many and sundry tymes, contenuyng many yeres to help suche materes as were devysyd ayens the seid exsecutors, and also to answer to suche accions and sutys and byll putt into the Kynges Chauncery, wherupon wryttes of _subpena_ dyvers and many tymes made upon gret peynys were delyvered to the seid William to appere in the Kynges Chauncery, which were taken be gret astates and be suche myghty persons as wold have recoveryd the lond wrongfully, and thus trobelyd the seid William Paston, be cause he was a feffee, and taryd hym there and his councell to his gret inportunabill charges. Wherupon we, the seid William Barker and Margret Wyssetyr depose, wytnesse, and be this present sertyfye for trouthe that we war present whan the seid Sir Thomas Howys and William Wyssetyr, in parcell of recompens of suche forseid lawbours and costes as the seid William Paston had had, as wele in the lyfe of the seid Sir John as after his dyssese, graunted and yaf to the seid William Paston a peyer of basons coveryd of sylver of Parysh towche and over gylt, powncyd and imbossyd with rooses, and with grete large amellys [_enamels_] in the botome of bothe basons, with serteyn bestys inbossyd stondyng with inn an hegge of sylver and gylt upon the seid amellys, which bothe basons ded way of Troy weyt ix^xx. unces, and also a gredeyren of sylver of Parysse towche, not gylt, weying of Troy weyth ----[63-1] unces, and also a gret chargeour of sylver of Parysse towche, not gylt, weying of Troy weyth ----[63-1] unces, to have and to hold to the seid William, his eyres, excecutores, and assignes, as his own godes for ever. And also we wytnesse that we ware also present whan, for a serteyn som of mony to be payd be the seid William Paston, whereof a parte be comenawnt was payd be the seid William Paston to the seid Sir Thomas Howys, and a parte to on Edmond Holkham, and the remenaunt was payd to one Margret Holkham, syster to the seid Edmond; and so the seid William Paston had clerly payed all the seid mony. The seid Thomas Howse and William Wyssetyr bargayned, sold, and graunted to the seid William Paston, his eyres, exsecutores, and assignes, in fee sympille for ever, a tenement called Methis, otherwyse called Holkham, with alle the londes and tenementes, rentes and servyces, free or bond, and with all the apportenaunces ther to belongyng, in the town of Cayster ond oder townnys adjoynyng with inne the seid cownte of Norffolk, and delyvered to the seid [William] Paston and to his assignes a state of all the seid tenementes, londes, rentes, and servyces, with all the seid aportenaunces . . . . . . . sold and bargayned to the seid William Paston alle suche londes, rente, and servyces as the seid Sir John Fastolf . . . . . . . . or be the ryght of ony manere that he or ony man to his use had in possession, or that the seid Thoma[s] . . . . . . . ony other be the reson that they were feffes of trust of the seid John Fastolf had or claymed to have . . . . . . . or claymed to have to be yssant or chargeabill oute or upon the seid tenement called Methe[s] . . . . . . . . . . londes, tenementes, rentes, servyces at ony tyme afore or than longyng to the seid tenement or owt . . . . . . . a manere called Hornynghall, with the apportenaunces, late Clerys, in the seid town of Castyr, to have [and to hold to the said William] Paston, his eyres and assygnes, the seid lond, rent, and servyce for ever mor. And utterly be ther dede and . . . . . . . . . . . . . and dyscharged the seid William Paston, his eyres and his assygnes for yeldyng of payment of ony . . . . . . . . . . servyce; and also dyscharged all the seid tenement and the seid manere, and alle oder the premysses, with alle the . . . . . . . . . . as now have or shalle here aftir be possessoneres of the seid tenement or manere with the aportenaunces . . . . . . . . . . more. Alle whiche mater afore rehersid, and every parte therof, we, the seid William Barker and Margre[t Wyssetyr . . . . . . . ] trew, and we, and iche one of us, will at alle tyme be redy to wytnesse and depose the same be ony suche . . . . . . . . . persones outh to do or may do afore ony Juge Spyrytualle or Temperall as we will answer a fore God [at the dreadful] day of Dome. In wytnesse wherof we, the seid William Barker and Margret Wyssetyr, to this present have sett to our [sealles].

Wretyn the ----[64-1] day of the ----[64-1] yer of the reyn of Kyng.[64-2]

(L. S.)

(L. S.)

[Footnote 61-1: [Add. Charter 17,256, B.M.] This declaration was drawn up after the death of William Worcester, and perhaps after that of William Paston also. The exact date of Worcester’s death is uncertain. We only know that he was alive as late as 1480, when he visited Oxford on his travels and measured some of the churches there (_see_ his _Itinerarium_, 296), and that he was dead in Richard III.’s time. The document, however, may be conveniently placed at the end of the reign of Edward IV. The original MS. is a sheet of paper mutilated on the right-hand side towards the end. The seals of William Barker and Margaret Worcester are attached by tails of parchment to a parchment binding at the bottom. On the back is written in a more modern hand:--‘A Testymonyall that William Paston, Gent., was kinsman to Sir Jo. Fastolf, and other matters within concernyng the landes somtyme Holhams in Caster, afterwardes the sayd William Paston.’]

[Footnote 63-1: Blank in original.]

[Footnote 64-1: Blanks in MS.]

[Footnote 64-2: So in MS.]

986

ABSTRACT[65-1]

W. BARKER TO [MARGARET PASTON?]

Begs her ‘maystrasshipp’ to inform his rightworshipful master of the conduct of Master Keche at Wetyng, who on Monday means to be there with a great fellowship.

[This letter is unimportant, but as being written by William Barker it may conveniently be placed after the last No., although probably addressed to Margaret Paston, and if so, most likely during the life of her husband. It appears by inquisition _post-mortem_, 1 Edw. IV., No. 46, that Elizabeth, Countess of Oxford, held the manor of Weting in Feltwell of the Duke of Norfolk.]

[Footnote 65-1: [From Paston MSS., B.M.]]

987

JOHN PASTON’S BOOKS[65-2]

_The Inventory off Englysshe Boks off John . . . . . made the v. daye of Novembre, anno regni Regis E. iiij. . . . ._

1. A boke had off myn ostesse at the George . . . . off _the Dethe off Arthr begynyng at Cassab[elaun, Guy Earl of] Warwyk, Kyng Ri. Cur de Lyon, a Cronic[le] . . . . . to Edwarde the iij._, prec. . . .

2. Item, a Boke of Troylus whyche William Bra . . . . . hath hadde neer x. yer, and lent it to Dame . . . . Wyngfelde, and _ibi ego vidi_; valet . . . . .

3. Item, a blak Boke with _the Legende off Lad[ies_, _la Belle Dame] saunce Mercye_, _the Parlement off Byrd[es_, _the Temple of] Glasse_, _Palatyse and Scitacus_, _the Me[ditations of . . . . ] the Greene Knyght_; valet,--

4. Item, a Boke in preente off the Pleye off the [Chess].

5. Item, a Boke lent Midelton, and therin is _Bele Da[me sans] Mercy_, _the Parlement of Byrds_, _Balade . . . . . . off Guy and Colbronde_, _off the Goos th . . . . . _, _the Dysputson bytwyen Hope and Dyspeyr_, . . . . . . _Marchaunts_, _the Lyffe of Seynt Cry[stofer]_.

6. A reede Boke that Percyvall Robsart gaff m[e] . . . . . . . . _off the medis off the Masse_, _the Lamentacion . . . . . . . . off Chylde Ypotis_, _a Preyer to the Vernyclr_ . . . . . . . . callyd _the Abbeye off the Holy Goost_, . . . . . . . .

7. Item, in quayers:--Tully _de Senectute_ in . . . . . . . . . . wheroff ther is no mor cleer wretyn . . . . . . .

8. Item, in quayers:--Tully, or Cypio,[66-1] _de Ami[citia]_[66-2] leffte with William Worcester; valet . . . . . .

9. Item, in qwayers, a Boke of the Polecye of In . . . . .

10. Item, in qwayers, a Boke _de Sapiencia_ . . . . . . wherin the ij. parson is liknyd to Sapi[ence] . . . . .

11. Item, a Boke de Othea,[66-3] text and glose, valet . . . . . . in quayers.

* * *

Memorandum,[66-4] myn olde Boke off Blasonyngs off a[rms].

Item, the nywe Boke portrayed and blasoned.

Item, a copy off Blasonyngs off armys and th . . . names to be fownde by letter.

Item, a Boke with armys portrayed in paper . . . . .

Memorandum, my Boke of Knyghthod and the man[er] off makyng off Knyghts, off Justs, off Tor[neaments] ffyghtyng in lystys, paces holden by so[ldiers] . . . . . and chalenges, statuts off weer, and de _Regim[ine Principum]_, valet . . . . . . . . .

Item, a Boke off nyw Statuts ffrom Edward the iiij.

[Footnote 65-2: [From Fenn, ii. 300.] This is a catalogue of the books either of John Paston the younger or of John Paston, Knight, most probably the former, drawn up in the reign of Edward IV., but owing to the decay of the original MS. we cannot tell in what year. It certainly could not have been earlier than 1475, when _The Game and Play of the Chess_ was first printed by Caxton. It is in itself a remarkable thing that the expression ‘in print’ should have got into use even during the reign of Edward IV.; but one may suppose that such an expression could hardly have been current for at least a year or two after the first printed book appeared. We therefore, without deciding the year, place the paper at the end of King Edward’s reign.]

[Footnote 66-1: _Quære_, if Cypio is not a mistake from ‘Somnium Scipionis,’ a piece which is usually printed with the ‘de Amicitia,’ and probably accompanied it in this manuscript.--F.]

[Footnote 66-2: It is a curious circumstance that this book should be here mentioned as left with William Worcester, who with the assistance of John Tiptoft, Earl of Worcester, and John Phrea or Free, a monk of Bristol, translated it.--F.]

[Footnote 66-3: _See_ vol. v. p. 3, Note 1.]

[Footnote 66-4: These further memoranda seem to have been added at a later period, probably in the reign of Henry VII., as the last entry is of ‘a book of new statutes from Edward IV.’]

[Transcriber’s Note: In the lists of book titles, all commas are editorial (Gairdner) but the titles are separately underlined in the MS.]

[[3. _... the Greene / Knyght_; valet,-- _“valet” printed in italic type: corrected to match MS_

5. _... saunce Mercye_, _the Parlement off ..._ _comma missing_

_... Marchaunts_, _the Lyffe of Seynt Cry[stofer]_ _text has “Marehaunts”: corrected from Fenn and MS_]]

988

VERSES BY A LADY[67-1]

_Verses written by a Lady in the reign of Henry VI. or Edward IV. to an absent Lord with whom she was in love._

My ryght good lord, most knyghtly gentyll knyght, On to your grace in my most humbyll wyse, I me comand, as it is dew and ryght, Besechyng yow at leyser to advise Upon thys byll, and pardon myn empryse, Growndyd on foly, for lak of provydence, On to your lordshep to wryght with owght lycence.

But wher a man is with a fevyr shake, Now hot, now cold, as fallyth by aventure, He in hys mynd conjecte wyll, and take The nyghest meane to worche hys cuyre, More pacyently hys peynys to endure; And ryght so I, so it yow not dysplease, Wryght in thys wyse my peynys to apease.

For when I cownt and mak a reknyng Betwyx my lyfe, my dethe, and my desyer, My lyfe, alas! it servyth of no thyng Sythe with your partyng, depertyd my plesyer. Wyshyng your presence setyth me on fyer; But then your absence dothe my hert so cold, That for the peyne I not[68-1] me wher to hold.

O owght on absence, ther foolys have no grace, I mene mysylf, nor yet no wytt to gwye Theym owt of peyne to com on to that place, Wher as presence may shape a remedye; For al dysease, now fye on my folye, For I dyspeyryd am of your soone metyng, That God I prey me to your presence bryng.

Farwell, my lord, for I may wryght no more, So trowblyd is my hert with hevynesse; Envye also, it grewyth me most sore, That thys rude byll shall put hym sylf in presse[68-2] To se your lordshepe of hys presumptuousnesse Er I my sylf; but yett ye shall not mysse To have my hert to for my byll, I wys.

Whyche I comytt and all my hole servyse Into your hands, demeane it as you lyst; Of it I kepe[68-3] to have no more franchyse Then I hertlesse swyrly me wyst, Savyng only that it be as tryst,[68-4] And to yow trew as evyr was hert, and pleyn Tyll cruell dethe depart yt up on tweyn.

Adew dysport, farwell good companye, In all thys world ther is no joye I weene; For ther as whyleom I sye with myn iee, A lusty lord leepyng upon a grene, The soyle is soole, no knyghts ther be seen, No ladyse walk ther they wer wont to doone; Alas, some folk depertyd hense to soone.

Some tyme also men myght a wageor make, And with ther bowys a ffeld have it tryed, Or at the Paame ther, ther plesure for to take, Then wer they loose, that now stand as tyed, I not[69-1] wher to thys world may be aplyed; For all good cher on evyn and on morow, Whyche then was made, now tornyth me to sorow.

[Footnote 67-1: [From Fenn, ii. 304.] It is not apparent by whom these verses were written, or to what lord they were addressed. They may have been from the Countess of Oxford to her husband after he escaped abroad in 1471 (_see_ vol. v., No. 775). Or they may have been the production of Lydgate writing in the name of a lady parted from her lord. We place them, as Fenn did, for convenience, at the end of the letters of Edward’s time.]

[Footnote 68-1: ‘I not’ stands for ‘I ne wot,’ or ‘I wot not,’ that is, _I know not_.]

[Footnote 68-2: Readiness.--F.]

[Footnote 68-3: I care.--F.]

[Footnote 68-4: _Quære_, whether this means _sorrowful_ or _trusty_.--F.]

[Footnote 69-1: _See_ Note 1 on last page.]

989-991

ABSTRACTS[69-2]

The letters following are all probably of the reign of Edward IV., but their dates are quite uncertain.

[Footnote 69-2: [From Paston MSS., B.M.]]

989.

J. PASTON [OF GELSTON] TO RICHARD CROFT

Will not venture to ride in this weather, not being well at ease. Sends three bills of John Calle and Robert Salle’s receipts and payments brought by the former. Cannot find the new fermall of Caster here, so he has given the bearer the key of his coffer at Yarmouth. If you would ride with him, I think you will find it there. Agrees to John Wynne’s bills, desiring to be allowed £5 for Byshoppis of Yarmouth, and for herring delivered to my cousin Loveday; but John Wynne must not sell my farm barley to pay them, as I wish all the barley in his charge malted for my Lord Mountjoy. I send a warrant for the sheriff to warn the persons in Flegge and Yarmouth impanelled between the King and me to be at Thetford assizes on Wednesday next. Give it to Simon Garrard.

Norwich, Wednesday.

990.

SIR THOMAS HERT TO HIS WORSHIPFUL MISTRESS, [MARGARET PASTON?]

Giving her an account of the numbers of her sheep and lambs at Sparham from Drayton and Taverham, and those with the shepherd at Heylesdon.

Heylisdon, Thursday before Lady Day the Nativity.[69-3]

[Under this letter is written in a modern hand--‘37 Hen. 6,’ but this date is certainly too early. Thomas Hert was Vicar of Stalham in 1482.]

[Footnote 69-3: The Nativity of St. Mary the Virgin, 8th September.]

991.

JOHN DOWNYNG TO EDMUND PASTON

Is a simple servant of his mother and miller of Wood Mill. Complains of Will. Sybbeson, whom Edmund Paston well knows to have been ‘defawtyf in many other thyngs,’ and who embezzles wheat and rye, and prevents him getting any good of a close he holds of Paston’s mother.

North Walsham, Thursday before St. Brice.[70-1]

[Some memoranda of receipts are written across the back.]

[Footnote 70-1: St. Brice’s Day is 13th November.]

THE PASTON LETTERS

_Edward V._

992

RICHARD, DUKE OF GLOUCESTER, TO LORD NEVILL[71-1]

_To my Lorde Nevyll, in hast._

[Sidenote: 1483 / JUNE 11]

My Lorde Nevyll, I recommaunde me to you as hartely as I can; and as ever ye love me, and your awne weale and securty, and this Realme, that ye come to me with that ye may make, defensably arrayde, in all the hast that ys possyble, and that ye wyll yef credence to . . . . . Richarde Ratclyff, thys beerrer, whom I nowe do sende to you, enstructed with all my mynde and entent.

And, my lord, do me nowe gode servyce, as ye have always befor don, and I trust nowe so to remember you as shalbe the makyng of you and yours. And God sende you goode fortunes.

Wrytten att London, xj. day of Jun, with the hande of your hertely lovyng cousyn and master,

R. GLOUCESTER.

[Footnote 71-1: [From Fenn, v. 302.] This letter was not a part of the Paston correspondence, but was printed by Fenn in the series as a letter of much historical interest from a copy given him by the Rev. John Brand, secretary to the Society of Antiquaries. The following memoranda accompanied the copy:--

‘Extract from an ancient MS. of pedigrees, etc., in quarto, late in the possession of Sir Walter Blackett, Bart., and now the property of John Erasmus Blackett, Esq., Alderman of Newcastle-upon-Tyne; p. 333, under title of “_A Coppie of some Letters which were found in Rabie Castle after the Rebellion, to shew the fashion . . . . of those times_.” The above MS. is of the date of James I., though there are several continuations in a more modern hand.

‘This copy has doubtless been a transcript of an original letter of the Duke of Gloucester, afterwards King Richard III., and written just before his seizure of the crown.

‘Raby Castle is in the county of Durham.’

Fenn adds that it does not appear clearly who this Lord Nevill was. But as the letter was found in Raby Castle after the great rebellion of the Earls of Northumberland and Westmoreland, in 1569, it was evidently addressed to one of that family of Nevills, the heads of which were Earls of Westmoreland. In 1483 the Earl of Westmoreland’s name was Ralph Nevill, but he died in the year following, and was succeeded in the title by Ralph, son and heir of his brother, John, Lord Nevill, who was slain at Towton. It was this Ralph, then heir-presumptive to the earldom, who is here called Lord Nevill. He had got his father’s attainder reversed in 1472, and his title of Lord Nevill was recognised. _See_ G. Ele’s _Peerage_, viii. 112.]

993

ELIZABETH, DUCHESS OF SUFFOLK, TO JOHN PASTON[72-1]

_On to Jan Paston, in haste._

[Sidenote: Not after 1483]

Mastyr Paston, I pray yow that it may plese yow to leve yowr logeyng for iij. or foro days tyl I may be porved of anodyr, and I schal do as musche to yowr plesyr. For Godys sake, say me not nay; and I pray yow rekomaund me to my Lord Chambyrleyn.

Yowr frend,

ELIZABETH.

[Footnote 72-1: [From Fenn, ii. 292.] This is a holograph letter of Elizabeth, Duchess of Suffolk, the sister of Edward IV. There can be little doubt that the Lord Chamberlain referred to is the Lord Hastings who has been very frequently mentioned in this correspondence; and if so, the letter cannot be later than 1483, as he was beheaded in that year on the 13th June, by order of the Protector Richard, Duke of Gloucester. We may therefore place it for convenience among the letters of Edward V.’s time, though undoubtedly it may be a few years earlier. Facsimiles of the original, both back and front, are given by Fenn. It is endorsed in the hand of John Paston, the younger (certainly not in that of his brother Sir John, as Fenn supposed)--‘Littra Ducisse Suff.’]

THE PASTON LETTERS

_Richard III._

994

JOHN, DUKE OF NORFOLK, TO JOHN PASTON[73-1]

_To my right welbeloved frynde, John Paston, be this delivred in hast._

[Sidenote: 1483 / OCT. 10]

Right welbeloved frynde, I comaunde me to you. It is soo that the Kentysshmen be up in the weld, and sey that they wol come and robbe the cite, which I shall lett yf I may.

Therefore I pray you that with alle diligence ye make you redy and com hidder, and bring with you six talle felaws in harnesse, and ye shall not lyse yowr labour, that knoweth God, Whoo have you in His keping.

Written at London, the x^th day of October.

Yowr frend,

J. NORFFOLK.

[Footnote 73-1: [From Fenn, ii. 314.] Sir John Howard was created Duke of Norfolk on the 28th June 1483, and was killed in the battle of Bosworth on the 22nd August 1485. This letter seems to have been written in October 1483, when it first became known that a series of insurrections were about to take place in different counties, of which the Duke of Buckingham was the principal leader. It was on the 12th October, just two days after this letter was written, that King Richard himself at Lincoln heard of Buckingham’s intended treason.]

995

ABSTRACT[74-1]

[Sidenote: 1484]

Proviso to be inserted in an Act of Parliament in favour of Margaret, widow of John Paston, touching her right to the manor of Castre.

Below is written--‘Guy Fayrefax, Knyght, [Ric. Pygot, one of the King’s Serjeants of the Law,][74-2] and Roger Townesend, [another of][74-2] the King’s Serjeants of the Law.

[This proviso must have been drawn up in connection with some measure that was to have come before the Parliament of January 1484. Earlier it cannot be, as Roger Townesend was not appointed King’s Serjeant till June 1483; and as Margaret Paston died in November 1484, it could not possibly be later.]

[Footnote 74-1: [From a MS. in the Bodleian Library.]]

[Footnote 74-2: Scored out.]

996

ABSTRACT[74-3]

[Sidenote: 1484 / FEB. 8]

Release by John, Duke of Norfolk, and William, Earl of Nottingham, kinsman and heir of John, late Duke of Norfolk, to John Paston, Esq., brother and heir of Sir John Paston, Knight, of all right and title in the manor of Caister called Redehams, Vawx, and Bosouns by Great Yarmouth, of which Sir John Paston was disseised unjustly by the said late Duke.

[Footnote 74-3: From a Document transcribed by Sandford in his Genealogy of the Paston Family, and printed by Mr. Worship in the _Norfolk Archæology_.]

997

THE DUKE OF SUFFOLK TO THOMAS JEFFREYS[74-4]

The Duc of Suffolk.

_To Thomas Jeffreys our ffermour of Maundevills, greting._

[Sidenote: 1484 / MAY 1]

We wole and streitly charge you that ye content and paie unto the bringer herof for money imployed in our houshold thre pound threttenne shillings and foure pens for such stuff as we our owne person have promysed, and not to be failed upon our worship. Of the which some of lxxiij_s._ iiij_d._ so by you contented and paied, we wole and also stretly charge our auditors for the tyme being, by virtu of this our writing, signed with our hand, to make you dew and pleyn allowaunce at your next accompt.

At Wingfeld, the first day of May in the first yer of Kyng Richard the III^{de}.

SUFFOLK.

And ffayle not on peyn [of] losyng off yor fferme.

[Footnote 74-4: [From Fenn, ii. 316.]]

998

COMPLAINTS OF JOHN PASTON AGAINST HIS UNCLE WILLIAM[75-1]

[Sidenote: 1484]

All so the seyde John Paston, now compleynaunt, seyth that John Paston, fadyr off the same John, was seased off the maner callyd Hollwellhawe, wyth th’appurtenaunces in Estodenham, joyntly wyth all the londis, tenementes, rentes, and services, whyche sume tyme were John Jerham, Ewstase Rows, John Davy,[75-2] vikere off the chyrche off Estodenham, ande Water Danyell, or any off thers, lyeng in the townys off Estodenham, Mateshalle, Mateshalebergh, and othir townys adjoynyng, ande off all the londis and tenementes, rentes, services, and lybertes wyth ther appurtenaunces callyd Toleys, lyeng in the townys off Wymondham and Carleton and othir townys adyoynyng, whyche sume tyme were William Thuxston; and off the scite off on mese [_messuage_] wyth a pece londe lyenge in a croffte to the same mese adyoynyng, wyche is accomptyde xiiij. acres off londe wyth th’appurtenaunces, callyd Colneys, othyr wys callyd Whynnes in Carleton ----[75-3] in hys demeane as off ffee; ande so beyng seased ther off, up on trust enffeffede William Yelverton, Justys, John Fastolff, Knyght, Myles Stapelton, Knyght, and othir, to be hadde to them and theyr heyrs for ever, be the fores wher off they were ther off seased in theyr demeane as off ffee, ande afftyr the seyd ffeffment in forme afforseyd mad, the seyd John Paston the fadyr disseassed. The ryght off the whyche maner, londis, tenementes, and othir the premysses, afftyr the desses of the seyd John the fadyr, owith to come to the seyd John, now compleynaunt, as sone and heyr off the seyd John Paston, ffor as myche as the seyd John the fadyr made no wylle nor mencyon of the aforseyd maner, londis, tenementes, nor off othir the premysses, whyche maner, londis, and tenementes, and othir the premysses the seyd William Paston hath, and agenst the cours of the lawe ocupyeth.

Item, the seid John requerith an astate to be takyn in those londys lymyted to William the sone for deffaut off issu off Clement Paston by the will of there fadir accordyng to the seid will, as well as in those londis that ar or shuld be purchased with the m^l. [1000] mark accordyng to th’endentur mad by twyn th’executors of William Paston, Justice, that is to sey, to the seid William the son, and to the eyres of his body, and for defaute of yssue of his bodye, to remayn to th’eyers of William Paston, Justice, which the seid John is.

All so the seyd John Paston, now compleynaunt, seyth that ther be decayed at Marlyngfford and Oxenhed be meane off th’enterupsion off the seyd William tweyn water melles, wher off iche was letyn ffor x. marke be yer. And all so othir howsyng be the same ockasion at Oxenhed, Marlyngfford, Stansted, and Orwelbury decayed to the hurt off the seyd John Paston off v. C. [500] mark whech the seyd John Paston desyreth to be recompensede.

Item, the seid John axith of the seid William for wast don in the maner of Paston for lak of reparacion, xl_li._

Item, the seid William hath takyn awey owth of the maners of John Paston, that is to sey, of hes maners of Paston, Oxened, Marlyngford, Stansted, and Horwelburye, siche stoff and greynys, catell and hotilementis of the seid maners as were agreyd be the executors of the seyd William Paston, Justyse, to be left and latyn with the seid maners to the value of xl_li._

Item, the seid John axith to be restored to all the evydence longyng to the maners aforesaid and other the premysses which the seid William wrongfully witholdith.

Item, the seid John axith to hys possession which he hath of [and] in the maner of Caster and other maners adyongnyng, the relesse of all such title and interest as the seid William hath be wey of feffement in the foresaid maner and maners, in like forme as other his cofeffes have in tyme past relassed to Sir John Paston, whoos eyre the seid John is.

Also, the seid John Paston desireth the performance of diverse comenauntis and articles conteyned in diverse indentures and writynges mad be the avise of the reverend fadir in God, William, Bisschoppe of Lyncolne,[76-1] supervisour of the testement of the seid William Paston, Justice, bytwix th’executors of the same William Paston for kepyng of the trewe intent and will of the seid William Paston, Justice, as by the same indentures and writynges redye to be schewed more pleynlye shall appere, the entent and performance of which writyng is interupted and brokyn by the seid William Paston and his meanys to the hurt and damage off the seyd John Paston, now compleynaunt off ----.[76-2]

Item, the seid William hath, contray to trouuth and conscience, vexed and trouubled and put to cost and charge the seid John nowe be the space of v. yer saffe a quarter,[76-3] and hath distorbede the same John to take and perceyve th’issus and profetes off the same maners, to the hurt and damage off the seyd John in defendyng of his right off and in the maners afforeseyd of ij. m^l. mark, besyde greffe, gret labour and disseace that the seid John hath dayly be putt onto by th’okcasion afforseyd.[77-1]

Item, accordyng to the will of William Paston, Justice, the seid John axith to be restored to parth of such goodis as hath ben dispendid by John Paston the fader, Sir John Paston, and the seid John nowe compleynaunt, in defence, kepyng, and recoveryng of such londis as were William Paston, Justice, which draweth above the summa of m^l_li._

Item, where on ----[77-2] Lomnor had a cofur in kepyng and and D.m^l. mark in the same be extymasion to the use of John Paston, fadir of the forsayed Sir John and John, the seid William Paston fraudelently atteyned the seid cofur wyth the seyd sume of money after the dissece of the seid John the fadir, and had it in his kepyng serteyn dayes, and did with it his pleasur unknowyn to the seid Sir John Paston and John Paston, his brother; and after at Herry Colettes[77-3] house the seid William brought the seid cofur to the seid John Paston, Knyght, and there openyd the seid cofur, where was then lefte but CC. old noblis which wer by extymacion in value C_li._ And the seid William toke ther the seid gold awey with hym, ageyn the will of seid Sir John, and witholdith the same, whereof the seyd John preyeth to be restored.

Item, the seid William atteynyd and gate a payer of basons of silver and parte or all gilt from the seid Sir John Paston and John Paston, now compleynaunt, abouuth such season as he toke the cofur and coyne aforerehersed, which basons were in value C. mark; and the seid William yet witholdith the seid basons, to the whyche the seyd John preyeth also to be restored.

Item, the seid William gate in to his possession a charger of silver in value x. marke, and iij. bollys of silver that were in kepyng of Bacheler Water, a Frier Carmelit of Norwich, to th’entent that a certeyn coost shuld have ben doon upon the liberarye of the Friers Carmelites aforesaid for the sowlis of William Paston, Justice, and Augnes, his wiff; which charger and bollys the seid William yet withholdith and kepith to his owne use, and therfore the seid charges ar not fulfylled.

Item, the seid John axith restitucion of suche inportable charges as the seid William hathe put the forsaid Sir John onto by the space of many yeres, as in plesures doyng and rewardis, which apperith by writyng of the hande of the seid Sir John; which pleasures and charges the seid Sir John was constreyned to doo in defence of the seid William; wher of the seid John axeth to have amendys of C^l. mark.

Item, by the occacion and meanys of the seid William, the seid Sir John was constreyned to lende onto the Reverende Fadere in God, George, late Archebsschop of York[77-4] m^l. mark, which was nat payed ageyn by the summa of C_li._ The seid John axith to be restorid ther of.

Item, the seid William hath fellyd tymbre and wodys in the maners of the seid John, that is to sey, the maners of Oxened and Marlyngford, to the hurth of the seid John of xx_li._

Item, the seyd John Paston, compleynaunt, axith to be restoryd to alle syche money as hathe be takyn and dyspendyd by alle siche persones as have ben assigned by meanes of the seyd Wylliam to distorbe and interupt the seyd John, compleynaunt, of hys ryght, tyghtyll, possessyon, entrest, of and in the maners, londis, and tenementes, and other the premysses dwryng the seyd v. yer sauff a quarter, as well as to all syche money as hathe ben dyspendyd dwryng the seyd v. yer sauff a quarter by the servauntys of the seyd compleynaunt by hym assigned to tery and abyd up on the seyd maners, londes, and tenementes, and other the premysses ther, to kepe the possessyon of the seyd compleynaunt, whyche extendith to the some of xl_li._ and above.

Item, the seyd John, compleynaunt, axith to be restoryd to all syche money as hathe bene receyved by meanys of the seyd William, dwryng the seyd v. yer sauff a quarter, of syche as ar or have ben fermors or tenauntes of the maners, londis, and tenementis aforseyd duryng the seyd season, as well as to all syche money as is not levyable of dyvers of the seyd fermors and tenauntes fallyn in poverte sythe the trowblows season of the v. yer sauff a quarter befor rehersed, whyche extendeth to the some of CC_li._ or above.

[Footnote 75-1: [From Add. Charter 17,257, B.M.] It appears from the contents that this paper must have been drawn up nearly five years after Sir John Paston’s death. It is a corrected draft, apparently of a Bill in Chancery, and some of the corrections are in Sir John Paston’s hand.]

[Footnote 75-2: He was vicar of East Tuddenham from 1398 to 1434.]

[Footnote 75-3: Blank in MS.]

[Footnote 76-1: William Alnwick, Bishop of Lincoln, who died in 1449.]

[Footnote 76-2: Blank in MS.]

[Footnote 76-3: Originally written ‘a yere and more,’ and corrected.]

[Footnote 77-1: This paragraph is very much corrected.]

[Footnote 77-2: Blank in MS.]

[Footnote 77-3: Father of the celebrated Dean Colet.]

[Footnote 77-4: George Nevill, Archbishop of York, died on the 8th June 1476.]

[[Lomnor had a cofur in kepyng and and D.m^l. mark _text unchanged: “and and” duplicated at mid-line_

George, late Archebsschop of York _spelling unchanged_

Footnote 75-3 _footnote text has “4” for “3”_]]

999

MARGERY PASTON TO JOHN PASTON[78-1]

_To my ryght worschipful husbond, John Paston._

[Sidenote: 1484(?) / DEC. 24]

Ryght worschipful husbond, I recomaund me onto you. Plese it you to wete that I sent your eldest sunne to my Lady Morlee[78-2] to have knolage wat sports wer husyd in her hows in Kyrstemesse next folloyng aftyr the decysse of my lord, her husbond; and sche seyd that ther wer non dysgysyngs, ner harpyng, ner lutyng, ner syngyn, ner non lowde dysports, but pleyng at the tabyllys, and schesse, and cards. Sweche dysports sche gave her folkys leve to play and non odyr.

Your sunne dede hese heyrne [_errand_] ryght wele as ye shal her aftyr this. I sent your yonger sunne to the Lady Stabylton,[79-1] and sche seyd acordyng to my Lady Morlees seyng in that, and as sche hadde seyn husyd in places of worschip[79-2] ther as sche hathe beyn.

I pray you that ye woll asur to your some man at Caster to kepe your botry, for the mane that ye lefte with me woll not take upon hym to breve[79-3] dayly as ye commandyt. He seyth he hath not usyd to geve a rekenyng nothyr of bred nor alle [_ale_] tyll at the wekys end; and he seyth he wot well that he shuld not condenyth [_give satisfaction_] and therfor I soposse he shall not abyd, and I trow ye shall be fayne to purveye another man for Symond, for ye har never the nerer a wysse man for hym.

I ham sory that ye shall not [be] at hom be for Crystemes. I pray you that ye woll come as sone as ye may. I shall thynke myself halfe a wedow, because ye shal not be at home, &c. God have you in Hys kepyng.

Wretyn on Crestemes Evyn.

By yor,

M. P.

[Footnote 78-1: [From Fenn, ii. 330.] Fenn supposes with great probability that this letter was written in 1484, the year of Margaret Paston’s death. No earlier date is possible, seeing that even in 1484 John Paston’s eldest son was only in his seventh year, and he had at the date of this letter two sons capable of being sent on messages; so that, if anything, we should be inclined to put it later. But we know of no later death in the family that could have occasioned the writing of such a letter, and the time of Margaret Paston’s death and of the proving of her will agree very well with Fenn’s hypothesis. From the calendar prefixed to an old MS. missal in the possession of the late Mr. C. W. Reynell, I found that she died on the 4th November 1484. Her will was proved at Norwich on the 18th December following.]

[Footnote 78-2: Widow of William Lovel, Lord Morley, who died the 26th of July 1476.--F.]

[Footnote 79-1: Sir Miles Stapleton died in 1466. His widow Catherine seems to have married in the following year Sir Richard Harcourt of Ellenhale (Blomefield, ix. 321), but, according to a practice not uncommon at that time, she may have retained the name of Lady Stapleton.]

[Footnote 79-2: ‘Places of worship’; _i.e._, in families of distinction.]

[Footnote 79-3: To make up accounts.]

1000

ABSTRACT[79-4]

STANSTED AND HARWELLBURY

[Sidenote: 1484(?)]

The manor of Stansted is in the county of Suffolk. The estate of this manor passed not by the deed that the estate was taken by at Huntingfeld, in Norf.,[80-1] but I claim this manor by my mother’s gift. ‘This manor is but a mile from Clopton’s and not far from Smalbrigge, where your Grace is now.’ John Barell is farmer of this manor, who, when I came to your Grace just after my mother’s death, confessed before your servants, Piers Rumbold and William Smyth, that he was privy of mine estate in my mother’s days, and took the farm of me at that time. ‘Madam, this is the man ye sent your servant W. Smyth to, for to keep the possession there; and after he had tarried there awhile he took a promise of the farmer that he should pay no money to nobody without commandment from your Grace; contrary to which promise, by the favour of some folks that your Grace can deem, he hath paid my nephew a £10 or £20.’ I think, Madam, you need send no man to keep possession there; but your Grace might send a servant thither to show the tenants your displeasure, inasmuch as he hath broken his promise with your Grace, and threaten to distrain.

The manor of Harwellbury is in Hertfordshire, four miles from your manor of Weston Baldok[80-2] and two from Roiston. This manor also passed not by the estate taken in Norfolk, not being in the same shire. Of this manor ‘he’[80-3] received no money, for the farmers are true and fear not his threats. The manor is worth £8.

[Footnote 79-4: [From Paston MSS., B.M.] This is a paper of notes relating to the manors of Stansted in Suffolk and Harwellbury in Herts, addressed to a lady who is styled ‘Madam’ and ‘your Grace,’ and who, though not named, was undoubtedly the Duchess of Norfolk. Compare No. 962. The writer is perhaps John Paston of Gelston; in which case the date must be after 1484, as he speaks of his mother as being dead. More probably it was his uncle William, and John Paston is the nephew referred to in the paper itself. But even in that case the document cannot be five years earlier, as Agnes Paston died in 1479.]

[Footnote 80-1: Should be Suffolk.]

[Footnote 80-2: The Dukes of Norfolk of the family of Mowbray owned this manor.]

[Footnote 80-3: The writer’s nephew?]

[[Footnote 79-4 the document cannot be five years earlier _printed as shown: missing “over”, “more than” or similar?_]]

1001

PROCLAMATION AGAINST HENRY TUDOR[81-1]

R. R.

Ricardus, etc. salutem. Precipimus tibi, etc.

[Sidenote: 1485 / JUNE 23]

Forasmoche as the Kyng our sovereign Lord hath certeyn knowlege that Piers, Bisshop of Exeter,[81-2] Jasper Tydder,[81-3] son of Owen Tydder, callyng hymself Erle of Pembroke, John, late Erle of Oxon,[81-4] and Sir Edward Wodevyle,[81-5] with other dyvers his rebelles and traytours, disabled and atteynted by the auctorite of the High Court of Parlement, of whom many be knowen for open murdrers, advoutrers [_adulterers_], and extorcioners, contrary to the pleasure of God, and a yenst all trouth, honour, and nature, have forsakyn there naturall contrey, takyng them first to be under th’obeisaunce of the Duke of Bretayn,[81-6] and to hym promysed certeyn thyngs whiche by him and his counsell were thought thynggs to gretly unnaturall and abominable for them to graunt, observe, kepe, and perfourme, and therfore the same utterly refused.

The seid traytours,[82-1] seyng[82-2] the seid Duke and his counsell wolde not aide nor socour theym ner folowe there wayes, privily departed oute of his contrey in to Fraunce, and[82-3] there takyng theym to be under the obeisaunce of the Kynggs auncient enemy, Charlys,[82-4] callyng hymself Kyng of Fraunce, and to abuse and blynde the comons of this seid Realme, the seid rebelles and traitours have chosyn to be there capteyn one Henry Tydder,[82-5] son of Edmond Tydder, son of Owen Tydder,[82-6] whiche of his ambicioness and insociable[82-7] covetise[82-8] encrocheth[82-9] and usurpid[82-10] upon hym the name and title of royall astate of this Realme of Englond, where unto he hath no maner interest, right, title, or colour, as every man wele knowyth;[82-11] for he is discended of bastard blood bothe of ffather side and of mother side, for the seid Owen the graunfader was bastard borne, and his moder was doughter unto John, Duke of Somerset, son unto John, Erle of Somerset, sone unto Dame Kateryne Swynford, and of ther[82-12] indouble[82-13] avoutry [_adultery_] gotyn, wherby it evidently apperith that no title can nor may [be][82-14] in hym, which fully entendeth to entre this Reame, purposyng a conquest. And if he shulde atcheve his fals entent and purpose, every man is lif, livelod, and goddes shulde be in his hands, liberte, and disposicion, wherby sholde ensue the disheretyng and distruccion of all the noble and worshipfull blode of this Reame for ever, and to the resistence and withstondyng wherof every true and naturall Englishman born must ley to his hands for his owen suerte and wele.

And to th’entent that the seid Henry Tydder myght the rather atcheve his fals intent and purpose by the aide, supporte, and assistence of the Kynggs seid auncient enemy of Fraunce,[83-1] hath covenaunted and bargayned with hym and all the counsell of Fraunce to geve up and relese inperpetuite all the right, title, and cleyme that the Kyng[es] of Englond have, had, and ought to have, to the Crowne and Reame of Fraunce, to gether with the Duchies of Normandy, Anjoy, and Maygne, Gascoyn and Guyne, castell[es] and townys of Caleys, Guysnes, Hammes, with the marches apperteynyng to the same,[83-2] and discevir and exclude the armes of Fraunce oute of the armes of Englond for ever.

And in more prove and shewing of his seid purpose of conquest, the seid Henry Tidder hath goven as well to dyvers of the seid Kynggs enemys as to his seid rebelles and traitours, archebisshoprikes, bisshoprikes, and other dignitees spirituels, and also the ducheez, erledomez, baronyes, and other possessions and inheritaunces of knyghts, squyres, gentilmen, and other the Kynggs true subjetts withynne the Reame, and entendith also to chaunge and subverte the lawes of the same, and to enduce and establisse newe lawes and ordenaunces amongez the Kynggs seid subjetts.[83-2] And over this, and beside the alienacions of all the premyssez into the possession of the Kynggs seid auncient enemys to the grettest anyntisshment,[83-3] shame, and rebuke that ever myght falle to this seid land, the seid Henry Tydder and others, the Kynggs rebelles and traitours aforeseid, have extended [_intended_] at there comyng, if they may be of power,[84-1] to do the most cruell murdrers, slaughterys, and roberys, and disherisons that ever were seen in eny Cristen reame.

For the wich, and other inestymable daungers to be escheuved, and to th’entent that the Kynggs seid rebelles, traitours, and enemys[84-2] may be utterly put from there seid malicious and fals purpose[84-3] and sone discomforted,[84-4] if they enforce to land,[84-5] the Kyng our soveraign Lord[84-6] willith, chargeth, and comaundith all and everyche of the naturall and true subgetts of this his Reame to call the premyssez to there mynds, and like gode and true Englishmen to endover themselfs with all there powers for the defence of them, there wifs, chylderyn, and godes, and heriditaments ayenst the seid malicious purposes and conspiracions which the seid auncient enemes[84-7] have made with the Kynggs seid rebelles and traitours[84-8] for the fynall distruccion of this lande as is aforesaid. And our said soveraign Lord, as a wele willed, diligent, and coragious Prynce, wel put his moost roiall persone to all labour and payne necessary in this behalve for the resistence and subduyng of his seid enemys, rebells, and traitours[84-9] to the moost comforte, wele, and suerte of all[84-10] his true and feithfull liege men and subgetts.

And over this, our seid soveraign Lord willith and comaundith all his seid subgetts to be redy in there most defensible arraye to do his Highnes servyce of werre, when thy be opyn proclamacion, or otherwise shall be comaunded so to do, for the resistence of the Kynggs seid rebelles, traitours, and enemyes. Et hoc sub periculo, &c.--T. me ipso apud Westmonasterium, xxiij. die Junij, Anno regni nostri secundo.

[Footnote 81-1: [From Fenn, ii. 318.] The MS., as Fenn tells us, was endorsed in an ancient hand, ‘Kent Cherfys [_Sheriffs_].--Copia literæ Regis R. III. persuadentis subditos suos ad resistendum Henr’ Tydder, postea Regem Angliæ ac declarantis a quo idem Henricus descendebat.’ Another but imperfect copy of this proclamation will be found in the Harleian MS., No. 433, f. 220 b. A similar proclamation had been issued on the 7th December 1484, of which a copy will also be found in the same Harleian volume at folio 273 b. Sir Henry Ellis has also printed in his _Original Letters_ (2 Ser. i. 162) a copy of this proclamation as set forth in the original warrant for issuing it, which the King addressed to the Bishop of Lincoln as Chancellor. The MS. followed by Ellis was a transcript from one of the records formerly in the Tower. I have compared these different texts throughout with that printed by Fenn, and noted all variations that are of any consequence. The two Harleian texts I have called A. and B., the former being that of the proclamation issued on the 7th December preceding. The text printed by Ellis I have called E.]

[Footnote 81-2: Peter Courtney, Bishop of Exeter, after the miscarriage of the Duke of Buckingham’s conspiracy, fled into Bretagne to the Earl of Richmond, who, after he became Henry VII., promoted this Prelate to the See of Winchester in 1486, in which he died in 1492.--F.]

[Footnote 81-3: Jasper Tudor of Hatfield, half-brother to Henry VI. He was created Duke of Bedford in 1485.]

[Footnote 81-4: John de Vere, Earl of Oxford, who had escaped from the Castle of Hammes.--F.]

[Footnote 81-5: Sir Edward Wodevile, brother to the Queen of Edward IV.--F. The names given in text A. are ‘Piers, Bisshop of Excestre, Thomas Grey, late Marques Dorset, Jasper, late Erle of Pembroche, John, late Erle of Oxenford, and Sir Edward Widevile.’]

[Footnote 81-6: Francis II., the last Duke of Bretagne, was overthrown by Charles VIII., King of France, and died in 1488.--F.]

[Footnote 82-1: ‘The said traytours.’ They. A.]

[Footnote 82-2: that. A. B. E.]

[Footnote 82-3: ‘and’ omitted in A. B. and E.]

[Footnote 82-4: Charles VIII. ascended the throne in 1483, and died in 1498.--F.]

[Footnote 82-5: Henry Tudor, Earl of Richmond, who in 1483 became King of England, by the title of Henry VII.--F.]

[Footnote 82-6: ‘one Herry . . . . Owen Tydder’ oon Herry late calling himself Erle of Richemond. A.]

[Footnote 82-7: ‘ambicious and insaciable.’ A. B. E.]

[Footnote 82-8: ‘stirred and excited by the confederacie of the Kinges said rebelles and traytours,’ added in A.]

[Footnote 82-9: Here text B. comes to an end.]

[Footnote 82-10: ‘usurpeth.’ E.]

[Footnote 82-11: From here to the end of the paragraph is omitted in A.]

[Footnote 82-12: ‘ther’ her. A.]

[Footnote 82-13: This either means double adultery, that is adultery on both sides; or indubitable, undoubted adultery.--F. I suspect the true reading to be ‘and of her in double avowtry gotyn.’ It is a great question whether John, Earl of Somerset, John of Gaunt’s eldest son by Catherine Swynford, was not born during the life of her lawful husband as well as during that of John of Gaunt’s lawful wife.--See _Excerpta Historica_, 155-6.]

[Footnote 82-14: Supplied from E.]

[Footnote 83-1: The beginning of this sentence in A. is as follows:--‘And to th’entent to accheve the same by th’aide, support, and assistence of the Kinges seid auncyent ennemyes and of this his royaume.’]

[Footnote 83-2: From the words ‘and discevir’ to the sentence beginning ‘And over this,’ all is omitted in A.]

[Footnote 83-3: Aneantisement--anientised is used by Chaucer in his Tale of Melibeus, for reducing to nothing.--F.]

[Footnote 84-1: ‘if they may be of power,’ omitted in A.]

[Footnote 84-2: rebelles and traytours. A.]

[Footnote 84-3: malicious purposes. A.]

[Footnote 84-4: discomfited. A. E.]

[Footnote 84-5: Or rather, made good their landing by force.--F.]

[Footnote 84-6: desireth. A. E.]

[Footnote 84-7: the auncyentes ennemyes of this lande. A.]

[Footnote 84-8: ‘and traitours,’ omitted in A.]

[Footnote 84-9: rebelles, traitours, and enemyes. A. In which text the proclamation ends with these words, and is followed by the usual words addressed to the Chancellor as his authority for making out the proclamation: ‘And thise oure lettres shall be your sufficient warrant in that behalve.’ This warrant to the Chancellor is dated ‘at oure Castell of Notyngham, the xxj. day of Juyn, the secund yere of our reigne,’ two days before the proclamation was issued.]

[Footnote 84-10: and singlier. A.]

[[Footnote 82-6 ‘one Herry . . . . Owen Tydder’ _body text has “Henry”: confusion with following MS. citation?_

Footnote 82-11, 82-12 Footnote 84-9, 84-10 _each pair of footnotes printed as shown_

the Kyng our soveraign Lord[84-6] willith _misplaced footnote tag? note 84-6 refers to verb_]]

1002

THE DUKE OF NORFOLK TO JOHN PASTON[85-1]

_To my welbelovyd frend, John Paston, be thys byll delyveryd in hast._

[Sidenote: 1485 / AUG.]

Welbelovyd frend, I cummaunde me to yow, letyng yow to undyrstond that the Kyngs enmysse be a land, and that the Kyng wold hafe set forthe as uppon Monday but only for Howre Lady Day;[85-2] but for serten he gothe forward as uppon Tewsday, for a servant of myne browt to me the sertente.

Wherfor, I pray yow that ye met with me at Bery,[85-3] for, be the grace of God, I purposse to lye at Bery as uppon Tewsday nyght, and that ye brynge with yow seche company of tall men as ye may goodly make at my cost and charge, be seyd that ye have promysyd the Kyng; and I pray yow ordeyne them jakets of my levery, and I shall contente yow at your metyng with me.

Yower lover,

J. NORFFOLK.

[Footnote 85-1: [From Fenn, ii. 334.] This letter must have been written in August 1485, some days after the landing of the Earl of Richmond, afterwards Henry VII., at Milford Haven.]

[Footnote 85-2: The Assumption of Our Lady, 15th of August.]

[Footnote 85-3: Bury St. Edmund’s in Suffolk.]

THE PASTON LETTERS

_Henry VII._

1003

DAME ELIZABETH BROWNE TO JOHN PASTON[86-1]

_To my ryght worchepfull and hertly beloved nevew, John Paston, Sqwyer._

[Sidenote: 1485 / SEPT. 23]

Right worchepfull, and my ryght hertly beloved nevew, I recomand me to yow. And wher as ye desier me to send yow woord whether my brodyr John Paston, your fadyr, was with my fadyr and hys, whom God assoyle, duryng hys last syknesse and at the tyme of hys dissease at Seynt Brydis, or nowght.

Nevew, I assarteyn yow upon my feythe and poore honore that I was xiiij., xv. yer or xvj. yer old, and[86-2] at Seynt Brydis with my fadyr and my modyr when my fadyrs last syknesse took hym, and tyll he was disseassid; and I dare depose befor ony persone honorable that when my fadyrs last siknesse tooke hym, my brodyr your fadyr was in Norffolk, and he came not to London tyll aftyr that my fadyr was disseassid, and that can Sir William Cootyng[86-3] and Jamys Gressham record, for they bothe were my fadyrs clerkys at that tyme. And I remembre and wot well that Jamys Gressham was with my fadyr at Seynt Brydys duryng all hys siknesse and at hys disseasse, and thys wyll I wyttnesse whyle I leve for a trowthe, as knowith God, Whom I beseche to preserve you and yours.

And, nevew, I prey yow recomand to my neese your wyff, whom I wold be glad to se onys a yen in London, wher thys bylle was wretyn, signed with myn hand, and sealed with my seale [the Thursday next befor Whyghtsonday, the second yer of Kyng Richard the Thred],[87-1] the xxiij. daye of September the first yer of the reyngne of Kyng Herry the vij^{th}.

Your loveing awnte,

EL[IZA]BETH BROWNE.

[Footnote 86-1: [From Paston MSS., B.M.] The MS. from which this letter is printed is not in the handwriting of Dame Eliz. Browne. It is a corrected draft in the handwriting of John Paston, with the address at the head.]

[Footnote 86-2: The words ‘xiiij. ---- old, and’ are an interlineation, J. P. apparently did not know his sister’s exact age at the time and wished her to supply it.]

[Footnote 86-3: Rector of Swainsthorpe from 1444 to 1450, and of Titchwell from 1450 to 1457. He was presented to the former living by Judge Paston and John Dam.]

[Footnote 87-1: This date is scratched through with the pen.]

[[Footnote 86-2 apparently did not know his sister’s exact age at the time _text unchanged: error for “aunt’s”?_]]

1004

ELIZABETH, COUNTESS OF SURREY, TO JOHN PASTON[87-2]

_To myn ryght worshepfull cosyn, John Paston, Esquyer._

[Sidenote: 1485 / OCT. 3]

Myn ryght worshipfull cosyn, I recomawnde me hertly to you, thankyng you of your greet kyndnes and lovyng disposicion towardys myn lord and me at all tymes, which I pray God I may leve to see the acquytell ther of to your plesure, prayeng you of your good continuans.

Cosyn, I shewyd you myn mynde that I wolde have myn shildern to Thorpe,[87-3] wher in, God yelde you, it pleasyd you to sey that I shulde have hors of you to help to conveye them thyder; but now I undirstonde myn Lord Fitz Walter[87-4] hath dischargyd myn lordys servauntes thens, affermyng up on them that they shulde have had unfittyng langage of the Kynges Grace. Cosyn, I trust that ye and all the jentilmen of the shire, which have had knowleche of myn lordes servauntes, kan sey that her to for they have not ben of that disposicion to be lavas of theyr tungys, whan they had moore cause of booldnes than they have nowe. I wolde not have thowght myn Lord Fitzwalter wolde have takyn so ferforth displeasure for the keepyng of x. or xij. men at Thorpe; I woot weell ther exceded not iij. mees[88-1] meet, good and bad. I truste, all thow I weer a soel woman, to mayntene so many at the leeste, what so evyr I dyde moore.

I trustyd to have fowndyn myn Lord Fitzwalter better lord to me, seyng whan I was wyth myn Lord of Oxenforth, up on myn desyre and request at that tyme made un to hym, he promysed me to be good lord to myn lord and me, wher of I praye you to put hym in remembrauns, trustyng yit be the meene of you to fynde hym better lord to me her aftyr.

I have fownde myn Lord of Oxenforth singuler very good and kynde lord to myn lord and me, and stedefaste in hys promys, wher by he hath wonne myn lordys service as longe as he leevyth, and me to be hys trewe beedwoman terme of myn lyve; for hym I drede mooste, and yit as hyther to I fynde hym beste. I pray you good cosyn, the rather by your meane, that I may have the continuauns of hys good lordship, and to myn poore power I truste to deserve it. I pray you, cosyn, that thys byll may recomawnde [me][88-2] to myn Lady Brews and to myn cosyn, your wyf.

From Mynster, in the Yle of Shepey, the iij^de day of Octobre. I pray you yeve credens to the berer of thys, and to Thomas Jenney, whan he comyth to you.

[88-3]Your faythefoull cosyene,

E. SURREY.

[Footnote 87-2: [From Paston MSS., B.M.] This letter must have been written either in 1485 or in 1486. Thomas Howard, Earl of Surrey, was taken prisoner at the battle of Bosworth on the 22nd August 1485, and was not released from confinement till 1487, in which latter year also John Paston, to whom this letter is addressed, was knighted at the battle of Stoke on the 16th June. Most likely the letter is of the year 1485, at the beginning of the Earl’s imprisonment, and when Henry VII. had been just six weeks upon the throne.]

[Footnote 87-3: In Norfolk.--F.]

[Footnote 87-4: John Ratcliff, Lord Fitzwalter, who was summoned to Parliament in September 1485.]

[Footnote 88-1: A mess was a party of four at dinner.]

[Footnote 88-2: Omitted in MS.]

[Footnote 88-3: These last words were written by the Countess, the letter by her secretary.--F.]

1005

ELIZABETH, COUNTESS OF SURREY, TO WILLIAM HARWARD[89-1]

[Sidenote: 1485, or later]

Wylliam Harward, I woll that ze delyver to Robert Thorppe of Norwych v. marc off the next money that ze gadyr; for he hath lent it me, and I have sygned hym to be payed of yow as sone he comyth hom.

E. SURREY.

[Footnote 89-1: [Add. MS. 34,889, f. 228.] This brief note, like No. 1004, was probably written during the imprisonment of the writer’s husband. The text is entirely crossed through, doubtless to show that the transaction was closed.]

1006

THE DUKE OF SUFFOLK TO JOHN PASTON[89-2]

_To our trusty and welbeloved John Paston, Sheriff of Suffolk and Norfolk._

THE DUC OF SUFFOLK.

[Sidenote: 1485 / OCT. 20]

Right welbeloved, we grete you well. And for asmuche as the King our sovereigne Lord hath late addressed his letters of comission undre his seale unto us, reciting by the same that his highnesse undrestondith certayn his rebells associate to his old enmys of Scotlond, entending not only to trowble his peax, the nobles and subjects of this Realme to destroy, their goods and possessions to spoill, and reward at thair liberties, but also the lawes of this lond and holy Chirche to subvert.

Our said moost drad soverayn Lord, as a Cristen Prince, . . . . . . . . his said enmys and rebels to resist, hath assigned and comaunded us to do all maner . . . . and others defensible able to labour, as well archers as hobbyllers,[90-1] to come before us and charge them . . . . . armed and arayed, every man aftre his degre and power, to attend uppon his person, and uppon us, to do him service in defence as well of the Chirche as of the said nobles and subjects of this Realm, against his said enmys and rebels.

We therfore wull, and in our said sovereigne Lords name straitly charge and comaunde you, that in all possible hast ye do this to be proclamed:--And that all maner men able to do the King service, as well knights, esquiers, and gentlemen, as townships and hundreds, as well within franchesse and libertes as without, within the counties of Suffolk and Norffolk, and that they be charged to be redy at all tymes uppon an howre warnyng, and ordered according to the last comission afore this, to attend uppon his Grace and uppon us to do him service, whatsoever they shalbe comaunded, not failing herof, as ye wull answer at your perile. Goven at Long Stratton, the xx. day of October.

And forthermore, that ye yeve credence unto our servaunt this bringer, as this same day we receyved the Kings commission at iiij. aftre none.

SUFFOLK, yor frende.

[Footnote 89-2: [From Fenn, ii. 326.] John Paston was Sheriff of Norfolk in the first year of Henry VII., and entered on his duties at Michaelmas 1485. This letter therefore is of that year.]

[Footnote 90-1: Light horsemen.]

1007

MARGERY PASTON TO JOHN PASTON[90-2]

_To my mastyr, John Paston, be this delyvird._

[Sidenote: 1486 / JAN. 21]

Ryght reverent and wortshepfull syre, in my most umbill weysse I recomaunde me to you, desyryng to here of your welfare, the wytche I beseche God to preserve to His plesur and so your hartes desyir. Syr, I thank you for the venyson that ye sent me; and youre schepe is seylyd owt of the havene as this daye.

Syr, I send you be my brodyr Wyllem your stomachere of damaske. As for youre teppet of velvet, it is not here; An seythe that ye put yt in your casket at London.

Syr, your chyldryn be in goode helle, bellsside be God.

Syr, I prey you sende me the gowild, that I spak to you of be the nexst man that comythe to Norwytche.

Syr, your mast that laye at Yermowyth is letyn to a scheppe of Hull for xiij_s._ iiij_d._, and if there fawyll ony hurt ther to, ye schall have a newe mast ther for.

No mor to you at this time, but Almyty God have you in His kepyng. Wretyn at Castyr Hawill, the xxj. daye of Janever, in the furst yere of Kyng Harry the vij^{th}.

Be your servaunt,

MARGERY PASTON.

I prey God no ladyis no more ovyr com you, that ye geve no lenggar respyt in your materys.

[Footnote 90-2: [From Paston MSS., B.M.]]

1008

ALICE, LADY FITZHUGH, TO JOHN PASTON[91-1]

_To my right trusty and welbeloved son,[91-2] Sir John Paston, be this delyvered._

[Sidenote: FEB. 24]

Jon Paston, I recommaunde me to you in my moste hertely maner. And wher I understande be my doghter Lovell, ye desyre to know whedir I woll have the bargane ye made for me in Norwich or nay, and if I wol, I moste content therfor now in mercs; Son, in good faith it is so, I shal receyve no mony of the revenowse of my lyvelod afore Mydsommer; and also I have payd accordyng to my promise to Sir William Cabell a great payment, the which ye knowe wel was due to be payde, so that I can not be of power to content therfore, for the which I am right sory, for I know well I shall never have such a bargane.

Also my doghtyr Lovell[92-1] makith great sute and labour for my sone hir husbande. Sir Edwarde Franke hath bene in the North to inquire for hym; he is comyn agayne, and cane nogth understonde wher he is. Wherfore her benevolers willith hir to continue hir sute and labour; and so I can not departe nor leve hir as ye know well; and if I might be there, I wold be full glad, as knowith our Lorde God, Whoo have you in His blissid kepynge.

From London, the xxiiij^th day of February.

Your loving moder,

ALISE, LADY FITZHUGH.

[Footnote 91-1: [From Fenn, ii. 336.] There is a difficulty in dating this letter only from the address being to Sir John Paston. It has every appearance of having been written in the year 1486, when Francis, Viscount Lovel, lay concealed shortly before his outbreak with Humphrey and Thomas Stafford. But in that case the prefix ‘Sir’ before John Paston’s name must not be taken as indicating that he was then a knight; for he was not knighted till the battle of Stoke in June 1487.

The writer of this letter was the widow of Henry, Lord Fitzhugh, who died on the 12th June 1472. She was the daughter of Richard Nevill, Earl of Salisbury, and sister of Warwick the Kingmaker.]

[Footnote 91-2: I find no evidence of any real relationship between Paston and Lady Fitzhugh.]

[Footnote 92-1: Francis, Viscount Lovel, married Anne, daughter of Alice, Lady Fitzhugh.]

1009

MARGARET, COUNTESS OF OXFORD, TO JOHN PASTON[92-2]

_To my right trusti and welbiloved John Paston, Shrieve of Norffolk and Suffolk._

[Sidenote: 1486 / MAY 19]

Right trusti and welbiloved, I recomaund me unto you. And for as moche as I am credebly enfourmed that Fraunceis, late Lorde Lovell, is now of late resorted into the Yle of Ely, to the entente by alle lykelyhod, to finde the waies and meanes to gete him shipping and passage in your costes, or ellis to resorte ageyn to seintuary, if he can or maie;

I therfor hertily desire praie you, and neverthelesse, in the Kinges name, streitly chargie you that ye in all goodly haste endevore your self that suche wetche or other meanes be used and hadde in the poorts, and creks, and othre places wher ye thinke necessary by your discrecion, to the letting of his seid purpose; and that ye also use all the waies ye can or maie by your wisdom, to the taking of the same late Lorde Lovell. And what pleasur ye maie do to the Kings Grace in this matier, I am sure, is not to you unknowen. And God kepe you.

Wretyn at Lavenham, the xix. day of May.

MARGARET OXYNFORD.[93-1]

[Footnote 92-2: [From Fenn, ii. 338.] The date of this is quite certain from the subject to which it refers, as well as from the fact of John Paston being at the time Sheriff of Norfolk and Suffolk. Francis, Viscount Lovel, was one of the principal adherents of Richard III., and was attainted after the accession of Henry VII. in 1485. For some time he lay concealed, but in the spring of 1486 he attempted to raise an insurrection along with Humphrey and Thomas Stafford, who had broken out of their sanctuary at Colchester. He is said to have been drowned in the Trent in 1487, in endeavouring to escape after the battle of Stoke. But according to another story he lived in concealment for some time after.]

[Footnote 93-1: Margaret, daughter of Richard Neville, Earl of Salisbury, and sister of Richard, the great Earl of Warwick, was the first wife of John de Vere, Earl of Oxford.--F.]

1010

HENRY VII. TO JOHN PASTON[93-2]

_To our trusty and welbeloved John Paston, one of our Esquiers for our Body, Shreife of our countys of Norffolk and Suffolk._

BY THE KING.

[Sidenote: 1486 / AUG. 12]

Trusty and welbeloved, we greet you well. And whereas we send at this time our trusty and welbeloved clerke and counseilor, Mr. Edmunde Chaderton, to do and execute certein things by our commandement in those parties, like as he can shew to you more at large; We desire and pray you that ye not only yeve unto him therein credence, but also, for the effectuall and speedy performance of the same, ye will be unto him from time to time in everythinge, as the case shall require, adviseinge, aidinge, and assistinge, as we singularly trust you, and as ye desire to do us pleasure.

Yeven under our Signet at our manner of Shene, the xij^th day of August.

[Footnote 93-2: [From Sandford’s Genealogy of the Paston Family.] This letter is derived from Mr. Worship’s article in the _Norfolk Archæology_ on a MS. Genealogy of the Paston family. The date must be 1486, during John Paston’s shrievalty. The transcript is of the seventeenth century.]

1011

JOHN, LORD FITZWALTER, TO JOHN PASTON[94-1]

_To my right wurshipfull cosyn, John Paston, esquyer._

[Sidenote: 1486 / SEPT. 19]

Right wurshipfull cosyn, I recomaunde me to you, certifyeng you that, where as I understond ye have distreyned Richard Caus of Byngham[94-2] for issuez ronne uppon hym in th’escheker to the summe of iiij_li._ and odde sylver, I pray you that ye wull, the rather for my sake, showe hym the favour that ye may doo, savyng youre sylfe, and that ye wulle not be harde uppon hym; but if ye kan by th’advys of councell this next terme fynde the meanes for youre discharge uppon youre acompte in th’escheker, that than ye wull lete hym be so in reste and peas withoute more paymentz for that cause; the which I prey you to tendre the rather because I fynde the seid Richard Caus at all tymez my trewe servaunt, and I shall be as redy to the acomplyshment of all youre resonable desirez with Goddis grace, Who kepe you. At Attelburgh, this Tuesday next before Seint Mathuz Day.

Zowr Cosyn and frend,

J. SIEUR FYTZWAUTER.

[Footnote 94-1: [Add. MS. 34,889, f. 176.] This letter is probably of the year 1486, when John Paston was sheriff. Its contents, as will be seen, are somewhat similar in character to those of No. 1024, written a year or two later, after John Paston had been knighted.]

[Footnote 94-2: Binham in Norfolk.]

[[I fynde the seid Richard Caus _text reads “Cans”_]]

1012

THE EARL OF OXFORD TO JOHN PASTON[95-1]

_To my right trusty and right welbelovyd Councellor, John Paston, Esquier._

[Sidenote: 1487 / JAN. 24]

John Paston, I comaund me to you. And as for such tithynge as ye have sent hider, the Kyng had knowlech therof more than a sevyn-nyght passed. And as for such names as ye have sent, supposyng theym to be gone with the Lord Lovell, they be yitt in England, for he is departyng with xiiij. personys and no moe. At the Kynges comyng to London I wold advise you to see his Highnes. And Almyghty God kepe you.

Writen at Wyndesore, the xxiiij^th day of January.

OXYNFORD.

_Endorsed_: The Countis of Oxfordes lettre.

[Footnote 95-1: [From Douce MS. 393, f. 78.] Francis, Viscount Lovel, after trying to raise a rebellion in England in 1486, escaped abroad to Flanders, and joined the Earl of Lincoln in the following spring in an invasion of England in behalf of Lambert Simnel. This letter appears therefore to have been written in the beginning of the year 1487.]

1013

JOHN, PRIOR OF NORWICH, TO ----[95-2]

[Sidenote: 1487]

Right worchupfull serys, we recomaunde us all unto you in oure most herty wyse. And it is so that longe and many yerys ther hath ben hangyng a grete variaunce and a growge bitwix Annes Paston deceassed, late the wyff of William Paston, Justice, and William Paston now lyvyng, and Clement Paston deceassid, ther sones, one the oone parte, and John Paston, the sone of the seide William Paston, Justice, and of the seide Annes his wiff, also deceassid, and Ser John Paston, Knyght, deceassed, and John Paston yet lyvyng, sones to the seide John deceassid, on the othir parte. And now the seide variaunce contynueth betwixe the seide William and John that now is lyvyng of and upon the right, title, and possessioun of the maners of Sporle, Woodhall, Pagrave, Cressyngham, Swaynesthorpe, and Est Bekham, all [in] this cuntre of Norffolk.

Likith it you to wete that the seide William Paston, Justice, in his lyve was a speciall lover and frende to our monastery, and for synguler love and trust that he hadde to be remembred amonge us after hys deceasse, not with stondyng h[e de]yed at London, yet he bequest his body to be beryed, and is beryed in the chapell of Our Lady with inne oure monastery. [And] the seide William Paston, Justice, oftyn and many tymes in his pleyn lyfe, the seide Annes beyng present, he shewed unto the Priour of our monastery that was than, called Dawn John Heverlonde,[96-1] and to Dawn John Molett,[96-2] that was Priour after, to Dawn John Fornsett, Doctour of Devynyte, Dawn Richerd Walsham, our sexten, and to Dawn John Wechyngham, and to many dyverse other that were of his acqueyntaunce, and that he had trust unto to breke his mynde for the wele of his soule, that were thanne olde fadirs of our monastery, and arn now decessed, that it was his verry last will that ought of the seide maners schuld be perpetually immortaysed a serteyn londe, or annuyte of suche valewe, that every suche monke that syngith the last messe in the seide chapell, wher the body of the seide William Paston light beryed, schuld have that day that he songe messe ther iiij_d._ to pray for the soules of the seide William, and of Annes his wif, and for ther auncetrys, kynred, consanguynyte, affynyte, and frendes, and for all Cristen soules; and over that, a serteyn summe of money yerly to be payed to have the obytt of the seide William and Annes zerly kept with _dirige_ and masse in the seide chapell.

And it is so that many yeres aftir the decesse of the seide William, Justice, ther were many men lyvyng bothe of olde brethern of oures afore rehersyd, and of other that cowde aborne witnesse in this mater, and that knewe the mynde of the seide William Paston, Justice, that it was his last will, of whiche men many now be deceassed; and no merveill, for it is upon a xliij. yere past sithen the seide William, Justice, deyed. And also the seide Annes that was hys wif lyved more thanne xxx. wynter aftir hir husbonde, and was in singuler trust with her husbonde, and one of his executours, and wele knowen in this cuntre, a woman of vertuos lyvyng and disposicion, and of goode discrecioun and conscience, and knewe hir husbondes mynde and last will as wele as ony lyvyng creature; she witnessed alway that it was hire husbondes last will to have this perpetuall messe, and called on it all the dayes of hir lyfe, and also atte her decesse; and sche seide that [it] was the will of her husbonde that the annuyte schulde go oute of the seide maner of Swaynesthorpe. The seide John Paston decessed wolde have hadde it graunted owte of the seide maner of Cressyngham; and summe of the executours wolde have hadde the seide messe to a contynued but for the terme of iiij^xx. yere, and wolde have made writyng accordyng; but the seide Annes wolde not ther of, but seide alway that it was the last will of hir husbonde to have the messe made perpetuall, and the executours schewid to us that they wolde se the wyll perfourmed; and ther upon the executours, be ther comon assent, lefte a cofre with a grete substaunce of money of the goodes of the seide William, Justice, to be kepte with inne our monastery, and tolde and schewed to us that the seide gode schuld never be departid nor hadde oute of our place till we wer made sure of the seide annuyte. And duryng all that season that the seide cofer with the goodes was with ynne our monastery, it was alway schewid to us that the seide annuyte schulde be mortaysed in perpetuyte, and duryng all that season that the seid cofer was in our place, we hadde money yerly yoven us to pray for his soule to kepe [his obytt][97-1]; and be menys devysed with oute the knowleche of the seide Annes, or of ony of our brethern, all the goode that was in the seide cofre was conveyed oute of our monastery, and after that dede done, ther was no more money yoven us, nowther to kepe the seide obit, ner to pray for the soull of the seide William, as be the seide executours, savyng that the seide Annes, duryng her lyve, yaff us of hir owne cost yerly to remembre the soule, and that that hath be done sythen, hath be don of our owne devocion, and this many zerys ther hath no thing be yoven us, notwithstondyng of our own devocion we have rehersid his name in oure bede rolle every Sonday.

And now it is informed us that as wele the seide William as the seide John hath putt all ther title and interest, as wele in and of all the seide maners, londes, and tenementys as of the seide goodes in the awarde and jugement of the Right Reverend Fader in God, my Lord of Ely,[98-1] Chaunceler of Inglond, Ser Reynold Bray, Knyght, and in you tweyne. And in asmoche as ze be of our cuntre and speciall frendes to our monastery, and longest acqueyntyd with you, that makith me and all my brethren the more bolde to schewe this our mater and interest unto you, beseching yow bothe to tendre the mater, and to schewe it bothe to my Lorde of Ely and to Ser Reynolde Bray, that atte suche tyme as ze have the examynacion of the title of theise seide maners, that ze will vouche saff of your charite to schewe this mater and our interest in this behalf, and of the seide annuyte, and how that we aught of right to have a graunt of it oute of the seide maners.

And in this mater we hertily pray yow to take remembraunce and speciall labour, so that we may trust that it schall not askape your handes, nowe that the mater is putte in yowe; and all our monastery schall pray for you, and also rewarde you to your plesur, and over that, ze schall do her in suche a goode dede that God schall rewarde you.

Wretyn in our monastery, the ----[98-2] day of ----,[98-2] the secunde yer of the regne of Kyng Herry the vij^th.

By JOHN, Prior off Northwich and the Covent.

[Footnote 95-2: [From Paston MSS., B.M.] The writer of this letter was John Bonwell, who was made Prior of Norwich in 1480, and died in 1488. As it is actually dated in the second year of Henry VII., it must have been written either after the 22nd August in 1486 or before that date in 1487. Most probably it is of the latter year. It is endorsed in a contemporaneous hand--‘Billa Prioris Norwic’ pro missa perpetue fundanda.’ One or two words are now lost by the decay of the paper, which seem to have been visible in the text when Fenn copied the MS. for his fifth volume.]

[Footnote 96-1: John Haverland was Prior of Norwich from 1436 to 1453.]

[Footnote 96-2: Prior from 1453 to 1471.]

[Footnote 97-1: The writing is here blurred and indistinct, being written on an erasure.]

[Footnote 98-1: John Alcock.]

[Footnote 98-2: Blanks in MS.]

1014

SIR EDMUND BEDINGFIELD TO JOHN PASTON[99-1]

_Un to my ryght wurshypfull cosyn, John Paston, Esquyer, for the Body._

[Sidenote: 1487 / MAY 16]

Ryght wurshypfull cosyn, I recomawnd me un to you as hertly as I can, letyng you wytte I was with my Lorde Stuarde[99-2] as on Munday laste paste, by the desyir of them that I myght not sey ney to. I herde all that was seyd there, but they gaate non avawntage, wurde, nor promyse off me; but they thought in asmoche as they ware the beste in the shere, that every man owghte to wayte and go with them. Wherto yt was answerd that oure master,[99-3] nexte the Kynge, havynge hys commysshon, muste nedys have the jentylmen and the contre to a wayte up on hym by the vertu of the same; but yt was thought I owght not to obeye no copy of the commisshon, withoute I had the same under wexe, where in hathe ben gret argument, whyche I understoode by reporte a fortnyte paste, and that causyd me to sende unto my lorde to have the very commysshon, whyche he sente me, and a letter, where off I sende you the copy here in closyd.

As for you, ye be sore takyn in sum place, seying that ye intende swyche thynges as ys lyke to folow gret myscheffe. I seyd I undyrstood non swyche, nor thynges lyke it; and yt ys thoughte ye intende nat to go forthe thys jorneye, nor no jentylman in that quarter but Robert Brandon that hath promysyd to go with them, as they seye.

I understonde Sir Wylliam Bolen[99-4] and Sir Harry Heydon[99-5] ware at Thetforde in to Kente ward, but they returnyd in to Norffolk a geyne; I thynke they wull not goo thys jorney, yff the Kynge nede. Ser Harry was at Attylborow on Saterday. I wene he had a vyce there to turne a zen; wher for, cosyn, yt ys good to understonde the sertente what jentylmen intende to goo, and be assuryd to go together, that I may have wurde; my cosyn Hoptun hathe promysyd that he wull be oon. As fore Wysman, he seythe he wull be off the same, but I can have no holde.

Furthermore, cosyn, yt ys seyd that after my lordys departyng to the Kynge ye ware mette at Barkwey, whyche ys construid that ye had ben with the Lady Lovell, but wrathe seyd never well; and in asmoche as we understonde my lordys plesur, yt ys well doon we dele wysly therafter. And, nexte to the Kynge, I answerd pleynly I was bownde to do him service, and to fullfylle hys comaundment to the uttermest off my powere, by the grace off God, Who ever preserve you to Hys plesur.

Wretyn at Oxburgh, the xvj. day of Maye.

Your cosyn,

E. BEDYNGFELD.[100-1]

[Footnote 99-1: [From Paston MSS., B.M.] This letter and that which follows were written during the period of Lambert Simnel’s rebellion. The rebels were at this time in Ireland, but they soon after invaded England, and were defeated at the battle of Stoke on the 16th June 1487. Francis, Viscount Lovel, took part in the movement, and is supposed to have perished in the battle, or shortly after it.]

[Footnote 99-2: John Ratcliff, Lord Fitzwalter.--_See_ Campbell’s _Materials for a History of Henry VII._, i. 92, 241.]

[Footnote 99-3: Probably the Earl of Oxford.--_See_ next letter.]

[Footnote 99-4: Sir William Boleyn, of Blickling, had been made a Knight of the Bath at the Coronation of Richard III. He died in 1505.--F.]

[Footnote 99-5: Sir Henry Heydon, of Baconsthorp, Knight, had been steward of the household to Cecilia, Duchess of York, and died in 1503.--F.]

[Footnote 100-1: Sir Edmund Bedingfeld was made a Knight of the Bath at the Coronation of Richard III. He was likewise in high favour with Henry VII., who paid him a royal visit at Oxburgh, in Norfolk. He died in 1496.--F.]

1015

[THE EARL OF OXFORD?] TO SIR EDMUND BEDINGFIELD[100-2]

[Sidenote: 1487 / MAY (?)]

Where as I understonde by your late wrytyng un to me, that ye have ryght well endevyrd you to th’execusion of the Kynges comission and comawndment, in preparyng your selffe with the jentylmen and other of the contre, to be redy to do the Kyng servyce, whyche I have shewid un to the Kynges Hyghnes, so that hys Grace ys ryght well content and ryght thankfully acceptyth the same, understondynge the ryght good myndys and dysposyschon off you and off other jentylmen there towardes hys Grace. How be yt, hys Hyghnes wull not as zytte put you to ony further labur or charge, for somoche as hys rebellys and enemyes be in to Irlande; neverthelesse hys Grace wull that the contre be redy at all tymis to do hys Hyghnes servyce up on resonabull warnyng; for so moche as the Kynges Grace intendythe to make provysyon to sende an armi in to Irlonde in haaste, nat knowyng as zytte whether that ye, and other aboute you shall be desyird to bere ony charge there to or no. And where as yt ys mervellyd that ye had not the Kynges comysshon, under hys gret seall, I send yt to you with thys my wrytyng, wyllynge you nat to precede further to eny execushon theroff tyll swyche tyme as ye have other wise in comawndment, alwey thankyng hertyly the jentylmen, and all other for ther good wyllys towardes me.

[Footnote 100-2: [From Paston MSS., B.M.] The MS. from which this letter was printed was evidently the copy of a letter, which was enclosed in the preceding. Fenn supposes with great probability that the writer was the Earl of Oxford, but the MS. being only a copy, there is no signature attached. Commissions of array were issued on the 7th April 1487 for the counties of Suffolk, Norfolk, and Essex, with special instructions for repairing and guarding the beacons for fear of an invasion. The Commissioners for the County of Norfolk were John, Duke of Suffolk, John, Earl of Oxford, John Radcliff, Lord Fitzwalter, and fifteen others, among whom was John Paston.--See _Patent Roll_, 2 Hen. VII., p. 2, m. 6, _in dorso_.]

1016

KNIGHTS MADE AT THE BATTLE OF STOKE[101-1]

[Sidenote: 1487 / JUNE 16]

Sir Edmond Benyngfeld. Sir Jamys Blount. Sir Richard Croft. Sir [Humfrey] Stanley. [Sir Richard De]levere. Sir J[ohn] Mortumer. Sir William Troutbeke.

_Knyghtes made at the same Batayll._

The sone and heyr of the Lord Audeley.[102-1] Sir Edward Noreys. Sir Robert Clyfford. Sir George Hopton. Sir John Paston. Sir Thomas Lovell. Sir Humfrey Savage. Sir Herry Willoughby. Sir John Sapcotes. Sir William Vampage. Sir Antony Brone. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Sir Gregory . . . . Sir Thomas Bl[ount]. Sir Robert Cheyny. Sir William Car[ew]. Sir John Wy[ndham]. Sir Simond . . . . Sir Roger Be[llingham]. Sir John . . . . . Sir George Nevil . . Sir Robert Radcly[ff]. Sir Jamys Par[ker]. Sir Edward Dar[ell]. Sir Edward Pekeryn[g]. Sir Thomas of W[olton]. Sir William Sand[es].

A mutilated endorsement in Sir John Paston’s hand reads, ‘. . . . . prisoners . . . . . fownd.’

[Footnote 101-1: [Add. MS. 34,889, f. 135.] This is only a fragment, the first part of which is lost. The seven names at the beginning are the end of a list of knights bannerets made upon the field. Then follow the names of those who were merely dubbed knights; but this list, too, is imperfect, not merely by the mutilation of some names, but because another leaf would certainly have been required to give them all. Compare another copy of these lists in Leland’s _Collectanea_, iv. 214-15, where the names in the second list stand in a different order. Several of the mutilated names here have been filled in from Leland; but, curiously enough, that list gives no Sir Gregory and no Sir Simon. Since this was in type the Editor has found a complete list, more accurate than Leland’s, which will be printed at the end of these letters.]

[Footnote 102-1: Sir James Audeley, as his name is given in Leland’s list. This was Sir James Touchet, who succeeded his father as Lord Audeley in 1491, and was beheaded and attainted in 1497.]

1017

DAME ELIZABETH BREWS TO SIR JOHN PASTON[102-2]

_To my rytth worchupfull son, Sir Jon Paston, be thys byll delyvyrd in hast._

[Sidenote: 1487, or later]

Ryth worchupfull son, I recommend me on to zow and to my lady zowyr wyf, and thankyng zow harttyly for the grett labyr thatt ze had on Thorys day for me, and for zowyr kyndnes; for and odyr had don asse ze ded, I had had my purpos; qwerfor I prey God do be them asse they do be me.

Son, I must prey zow to have a dosseyn men in harnes, with bowys and wepyn convenyent for them, that I may feche my stres ageyn. The schrevys man wasse here wythe me, and [j. of] yowyres, he seyth he ys, and he hatth mad me feythful promes that he wol be wyth me ageyn on Monday, qwerfor I prey zow harttyly, son, and reqwere zow that zowyr men may be wyth me on Monday, as my werry tros ys in zow, qwo sknowyth blyssyd Jesu, Hom haff zow and zowyr in Yss keppyng.

Be zowyr trew modyr,

DAM ELYSABETHE BREWYSSE.

[Footnote 102-2: [From Paston MSS., B.M.] Fenn dates this letter ‘about 1487.’ It cannot be earlier than June of that year, and may be a few years later. But the date is unimportant. This letter appears to be a holograph. The next is written by a scribe.]

1018

DAME ELIZABETH BREWS TO SIR JOHN PASTON[103-1]

_To my right worshipfull son, Sir John Paston, Knyght, be this delyverd._

[Sidenote: 1488(?)]

Right worshipfull son, I recommaund me unto you and to my lady my doughter your wyfe, and I send you both Cristes blyssyng and myne. And, son, I thank you hertely for my son, William Brews; and I moste pray you for the reverens of Jesu to help hym for your tenauntes and myne, or els John Dynne will owver rewle them. And, son, God thank you, ye helpyd ons Whyte of Metfeld, and so I must beseche you nowe to do, and that it wold pleas you to gyffe credans unto the Priour of the Wyhte Freres, for I have shewed unto hym my mynd; and as ye do, I hold me content.

And, son, we ladys and jentil women in this contrey that is wedows, be sore trobyld with the Bysshop of Chester,[104-1] and haskith of us more than we may pay, and that knowith All myghty Jesu, Who have you in His blyssed kepyng.

Be your moder,

DAME ELIZABETH BREWS.

[Footnote 103-1: [From Paston MSS., B.M.] The date of this letter is nearly as indefinite as that of the last, but it certainly lies between the year 1487, when Sir John Paston was knighted, and 1489, when William Brews died. If the latter part of the letter refers to the levying of a subsidy, in which the Bishop of Chester may have been one of the King’s agents, the date is probably about the end of the year 1488. Sir Thomas Brews, the writer’s husband, died in 1482.]

[Footnote 104-1: The Bishops of Coventry and Lichfield were often called Bishops of Chester before the foundation of the modern Bishopric of Chester by Henry VIII. John Hales or Halse was Bishop of Coventry from 1459 to 1490.]

1019

SIR JOHN PASTON TO DAME MARGERY PASTON[104-2]

_To Dame Margery Paston, at Oxenhed._

[Sidenote: 1486-95]

Mastress Margerey, I recomand me to yow. And I prey yow in all hast possybyll to send me, by the next swer messenger that ye can gete, a large playster of your _flose ungwentorum_ for Kynges Attorney, Jamys Hobart, for all hys dysease is but an ache in hys knee. He is the man that brought yow and me togedyrs, and I had lever then xl_li._ ye koud with your playster depart hym and hys peyne. But when ye send me the playster, ye must send me wryghtyng hough it shold be leyd to and takyn fro hys knee, and hough longe it shold abyd on hys kne unremevyd, and hough longe the playster wyll laste good, and whethyr he must lape eny more clothys aboute the playster to kepe it warme or nought. And God be with yow.

Your,

JOHN PASTON.

[Footnote 104-2: [From Paston MSS., B.M.] James Hobart was the King’s Attorney-General from 1486 to 1509, and Dame Margery Paston died in 1495. There is nothing to fix the date of this letter more precisely.]

1020

THE QUEEN TO THE EARL OF OXFORD[105-1]

_To oure right trusty and enterly beloved cosyn, Th’Erll of Oxon._

BY THE QUENE.

[Sidenote: 1487-1502]

Ryght trusty and entierly beloved cosyn, we grete you well, lattyng you wete hou it is commen un to oure knowlege that where as ze newly entred upon oure welbeloved Symon Blyant, gentilman, in to the maner of Hemnals in Cotton, descended and belongyng unto hym by right of enheritaunce, as it is seid, ze ther upon desired the same Symon to be agreable for hys part to put all maters of variance thenne dependyng atwene hym and oon Sir John Paston, Knyght, pretendyng a title unto the seid maner into th’award and jugement of two lenerd men, by you named and chosen as arbritrours atwene them; and in case that the same arbritrours of and upon the premisses neither yave oute nor made suche awarde be for the brekyng up of Pasche [_Easter_] terme nowe last passed, ze of your owne offre graunted and promysid unto the seid Symon, as we be enformed, to restore hym forwyth there upon unto hys possession of the seid maner. And how it be that the same Symon, at youre mocion and for the pleasir of youre lordshyp, as he seith, aggreed un to the seid compromyse, and ther upon brought and shewed hys evydence concernyng, and sufficiently provyng hys ryght in the seid maner un to the seid arbritrours, and that they have not made nor yolden out betwene the said parties any suche awarde; yet have not ze restored the same Symon unto hys possession of the seid maner, but contynuelly kepe hym owt of the same, wich, yf it so be, is not only to hys right grete hurt and hinderaunce, but also oure mervaile. Wherfore we desire and pray you ryght affectueusly that ze woll the rather at the contemplacion of thees oure lettres, shew unto the said Symon, in hys rightfull interesse and title in the seid maner all the favorable lordshyp that ze goodely may, doyng hym to be restored and put in to hys lawfull and peasible possession of the same, as fer as reason, equite, and good conscience shall require, and youre seid promise, in suche wyse that he may undyrstond hym selfe herynne to fare the better for oure sake, as oure verray trust is in you.

Yeven under oure signet at my Lordes Palois of Westmynstre, the xxv. day of Juyn.

[ELEZEBETH.][106-1]

Subskrybyd with the Quenys hand.

[Footnote 105-1: [From Paston MSS., B.M.] This letter and that which follows, relating to the manor of Cotton, are both quite uncertain in point of date, except that they cannot be earlier than 1487, when Sir John Paston was knighted, nor later than 1502, as the Queen and Sir John Paston himself both died in the year following.]

[Footnote 106-1: This name is written in a different character, intended as a representation of the Queen’s signature which it somewhat resembles. The writing, however, is crossed out. It is probably the work of the same pen that wrote the words below, though these are in a smaller hand.]

1021

THE EARL OF OXFORD TO SIR JOHN PASTON[106-2]

_To our hertly welbilovyd John Paston, Knyght._

[Sidenote: 1487-1502]

Right hertly welbilovyd, I grete you wele. And where Sir John Howard, Knyght, Sir Gilberde Debenham, Knyght, gederith grete feloship of men, purposyng on Monday next comyng to take stresses of the Lady Roos; and I deme that they undre the colour of the same entende to set on Coton, and to gete it if they may; I therfor councelle you to sende downe a certeine of your men or elles come your silfe for the save garde of the said Coton. Also that ye yeve credence un to the brynger herof. And our Lorde kepe you.

Writyn at the lodge in Lavenham the last day of Juylle.

OXYNFORD.

[Footnote 106-2: [From Douce MS. 393, f. 84.] _See_ preliminary note to the last letter.]

1022

JOHN DAUBENEY TO [SIR JOHN PASTON][107-1]

[Sidenote: [1487-1502] / AUG.]

Please your masterchep to have knowlage that my Lord Archebyschop of Yorke[107-2] is in god helle, blyssyd be God. And I came to hym as on Monday last past, and toke hym your letter. And whan I had takyn hym and he had over sey it, he merveylle sor of hyr dysposicion, a bad me not care, ye shuld do welle i nowe. And than he told me that he had spokyn to Master William Paston for a note of a letter, hewghe it is best to write to hyr. And so on Tewysday Master William and I, and Skerne of my Lord of Oxenfordis hows, and mad (_sic_) toke hym on Wednysday o [_i.e._ one] not of a letter the wyche I send you; and whan he sey it he thowght it to long, and mad one after his ownne entent, the wiche I send yow a copy of. Also I send yow a copy of the letter that the quene sent to my Lord of Oxenford for the maner of Cotton for Blyaunt; but my Lord of Yorke told to Skerne that he wold in any wysse that my Lord of Oxenford shuld help yow to kepe possession. And so Skerne purposythe to be with in thys v. deyes at home, for to enforme my Lord of Oxenford of my Lord of Yorke is entent, and that he se in no wysse that no man do yow no wrong as moche as my Lord of Oxenford powyr may help yow; for Skerne came from my Lord of Oxenford to my Lord of Yorke for the same mater, for that my Lord of Yorke shuld informe the quene of the mater, and be cause the quene hathe take hyr chambre my Lord of Yorke toke Skerne a rynge for a tokyn to my Lord Tresorer[107-3] that he shuld excuse my Lord of Oxenford to the quene, for as moche as ye hathe (_sic_) infeffid my Lord of Oxenford in a trost in the maner of Cotton he may no lesse doo but helpe yow. Item, thys day is the massenger gone to my Lady of Suffolk with my Lordis letter. I shall have a answer at the morn on Monday, I trost to God, ryght god, &c., it cowd non ere be sped. My Lord hath be all this weke at the Cowncell at Chelchyche and j. day at Chenne.[108-1] Item, I send yow iij. writtis for feleneys and trespace and ij. for Mariete mater. Also your flowyr; Also a letter of Cablys; Also a write for Playter, a letter to Mestres Clere. Item, my Lord wylle in any wyse that ye kepe welle all the lyvelod that ye have of Sir John Fastolff, and that ye suffyr no man to entre no lond nor place, lord nor other personys, what sum ever they be. Ye may veryly thynke he ys your speciall god lord, and that ye shall knowe in tyme comyng. I understand that Calle dothe passyngly welle in your maters in the spirituall lawe, as his letter makyth mencion, &c. Wretyn at London the Satyrday before Seynt Lawrens day.

Your servaunt,

JOHN DAUBENEY.

[Footnote 107-1: [Add. MS. 34,889, f. 48.] The letter here referred to from the Queen to the Earl of Oxford seems undoubtedly to be No. 1020; and the date must accordingly be between 1487 and 1502. The reference to the Queen’s confinement does not help us to much greater precision, for the time of year does not agree with any known occasion. But some years are distinctly excluded, and the only possible ones are 1487, 1488, 1490, or from 1493 to 1497 inclusive, or 1500, or 1501.]

[Footnote 107-2: Archbishop Rotherham.]

[Footnote 107-3: John, Lord Dynham.]

[Footnote 108-1: Sheen.]

1023

ABSTRACT[108-2]

R[OBERT] CLERE TO SIR JOHN PASTON, KNIGHT

[Sidenote: Not before 1487]

Your farmer of Mauteby has not given surety and paid poundage for his cattle, as he pretends. I hope you will not encourage him, when he tells you he owes me no duty, and that he took not my ‘merch’ for twenty years, but only so long as he continued in Heryngby farm. I denied him the replevin, because the ground of my farm is parcel of ancient demesne. Your tenants complain of me without cause. I hope you will not be displeased if I ask them simply for what is due to me. I never said ‘that ye shuld hang upon many bushes.’ I have always been glad to say or do my best for you, as any poor gentleman in Norfolk. I pray you bring forth my accuser that I may come to my answer, and know who would make variance between us.

Ormesby, 24 Oct.

[The writer of this letter was Robert Clere of Ormesby, who was knighted in 1494, and was sheriff of Norfolk and Suffolk in 1501. The expression ‘your’ farmer of Mauteby, shows that it was written after the death of Margaret Paston, and that the Sir John addressed must have been her second son, to whom the manor of Mauteby descended. The date is, therefore, not earlier than 1487 when this Sir John was knighted, and may be many years later.]

[Footnote 108-2: [From Paston MSS., B.M.]]

1024

JOHN, LORD FITZWALTER, TO SIR JOHN PASTON[109-1]

_To my right worshipfull cosyn, Syr John Paston, Knight, be thys lettre delivered._

[Sidenote: 1488(?) / APRIL 7]

Right worshipfull cosyn, in my most herty wise I [comme]nd me to you. And where I am enformed that ye have takyn a disthresse within the [Du]chy of Lankastir for suche money as was commyng toward you of ryght for the tyme that ye were shiryef, me seme, cosyn, ye aught not to take it within the said Duchy of noon auncyen demene holdyn upon the King; for there be places inow to gadir it upon without the said auncyen demene, and so ye cannot lose it. And also, cosyn, I am enformed that it is paied alredy to oon John Burnam, which is of sufficyency inow. For whiche cause mesemythe it werne resone to levey it upon hym than ther where as is noon auctorite to levey it upon. Wherfore, cosyn, I pray you to be good mastir for my sake to thies pore men, whiche be the Kingz tenauntz, and to shew them the favour that ye may. And I shall be as glad to doo you as gret plesure in tyme commyng, by Goddz grace, Who preserve you.

Wretyn at Attylborow, the vij. daie of Apryll.

Zowir cosyn and frend,

[J.] SIR FYTZ WAUTER.

[Footnote 109-1: [From Paston MSS., B.M.] Sir John Paston had been sheriff in the year 1485-6, but he did not receive his knighthood till June 1487 at the battle of Stoke, so that this letter cannot be earlier than 1488. It is, however, not unlikely to have been written in that year, or one or two years later. The writer, Lord Fitzwalter, was beheaded and attainted in 1495 as an adherent of Perkin Warbeck.]

1025

LORD FITZWALTER TO SIR JOHN PASTON[110-1]

_To my right wourschippfull and hertely welbeloved cousyn, Sir John Paston, Knyght, this be delyvered._

[Sidenote: 1488-94]

Right wourschippfull cousyn, in as hertely wyse as I cane, I recommaund me to you. And forasmoche as ther was appoynted a day that ye and my cousyn Heydon, Sir Robert Brandon, the Kynges Attorney, and other of the worschippfull of this schyr, should have mett here before this tyme of Estren, it was so longe or the Kynges Attorney was commen in to the contre, and the tyme so shorte, that it hathe bene thowght there myght be non convenable tyme affor this. Wherfor they be agreed that they and ye should mete here on Thursday next commyng. Prayinge you, therfor, that ye wolbe here at that tyme, trustynge to Godes mercy that a right good wey shalbe hadde betyx yow that all grugges and rancores shalbe layd a parte. And therfor, cousyn, I praye yow that ye wol not fayle for to be here, and what I canne do for yow, ye shall fynde it redy with Godes grace, Who have yow in His most blessed and assured kepyng.

Wreten on Good Fryday last passed.

Zowir lofyng cosyn,

J. SIR FITZ WAUTER.

[Footnote 110-1: [From Paston MSS., B.M.] The date of this letter, as of the last, must be between the years 1488 and 1494.]

1026

WILLIAM PASTON TO SIR JOHN PASTON[111-1]

_To Sir John Paston, be thys lettyr delyvered._

[Sidenote: 1488 / MAY 13]

Aftyr all dewe recomendacion, pleasyt yow to undyrstonde that my lorde[111-2] hathe ben with the Kynge in Wyndesour at Seynt Georgys Feste, and ther at the same feste were bothe the inbacetours of Breten and of Flaundyrs, as well fro the Kynge of Romayns[111-3] as fro the yonge Duke.[111-4] But I can not schew yow the certeyn whedyr we schall have with them warre or pease; but I undyrstonde for certeyn that all suche capeteyns as wente to the see in Lente, that is to sey, Sir Charlys Somersett, Sir Richard Hawte, and Syr Wylliam Vampage, makythe them redy to goo to the see ageyn as schortely as they can, to what intente I can not sey.

Also, where as it was seyde that my Lord Woddevyle and other schulde have gone over in to Breten, to have eyded the Duke of Breten,[111-5] I can not tell of non suche eyd. Butt upon that seynge ther came many men to Sowthehamton, where it was seyd that he schulde have takyn schyppyng, to have waytyd upon hym over; and soo whan he was countyrmaundyd, thos that resortyd thedyr, to have gone over with hym taryde there styll in hope that they schuld have ben lycensyd to have gone over; and whan they sey [_saw_] no lykeleod that they schuld have lycens, there was ij.C. of them that gete them in to a Breten schyppe, the whyche was late come over with salte, and bad the mayster sett them a lond in Breten. And they had nott seylyd not paste vj. leges butt they aspied a Frencheman, and the Frencheman mad over to them; and they ferde as thow they wolde not have medylde with them, and all the Englysche men went undyr the hetchys, soo that they schewyd no more but those that came to Sowthehamton with the schype, to cawse the Frenchemen to be the more gladder to medyll with them; and soo the Frencheman burdyd them, and then they that were undyr the hetches came up, and soo toke the Frencheman, and caryed the men, schyppe, and all in to Breaten.

Also, ther was ther an inbacetour fro the Kynge of Schottes,[112-1] who is now put in grete trobyll be hys son and other of the lordes of hys londe.

Syr, as I came homewerde be London, I spake there with Emonde Dormand, and he seyd that he had wretyn onto yow, but he had none aunswere; wherfor he prayd me that if I knew ony man comynge towerdes Norwhyche, and I wold wrythe on to yow that he ferythe, if ye see none other dyreccion, that he schall be comittyd to the Flete.

Also, he schewyd me that Herry Wyott wholde fynde the mene to have yow condemnyd, and recover the obligacion of xl_li_. ageyns yow, and soo he seythe he whote nott how to doo, for he is halfe dysmayd; he ferythe lesse that he schall never come home. But he intendythe to plede the obligacion fulfylyd at Norwyche, for he seythe ther is non other remedy to save yow fro the condemnacion, tyl that he herythe otherwyse from yow, whyche he thynketh longe aftyr.

Wretyn at Henyngham, the xiij^te day of May, with the hand of your brodyr,

WYLLIAM PASTON.

[Footnote 111-1: [From Paston MSS., B.M.] There can be no doubt this letter was written in the year 1488, after Sir Edward Woodville (called Lord Woodville) had gone over to aid the Duke of Brittany against the French, and at the beginning of the rebellion of the young Prince of Scotland (afterwards James IV.) against his father, James III., who was defeated in battle, and afterwards murdered in June of that year.]

[Footnote 111-2: The Earl of Oxford.]

[Footnote 111-3: Maximilian, Archduke of Austria, was elected King of the Romans in 1486.]

[Footnote 111-4: Philip, Duke of Burgundy, son of Maximilian.]

[Footnote 111-5: Francis II., Duke of Brittany.]

[Footnote 112-1: James III.--_See_ preliminary note.]

1027

THOMAS ANDREW TO WILLIAM PASTON[113-1]

_To the ryght . . . . . . . . William Paston Squyer . . . . . my Lord of Ox[ford]._

[Sidenote: 1488(?) / DEC. 1 (?)]

Ryght worchipfull sir, in my best maner I recommend me unto you as he that is and shalbe at your commandment. Sir, I beseche you to showe my good lord and yours that a cordyng to his commandment I have sesed the good of the parson of Testerton[113-2] and of Henry Fox, exsepe thos goodis of the sayd Fox that whare formerly sesed be the servantis of my Lord of Surrey; and, Sir, all thos goodis that I have sesed of them both are nat worthe lytyll mony lytyll past xl_s._ or iij_li._ at the m[os]t, exsepe the parsons corne; and if that may betakyn a way thane the Chyrche may not be served, and that whar pety. I besech you that I may knowe my Lordis plesur in that be halfe, for els I thynke the baly of the franches will have all, for Testyrton is in the Dowchy. And so I am leek to have lytyll or nowt for all my lawbour and costis withowt my Lord be my good lord in that be halff be your mene.

Sir,[113-3] I pray you tell my Lord that the fryer of Lynne that . . . ak . . . . . . . . cheff, for he served a cherche in Norfolk callyd Hornyngtoft and ther . . . . . . rd a p . . . . s callyd Master Thomas Mertyn, and as I wene he had felows privy to that robery (?) an[d ot]her that be nat yet knowyn, and if he whare well a posed he wold tel[l], &c.

Also[113-4] Henry Fox and the parson of Testerton whar gretely (?) acuequyentyd and conversand with one Sir William, a chanon of Hempton Abbay, cause my Lord to inquere if he whar owt privy of the mony makyng or eny other of that Abbay of Hempton. I know nothyng but that they whar gret to gether, &c. Sir, I besech you, be good master to Fox wyff if ye may; how be it he is nowght, but peraventure he may amend, but she is ryght a good woman be my troughe, and it whar gret pety but she and her chyld myght have somwat. And, my Lord, or ye send me eny letter ye may send it me be John a More, this brynger, if he cum agayne, or els be Fox wyff if her husband be not gone to London. And ever Jhesu preserve you to your most gentyll hertis desyer. At Ryburgh this Monday next Sent Andrew.

Your servant,

THOMAS ANDREW.

[Footnote 113-1: [Add. MS. 34,889, f. 139.] This letter is manifestly of the same year as No. 1028, which apparently was written about A.D. 1488-1490. Most probably the exact year is 1488, when the ‘Monday next St. Andrew’ was the very day following, _i.e._ 1st December--unless it was 1494, when the same thing occurred.]

[Footnote 113-2: Richard Fenwyk.]

[Footnote 113-3: Opposite this and the next paragraph the word ‘No^ta’ occurs in the margin, in the same hand, apparently, as the text.]

[Footnote 113-4: _See_ footnote 3 _supra_.]

1028

THOMAS ANDREW TO WILLIAM PASTON[114-1]

_To the ryght worchipfull mayster, William Paston, Squyer, with my Lord of Oxynford, [be t]his bill delyverd in hast._

[Sidenote: 1488 / DEC. 16]

Ryght worchipfull sir, I recomaund me un to you in my best maner, acordyng to my deute. Sir, I sent you a letter by Henre Fox wyff, and I had non answer from you of it. On of the gretest thynges that I wrot to you of, was that the fryer shuld be aposed, howo was prevy with hym, whan he robbed Master Martyn, the prest, at Hornyngtoft in Norffolk; also that Fox and the parson of Testerton,[114-2] shuld be aposed if eny of Hempton Abbay whar out [_were aught_] prevy to the mony makyng.

Sir, now I beseche you to send me a copy of thes mony makers confeschon, and ther namys, for I ame bothe sworne on the quest of the _oyer determiner_, and also on the quest at large, and of that we most make our verdyte at the sessyons after Crystmes for the quest at large; for we toke day over at the last sessyons tyll the sessyons after Crestmes for the quest at large. Lytefot, of your hows, is sworne on the _oyer determiner_.

I beseche you to speke with my lord, to know of his good lordchepe how we shall demene ourselff in that be half; and I beseche you send me word as sone as ye can.

I thynk that Yelvertons servant, that is with you in preson, shall com a gayne hether, and he may bryng your letter to me. He[115-1] bryngythe you this letter, and if it may be nat a fendyng, I pray you be good master to Yelverton for my sake. I have fownd hym a good persone.

Sir, I shall not be with my lady is grace[115-2] this Crystmes, far her grace shalbe with the Kynges Grace after Crystmes; and thane I shall awayt on her grace, wher ye shall have my servyce be the grace of Jesu, He preserve you.

At Ryburgh, the xvj. day of December.

And ye hepe [_help_] nat, I am leke to losse moche mony of my costes for thes mony makers. I pray helpe, &c.

Your servant,

THOMAS ANDREW.

[Footnote 114-1: [From Paston MSS., B.M.] Thomas Andrew, the writer of this letter, was a servant of William Paston, the uncle of Sir John, but the William Paston to whom this letter is addressed seems to have been Sir John’s brother, whom we find to have been in service with the Earl of Oxford during the years 1488-90.]

[Footnote 114-2: Richard Fenwyk was rector of Testerton from 1482-1504.]

[Footnote 115-1: Apparently this ‘he’ means Yelverton himself, his servant being at the time a prisoner in the Earl of Oxford’s custody. Fenn erroneously reads ‘in person’ instead of ‘in preson’ in the previous sentence.]

[Footnote 115-2: Fenn supposes ‘my lady’s grace’ to be the Countess of Richmond, the King’s mother. I should think, however, it was more probably the Lady Anne Beaufort, wife of William Paston the uncle, the writer being in their service.]

1029

T. GRIGGS TO SIR JOHN PASTON[115-3]

_To the Right Honorable Sir John Paston, Knyght, be this delyverid._

[Sidenote: 1489 / FEB. 2]

Right reverent and honorable, after the ordre of all diew recommendacion had, I recomaunde me un to your maistership. Sir, it is so that John Talyour of Brytcham, debite [_deputy_] in your office of Th’admirallite, was with me this mornyng to have myn advyce in this mater folowyng, the whiche is this.

There was taken ageyns Thornham, in the Kynges streeme, leyng ij. fadam and an halff depe upon the see, a whalle fyssh, by Thornham men labouryng all nyght on Sunday nyght last was, and so have slayn it, and brought to lande; upon the whiche your said debite hath ben ther as yister day, and seysed my lordes part therof; wherof the puple was glad it shuld so be. Than John a Lowe was there, and he seyd to your debite that he wold have the Kynges part in this wise, that the Kyng and my lord shuld part the halff. Sir, the lawe cyvylle seyth thus, ‘If any fyssh ryall be founde on the se, that is to say, _whalle, bales, sturgion, porpeys, or gra[m]peys_, that my Lord Admyrall shall have the halvendele,’ &c.

I thynke my lord[116-1] hath the Kynges prerogatyff upon the see, the whiche I remytte to your discrecion, &c.

Sir, by lyklyhode, without ye take hede and send thedir som of youres, my lordes part shall be litill. It is a greet fissh and a ryall; your debite sheweth me it is xj. fadam and more of length, and ij. fadam of bygnes and depnes in the mydde fyssh.

Sir, remembre what ye have to do; there came not suche a casualte in your tyme of your office, &c. Wherfore this, by th’enfourmacion of your sayd debite, cause me to wryte un to you this sympill bille, praying you to pardone me of the writyng, for it was don in hast; and this bille I sent to Willyam Brykkes your servant, to Matelask, by masse tyme, to brynke it to you. And this day they purpose to breke it. Do hereyn now as it please you, and Allmighti God have you and all youres in Hese kepyng; besechyng you that this symple bille may recomaunde my pouer wiff un to your maistershipp.

Wretyn on Candilmas Day, in hast, at Welles.

Your,

T. GRIGGES.

[Footnote 115-3: [From Paston MSS., B.M.] This letter is evidently of the same year as that which follows it, to which we refer the reader.]

[Footnote 116-1: The Earl of Oxford was Lord Admiral.]

1030

MARGERY PASTON TO SIR JOHN PASTON[117-1]

_To my rygth wurchypfull mastyr, Syr John Paston, Knyth, this lettyr be delyvered in hast._

[Sidenote: 1489 / FEB. 10]

Rygth reverent and worchypfull sir, in the most owmble wyse I recomand me un to yow, desyryng to here of yowre welfare, the qwech God long contynew.

Sir, myn brodyr Wyllyam recomawnd hym on to yow. And as for the lettyr that ze sent on to hym, he hath schewyd my lord the entent ther off, and he thynkyth hym self, that it is no part of hys dute to have any part of the fysch, or any mony that schuld grow ther of. Never the lasse, my lord, acordyng as yowr desyre was in the letter, had qwestyond John a Lowe of thys fych, afor the comyng of John Danyel, what he had doon with all; and he answerd, as for the nedyr chavyll [_jaw_] therof, he had put it in sewrte, and leyd it in a howse, be cawse youre debyte [_deputy_] seasyd it to myn lords use, tyll it myth be undyrstond wedyr the propyrte ware in the Kyng or in my lord; and so my lord held hym well content it schud be so, in so moche as the Kyng and my lord have comawndyd John a Lowe that thys forsayd chavyll schuld be browth up to the Kyng in all goodly hast.

Fardermore, my brodyr Wyllyam perseyvyd be yowre wrytyng that ye cowd make the remnawnth of the fych worth a iiij_li._ to my lord. My lord wold ze schuld not trobyll yowre self no more with all, becawse he thynkyth that the propyrte is not in hym. And also anodyr, my brodyr Wyllyam heryth sey in the corte, that the Kyng and my lord be content that the remenaunt of the fych be to the use of them of the cuntre, the wech ze schall here the more serteyn therof here after.

Also my broder Wyllyam seyth, that my lord wyllyd yow that ze schuld send the retorne of the comyscion as hastyly as ze can, and mervell that ze hath not sent it up or thys.

As touards the brekyng up of the Parlement,[118-1] many lykelywoodes ther be, that it schuld contynew no wyle, and these be they. My Lord the Archebyschop of Yorke departyd as zysterday, and my Lord of Northethomyrlond schall goo as on Fryday; and also all schuch folkys as schall goo in to Breten schall be at Portysmowth on Satyrday cum forthnyth, and the Munday after on see bord, at wech seassun the Kyng intentyd to be ther to take the mustyrs.

And as for thos jantylmen that toke schyppyng to a gon over in to Breten up on a fortnyth a goo, that is to sey, Syr Richard Egecum, the cowntroller,[118-2] Sir Roberd Clyfford, Sir John Trobylvyll, and John Motton, sarjant porter, be a ryvyd ageyn up on the cost of Yngland, save all only Syr Richard Egecum, wech londyd in Breten, and ther was in a towne callyd Morleys, wech a non up on hys comyng was besegyd with the Frenchmen, and so skapyd hardly with hys lyff, the wech towne the Frenchemen have gotyn, and also the town callyd Breest; how be it the castell holdyth, as we here say.

And ther be apoyntyd serteyn captens at thys seasun, wech be Lord Bruke, Sir John Cheney, Sir John of Arundell, Sir John Becham, Sir John Gray, myn broder Awdley, myn unkyll Syr Gylberd Debnam,[118-3] and Thomas Stafford, and many odyr knytys and esqwyrys.

And, sir, I thanke yow for the lettyr that ze sent me. Also, syr, I have fulfyllyd myn pylgremage, thanke it be God.

Also, sir, we undyrstond that it is anactyd of every x. marke of mevable goodes xx_d._ to the Kyng, besyd the tennyth of every mannys londys.

And, sir, my brodyr Heydon schall send yow the serteyn of all odyr thyngys grawntyd at thys Parlement, for he hath cawsed John Danyell to tery all thys day for hys letter, be cawse he was with the Kyng at Westmestre, that he myth not entend to wryth it tyl nyth.

Also, sir, Master Calthorp hath payd j.C. marke to the Kyng. Also, sir, I have delyverd the x_li._ to Master Hawes, and reseywed of hym the oblygacion. Also, I have delyverd the xx^ti marke to Edmund Dorman, be my brodyr Heydons comawndment.

No more to yow at thys tyme, but God and the Holy Trinyte have yow in Her kepyng. And myn syster Anne, with all the company, recomawnd hem on to yow.

Wretyn at London, the x. day of Februar.

Be yowr servaunt,

MARGERY PASTON.

[Footnote 117-1: [From Paston MSS., B.M.] This letter is erroneously dated by Fenn 1487-8. Although Lord Woodville made an unauthorised expedition into Brittany in the spring of 1488, which is alluded to in No. 1026, no succours were sent by Henry for the relief of the Duchy till after the crushing defeat of Duke Francis at the battle of St. Aubin (July 28, 1488). The Duke died on the 9th September following, and his daughter Anne became Duchess of Brittany. Commissions to raise archers for the relief of Brittany were issued in December, and musters were commanded to be taken in February 1489.]

[Footnote 118-1: Parliament was dissolved on the 27th February 1489.]

[Footnote 118-2: Sir Richard Edgecombe was Controller of the King’s Household.]

[Footnote 118-3: Sir Thomas Brews, Margery Paston’s father, took for his second wife Elizabeth, daughter of Sir Giles, and sister of Sir Gilbert Debenham.]

1031

WILLIAM PASTON TO SIR JOHN PASTON[120-1]

_To hys broder, Sir John Paston, be thys letter delyvered._

[Sidenote: 1489 / MARCH 7]

Sir, I recomaunde me to yow, letynge yow wete that . . . . . . . . .[120-2]

As for my Lord Treserer,[120-3] he was not with the Kynge of all the counsell tyme, the whyche was endyd on the iij^de day of Marche. And theder come my Lorde of Northethombyrland the fyrste day of Marche, and departyd the even afore the makyng of thys letter, and hath endentyd with the Kynge for the kepynge owt of the Schottys and warrynge on them, and schall have large money, I can not telle the some for certeyn.

Also ther is an rover takyn at Brystowe, on [_one_] Cowper, as I wene, and he is lyke to be hanged, and he confessythe more of hys felawis. Also Edward Heestowe of Dovere is apechyd of treson of many straunge poynts; and hys accuser and he were bothe afore the Kynge, and then they were takyn apert. And he hymselfe confessyd it that hys accusere accusyd hym of, and many other thyngs more than he was accusyd of. And he had many lords and gentylmen to aunswere for hys trowthe and his demenynge afore tyme, for, as I hard sey, bothe the Kynge in a maner, nor non of the tother lords nor gentylmen belevyd not hys accuser, tyl that he confessyd it hym selfe; and so he is in the Towre and lyke to be dede.

As for the Kynges comynge into the contre. On Monday come fortenyght he well lye at the Abbey of Stratteforde and so to Chelmnsford, than to Syr Thomas Mongehombrey, than to Hevenyngham,[121-1] than to Colchestyr, than to Ipswyche, than to Bery, than to Dame Anne Wyngfelds, and so to Norwych; and there woll he be on Palme Sunday Evyn,[121-2] and so tary there all Ester, and than to Walsyngham. Wherefore ye had nede to warne Wylliam Gogyne and hys felaws to purvey them of wyne i now, for every man berythe me on hande[121-3] that the towne schalbe dronkyn drye as Yorke was when the Kynge was there.

Syr, Mayster Sampson recomaunde hym on to yow, and he hathe sende yow a rynge be Edmonde Dorman, and besydys that he requeryd me to wryte on to yow that it were best for yow to purvey yow of some gentyl meny thynges ageyns the Kyngs comyng, for suere he well brynge yow gests i now, and therfore purvey yow theraftyr. Also he sendythe yow worde that it is my lords mende that my syster with all other godely folkys there abowt scholde acompeny with Dame Elsebethe Calthrop[121-4] because there is noo grete lady ther abowte ageyns the Kyngs comyng, for my lorde hathe made grete boste of the fayre and goode gentylwomen of the contre, and so the Kynge seyd he wolde see them sure.

Syr, my lorde hathe sente on to the most parte of the gentyl men of Essex to wayte upon hym at Chelmnysford, where as he entendythe to mete with the Kynge, and that they be well apoyntyd, that the Lankeschere men may see that ther be gentylmen of as grete sobestaunce that thei be able to bye alle Lankeschere. Men thynke that ye amonge yow wol doo the same. Your contre is gretely bostyd of, and also the inabytors of the same. I beseche you to remembr my hors that ye promisyd me. God kepe yow.

Wretyn at Schene in haste, the vij. day of Marche, with the hande of your brodyr,

WYLLIAM PASTON.

[Footnote 120-1: [From Fenn, ii. 158.] This letter was unquestionably written in the reign of Henry VII., and not in that of Edward IV., to which Fenn assigned it. The writer, William Paston, was only born in the year 1459, and was still pursuing his studies at Eton so late in Edward’s reign as the year 1479, in the end of which year his eldest brother, Sir John Paston, died. The Sir John Paston to whom this is addressed must therefore be the second son of John Paston, Esquire, who was knighted at the battle of Stoke in 1487, and died in 1503. The year in which the letter was written is, however, still doubtful. I do not find by the Privy Seal dates of Henry VII. that such a progress as is here spoken of was ever carried out. Apparently it was intended that, beginning on Monday fortnight after the date of the letter, the King should occupy a fortnight on the way from London to Norwich, and arrive there on Palm Sunday Eve. The year must therefore have been one in which Palm Sunday Eve fell between the 5th and the 11th of April, and Easter Day between the 13th and 19th April. The earliest year that will suit these conditions is 1489, when Easter fell on the 19th April; and that this was the true date of the letter is made probable by several other circumstances. In 1489 the King was staying at Sheen during March. A great council had certainly met in the end of the year 1488 about the affairs of Brittany, and is very likely to have prolonged its meetings or renewed them from time to time to the 3rd March following. Moreover, if our date be correct, it supplies an interesting and highly probable fact with regard to Henry, Earl of Northumberland, the fourth of the line of Percy, who was slain in an insurrection in the north in April following, showing that he was with the King at Sheen in the beginning of March, and had undertaken by indenture to protect the Borders against the Scots, not long before he found himself called upon to put down the King’s rebellious subjects in Yorkshire.]

[Footnote 120-2: Here follows some account relative to a grant from the Crown, etc.--F.]

[Footnote 120-3: John, Lord Dynham.]

[Footnote 121-1: Not Haveningham in Suffolk, but Heveningham, Hevingham, or, as it is now commonly written, Hedingham, in Essex, the seat of the Earl of Oxford.]

[Footnote 121-2: 11th April.]

[Footnote 121-3: _See_ vol. ii. p. 110, Note 1.]

[Footnote 121-4: Elizabeth, wife of Sir William Calthorpe, was daughter and coheir of Sir Miles Stapleton.]

[[be thys letter delyvered. _first italic “d” misprinted as “a”_]]

1032

THE EARL OF OXFORD TO SIR JOHN PASTON[122-1]

_To the righte worshipfull and my righte intierly belovyd Sir John Paston, Knyghte._

[Sidenote: 1489 / MARCH 12]

Righte worshipfull and righte intierly belovyd, I commaunde me to you. And acording to the Kyng our soverayne Lordis commaundemente late to me addressid, I desire and pray you that ye woll in all godely haste, upon the sighte hereof, prepare youre selfe to be in a redinesse with as many personnes as ye herbyfore grauntid to do the Kyng servyce in my company diffensibely arayed and therupon so to resorte unto me in all godely haste possyble upon a day warnyng, horsid and harnessid, to be at the Kynges wayges. And God kepe yow.

Writen at my castelle of Hedingham, the xij. day of Marche.

OXYNFORD.

[Footnote 122-1: [Douce MS. 393, f. 79.] The date at which this letter was written is uncertain, but it may very probably have reference, like some later letters in this year, to the King’s proposed journey northwards, as it will be seen by the last No. that he intended to have visited the Earl at Hedingham.]

1033

WILLIAM PASTON TO THE BAILIFF OF MAUTBY[123-1]

_To the Baly of Mawlteby._

[Sidenote: 1489]

Mayster Baly, I recomaunde me on to yow, praynge yow that ye woll sende me be Wylliam Kokkys[123-2] berer her of, iiij. nobylles in golde, putt in to the same boxe that thys byll is in, as thow it wer evydens; for I have tolde the masengere that he schulde brynge me nothyng but evydens, for he is in a manere departyng owt of my servyse, wherfore I wold nott he knew so myche of my counsell. And as for the remenaunte, I wellde ze schulde kepe it tyll I come my selfe.

And if Bayard be onsolde, I pray yow late hym be made fatte ageyns the Kynge come in to the contre, what so ever I pay for the kepyng of hym, and I schall wete how goode a corser I schall be my selfe, at my comyng in to the contre, be the grace of God, Who have yow in kepyng.

Wretyn at Henyngham.

Be your,

WYLLIAM PASTON.

[Footnote 123-1: [From Fenn, iv. 310.] This letter is dated from Heningham, or Hedingham, one of the places which, as we have seen in No. 1031, the King was to have visited on his intended journey northwards in 1489. I have little doubt, therefore, that it was written in that year. The writer, according to Fenn, was William Paston, Sir John’s uncle; but it is remarkable that in this same year William Paston, Sir John’s brother, writes to him from Heningham, and as the signatures of the two Williams were not very unlike each other, one may fairly suspect that Fenn has here made an error. This suspicion is, moreover, confirmed by the fact that Mautby was the property of Margaret Paston, who died in 1484, and that it could not possibly have descended to her brother-in-law William, though her son William may have had an interest in it.]

[Footnote 123-2: Fenn prints the name ‘Hokkys,’ but as the reading in the modernised version is Cocks, I presume this is a printer’s error.]

1034

THE EARL OF OXFORD TO EDMUND PASTON[124-1]

_To my right welbiloved Edmond Paston, Esquier._

[Sidenote: Between 1486-9]

Right welbiloved, I grete you wele. And where as certein landes which late were the Lord Scales by title of enheritaunce, be discendid to me, and to my welbiloved cousin William Tyndale, it is accordid bitwixt me and my said cousin that the profites of the said landes, shalle neither be taken by my resceivoire nor his, but that an indifferent persone shalle take and resceive the same profittes to the use of us bothe till suche tyme as a resonable particion may laufully be made in that behalf. Wherfore as wele as I my said cousin, havyng speciall confidence and trust in you, desire and hertly pray you to take the laboure and peyn atte oure costes and charges, to take and resceive the profites of alle the said landes, to oure use and behofe, deliveryng alwey the oon moyte of your receites to my resceivoure, and the other moitee to my said cousin Tyndale, whan so ever the said profites by you so shalle be taken and resceived. Yevyng you full auctorite and power by this my writyng to execute the same.

Written atte Newe Market the vij^th day of Aprill.

OXYNFORD.

[Footnote 124-1: [Douce MS. 393, f. 81.] A portion of the lands of Thomas, Lord Scales, whose widow, Elizabeth, married Anthony Woodville, Earl of Rivers,--and among others the manor called Scales’s Manor in Hockwold,--descended after the death of this Elizabeth to William Tyndale, who was knighted at the coronation of Arthur, Prince of Wales, on the 30th November 1489. (See Blomefield, ii. 180, and Leland’s _Collectanea_, iv. 250-2.) As this letter must have been written after the accession of Henry VII., when the Earl of Oxford returned from banishment, and before William Tyndale was made a knight, the date is between 1486 and 1489.]

1035

THE SCALES LANDS[125-1]

Edmund Paston, receyvor of the Scalys landes, askyth to be allowed of xij_li._ xij_s._ viij_d._ whiche hangith over his hede in his accompte made bifore Robert Sharp at the Feste of the Pureficacion of our Lady laste paste, for his costes and expenses for two yeres, as hyt apperith in the sayde accomptes.

Item, the sayde Edmund askyth to be allowed for his costes and expenses of this yere, Cxviij_li._ iiij_d._, beside his costes commynge and goynge to this accompte.

Item, for his rewarde of the saide iij. yeres _ad placitum dominorum_. Whereof ys allowed for his costes by the comaundement of my lorde,

x_li._

Item, allowed by the[125-2]

_Endorsed in same hand as the MS._, Billa Edmundi Paston.

[Footnote 125-1: [Douce MS. 393, f. 80.] It is evident that this document is at least three years later than the preceding, but it is placed here for convenience.]

[Footnote 125-2: Here the MS. breaks off abruptly.]

[[of this yere, Cxviij_li._ iiij_d._ _text unchanged: error for “Cxviij_s._”?_]]

1036

HENRY VII. TO THE EARL OF OXFORD[125-3]

[Sidenote: 1489 / APRIL 22]

Right trusty and entierly beloved cousin, we grete you well. Inasmuch as it hath liked God to sende us good tidinges oute of Bretayn, such as we dought not but that ye be desirous to undrestonde, we wryte unto you of them as thay be comen to our knowlage, and as foloueth.

The Lord Malpertuis, now late with us in ambassade from our dere cousine, the Duchesse of Bretayne, shippid at our porte of Dortmouth, and arrived at Saynt Powle de Lyon, in Bretayn, on Palme Sonday,[126-1] at iiij. after noone, from whens he wrote us the disposicion and the state of the countre there, and of the landyng and the demeanyng of oure armee. We received his wrytyng on Monday last, at evynsong tyme; and be cause he was of Bretayn borne, and favorable to that partie, we ne gave such trust to his tidinges, as was thought to us surete to wryte to you theruppon.

This daye, aftre High Masse, comyth unto us from oute of Bretayne forsaid, and with a new ambassade from our said cousine, Fawcon, oon of our pursivantes, that ratifieth the newes of the seid Lord Malpertuis, which ben these.

After the garysson of Frenshmen in the towne of Gyngham[126-2] had certeinte of the landyng of our armee, thei drewe downe the fabours[126-3] of Gyngham, and made thayme mete to defende a siege; but assone as thei undirstode that our said armee jornayned towardes theim, thei left the same Gyngham, where our said armee arrived the Thursday next before Palme Sonday, and was received with procession, logged and received, refreshed in the town iiij. dayes. And goyng towardes the said Duchesse, thei must passe to the castell and borugh of Monconter. In that castell was also a garnisson of Frenshemen, which incontinently, upon worde that our said armee drwe towardes theym, the Frenshmen did cast downe gret parte of the walles, and fled from thens; in that castell and borugh our seid armee kept thair Estre. The castell of Chawson, adjoyning nere to the towne of Saynt Bryak, was also garnisond with Frenshmen; that castell they set on fire, and soo fled in the townes of Henebone and Vannes[126-4] were garnisond with Frenshmen, which breke downe the walles of the townes, and putte them selff to fligth. Th’inhabitantes a bought Brest have layd siege therunto, and goten the Base Courte of the Frenshmen or the departyng of our said pursivaunt. The garnson of the towne of Concarnewe, which is oon of the grettest strenghes of all Bretayn, was besieged in like wyse, and drevyn to that necessite that thei with in offerid, ar his said departyng, to avoyde the towne with staffe in hande; how that is takyn, or what is more done sithens, he cannot telle.

Oure said cousine, the Duchesse, is in her citee of Raynes; and our right trusti knyght and counsellour, Sir Richard Eggecombe, there also, havyng cheeff rule abowte her; and the Marchall of Bretayn arredieth hym to joyne with them in alle haste with a gode band of men. Mony noble men of that countree repair to our said armee to take their partie.

These premisses in substaunce we have be wrytyng, aswell from the cheff capytaynes of our said armee, as from our comptrollour[127-1] forsaid. And that our said armee, blessid be God, hath among theyme selfe kepte such love and accorde, that no maner of fray or debate hath bene bitwene theym sithens the tyme of thair departing out this our Reame. Yoven under our signed, at our castell at Hartford, the xxij. day of Aprill.

Syr, thys is the copye of the lettyr that the Kynge sente my Lorde of Oxynford of tydyynges owte of Breten.

Be yowre brodyr,

WYLLIAM PASTON.

[Footnote 125-3: [From Paston MSS., B.M.] This letter was evidently written in the same year as No. 1030, in which it is mentioned that Sir Richard Edgecombe and others had gone over to Brittany.]

[Footnote 126-1: 12th April.]

[Footnote 126-2: Guingamp.]

[Footnote 126-3: Fauxbourgs, which Fenn supposes here to mean portcullises, but I know not if the word was ever used in such a sense. Perhaps what is meant is, that they destroyed the suburbs to fortify their position.]

[Footnote 126-4: The word ‘which’ appears to be omitted.]

[Footnote 127-1: Sir Richard Edgecombe.]

1037

THE EARL OF OXFORD TO SIR JOHN PASTON[127-2]

_To the right worshipfull and my right welbeloved Sir John Paston, Knyght._

[Sidenote: 1489 / APRIL 30]

Right worshipfull and right welbeloved, I comaunde me to you. And for as moche as it is certeinly unto the Kynges Grace shewed that my Lord of Northumberland havyng the auctorite to se the Kynges money levied in the North parties, had knowleche that certeyne persones of combnes wer assembled at Topclif, and at a nother lordship of his nygh to the same, saying that they wolde pay no money; my seid Lord of Northumberland heryng therof, and that they wer but naked men, addressed hym self towardes theym withoute eny harneys in pesible maner, trustyng to have appeased theym. Howe be it, as hit is seid, that he is distressed and that they have taken hym or slayne hym; whiche the Kyng entendeth to punysshe. I therfore desire and hertely pray you in all godely haste to be with me at Hedyngham, there for to knowe more clierly the Kynges plesir in this behalve. Writen at Hertford the last day of Aprile.

Also I send to you a comyssion of licence to shepp corne, which I pray you to do to be proclaymed in alle haste.

OXYNFORD.

[Footnote 127-2: [Douce MS. 393, f. 83.] The Earl of Northumberland was slain in the North on the 28th April 1489, while endeavouring to put down a revolt against payment of the subsidy.]

1038

THE EARL OF OXFORD TO SIR JOHN PASTON[128-1]

_To the right worshipfull and my right welbeloved counceilour, Sir John Paston, Knyght._

[Sidenote: 1489 / MAY 6]

Right worshipfull and right welbeloved counceilour, I comaunde me to you. And where as I understand by your wrytyng that a grete shippe is perisshed with you in thoo parties, and that ye have ben gretely occupied aboute the savyng of the goodes of the same; and that the merchauntes therof ben disposed to put their wynes to sale, of the whiche ye maye by a ton for C_s._ and litel more; I may by in this cuntrey for iiij_li._, wherfore if ye may by there eny better chepe, I pray you to purveye for me, such as ye seme necessary.

And forsomoche as ye may nat be here with me at this tyme, I desire and pray you to prepare and ordeyne your self with as many men in harneys as ye godely may, to do the Kyng service in my company, at the Kynges charge and costes, so as ye and they may be with me at Cambrige, upon Tewesday[129-1] next comyng; and that ye faile nat herof, as my right especial trust is in you.

Writen at my castell of Hedyngham, the vj. daye of May.

OXYNFORD.

[Footnote 128-1: [From Paston MSS., B.M.] For the date of this letter, see preliminary note to the next.]

[Footnote 129-1: 12th May.]

1039

WILLIAM PASTON TO SIR JOHN PASTON[129-2]

_To hys brodyr, Syr John Paston._

[Sidenote: 1489 / MAY]

Syr, I recomaunde me on to yow. And where as ye desyre that I schulde sende yow worde of suche tydyng as Phylyp Lewes and Wyndesor bryngythe fro the corte, they be come thens bothe, but we here of no tydynges that they brynge, but that yondyr folkys abyde stylle abowte the place where as thys onhappy dede was done, and not with no grete nowmbyr, they sey not paste with v. or vj. C., where they were moste. Howbeyt they have made proclamacions in the cuntrey to mete with oder of ther affynyte as on Tuesday last past, as it aperythe in the copy of ther proclamacion heraftyr folowyng. Also they schewe the Kynge intendythe to holde on hys jurney. And Phylyp Lewes is redyn ageyn to the Kyng, and schall brynge with hym money for all ther wages that schall be in my lordys retynew, as yow and vj. of Syr Wylliam Bolens servauntes and od[yrs].

Syr, Mr. Clopton sye [_saw_] yowre lettyr, and a seythe he knew my lordes mende suche, that he durste not meve hym with it. Ther was Syr Wylliam Say, but Clopton wolde not it schulde be knowen of non other but your selfe. He sent my lorde be a servaunt of hys xl_li._ to have excusyid hym, and it wolde not be takyn, and that I mervell of. Howbeyt he brake thus fer to my lorde; he asched hym how many he apoyntyd yow to brynge with yow, and he answerde hym xx^ti, and than he schewyd hym yowr charges that ye have had. My lorde seyd ye myght have men a nowe, and ther wages schal be payd for. Clopton aunswerde how that it wolde coste yow large money, besyde ther wages, to hors them and hernes them; and how that, to sey the trowthe, ye were not well at ese.

Not withstandynge all thys, my lorde wyllyd that ye schulde come to hym to Cambryge on Tuesday at nyght, with as many as ye myght, and ye and he schulde do well i now. Soo Clopton thyngyth that and ye brynge a dosen with yow, it is suffycyent; howbeyt that Syr Emonde Bedyngfeld, Syr Thomas Tyrell, and Syr Ryc. Lewes have ben with my lorde, and yche of them have offyrde to mete with my lorde at Cambryge with xxx. men a pese of them. So I wolde not ye schulde be to ferre undyr them; wherfor I thynke best that ye purvey yow so as and ye schulde goo forthe yor selfe, for I can perseve non othyr wyse.

My bedfelawe Cornwaleys is maryed in the Northe, and he came as yesternyght to my lorde streyt owt of the contre, and he scheythe [_showeth_] non othyr wyse but as I have wretyn here afore in thys lettyr.

Ye schall have for yor self and for yche of your servauntes horsyd and hernessyd xx_s._ in hande at Cambryge for a monthe, and I truste we schal have done or xx. days to an ende, with the grace of God, Who have yow in kepynge.

At Henyngham.

Be your brodyr,

WYLLIAM PASTON.

[_The Rebels’ Proclamacion._]

To be knowyn to all the northe partes of England, to every lorde, knyght, esquyer, gentylman, and yeman that they schalbe redy in ther defensable aray, in the est parte, on Tuysday next comyng, on Aldyrton More, and in the west parte on Gateley More, the same day, upon peyne of losyng of ther goodes and bodyes, for to geynstonde suche persons as is abowtward for to dystroy oure suffereyn Lorde the Kynge and the Comowns of Engelond, for suche unlawfull poyntes as Seynt Thomas of Cauntyrbery dyed for; and thys to be fulfyllyd and kept by every ylke comenere upon peyn of dethe.

And thys is in the name of Mayster Hobbe Hyrste, Robyn Godfelaws brodyr he is, as I trow.

[Footnote 129-2: [From Paston MSS., B.M.] It is evident that this letter was written shortly after the preceding, which is dated the 6th May. In that letter Paston is desired to be at Cambridge on the Tuesday following to do the King service, and here we find that it was intended by the King himself to have been there, leading an army against some Northern rebels in person. The expressions in the beginning of this letter leave very little doubt that the insurrection referred to was that in which the Earl of Northumberland was slain on the 28th April 1489.--_See_ Leland’s _Collectanea_, iv. 246.]

[[howbeyt that Syr Emonde Bedyngfeld _“y” in “Bedvngfeld” either broken or misprinted as “v”_]]

1040

THE BISHOP OF DURHAM TO SIR JOHN PASTON[131-1]

_To the right worshypful sire, and my right trusty and right entierly wel beloffyd freynde, Sire John Paston, Knyght._

ΙΗΣ. Χρς.

[Sidenote: 1490 / JAN. 27]

Ryght wortchipful sire, and myne especial and of long tyme apprevyd, trusty and feythful frende, I in myne hertyeste wyse recommaunde me un to you. And for as myche as I hafe coles and odyr thynges in thise parties, and also ye hafe in those parties cornes, wyne, and wax, and as I am enfourmyd ye be noght evyl wyllyd to dele with me, no more than I am to dele with you in utteryng, and also in receyvyng of suche thynges, the whiche myght be to the profete of us bothe, I ther fore send un to you at thys tyme thys berer, William Walkere, gentylman usshere of my chamber, to commune with you herein, so that by delyberation suche a wey may be takyn in thys byhalfe as may be to the profete of either of us, and wher by our familiarite and frendeship may be encrescyd in tyme to cum. Where un to for our old acquayntance to gedyr, ye shal fynde me ful redy after my powere, by the grace of our Lorde, Who ever kepe you, and send you myche worship and long prosperite.

Scribyllyd in the moste haste, at my castel or manoir of Aucland, the xxvij. day of January 1489.[132-1]

Your own trewe luffer and frende,

JOHN DURESME.[132-2]

[Footnote 131-1: [From Paston MSS., B.M.]]

[Footnote 132-1: 1490 according to the modern computation, beginning the year in January instead of on the 25th March.]

[Footnote 132-2: John Sherwood, Bishop of Durham. He was appointed to that see by the Pope in 1485 at the solicitation of King Richard III. He was a man of high character and learning, and one of the earliest Greek scholars in England.]

1041

LUMEN HARYSON TO [SIR JOHN PASTON][132-3]

[Sidenote: About 1490(?)]

Onerabyll and well be lovyd knythe, I commend me on to zour masterchepe and to my lady zowyr wyffe. I thanke zowyr mastyrchepe that ze have don for me. I sen my lady a lytyll pes of Renysch wyne of the best, of x. gallons, and halfe a hondyrd orrygys. I schall send hyr mor a geyns Pencost that sche may have fresche. And Renold have not gyve me the to nobyls and xlj_d._, that ze told me off for the wyne. And my servys be nyzt and be day to zowr commawndment. Zyff zowyr mastyrchep wyll ony thyng wyth me, I xall be at Cley. No more than God be wyth zow.

Wrytyn up on the Tuysday aftyr Palme Sonday.

LUMEN HARYSON.

At zowyr comawndment.

[Footnote 132-3: [From Paston MSS., B.M.] This letter was printed in volume v. of the original edition, p. 380. I do not know Sir John Fenn’s reason for considering it to have been written ‘about 1490,’ but as I see nothing to the contrary, I keep it under his date. The writer was probably one of the German merchants of the Hanse, and the name with which he signs the letter seems to have been a little Anglicised. It is endorsed by Sir John, ‘Lumen Henrikson.’]

1042

SIR JOHN PASTON TO [LORD FITZWALTER][133-1]

[Sidenote: About 1490(?)]

Humbly besecheth your good lordshepe, your dayly servaunt and beedman, John Paston, more kayteff than knyght, that it may please you of your specyall grace to dyrect ought your lettres, sygned with your hand and sealid with your seall, to the dreedfull man, Jamys Radcliff of Byllingforth, Sqwyer, fermour of your wareyn ther, ought of wheys wareyn no maner of man nor vermyn dare take on hym, for dought of your seyd dredfull [man], to take or carye awey eny of your game ther, for fere [of being] hangyd up among other mysdoers and forfaytours, as wesellis, lobsters [_stoats_], polkattys, bosartys [_hawks_], and mayne currys,--that the seyd Jamys shall, upon the syght of your seyd wryghtyng, delyver, or cause to be delyverd, to your seyd besecher or to hys depute, delyverer of your seyd lettres, at hys fyrst syght of the same, vj. coupyll blake conyes or rennyng rabbettys, or some blake and some whyght to the seyd nombre, to store with a newe grownd of your seyd besechers at Oxenhed, more lyeke a pynnefold than a parke. And your seyd besecher shall daylye prey to God for the preservacyon of your noble estate longe t’endure.

[Footnote 133-1: [From Paston MSS., B.M.] This humorous petition, though it bears no address, was certainly drawn up for presentation to Sir John Radcliff, Lord Fitzwalter, the writer of Letters 1024 and 1025, for he was lord of the manor of Billingford in Norfolk, and James Radcliff, the farmer of his warren, was evidently his kinsman. The date is probably, as Fenn suggests, ‘about 1490,’ certainly before 1495, when Lord Fitzwalter was beheaded. The MS. is a rough draft in Paston’s hand.]

1043

THE EARL OF SURREY TO SIR JOHN PASTON[134-1]

_To my right worshipfull cousine, Sir John Paston, Knyght._

[Sidenote: 1490, or later]

Right worshipfull cousine, in right harty wyse I commaunde me unto you. And where I understand by Thomas Hartforde, a bower of Norwiche, berer herof, hath been putt to grete vexacion and trouble by oon Thomas Hogan, scomaker, of Norwiche, and that I perceyve ye have harde the matier depending in travers bitwixt the saide parties; I therfore desire you that, in the right of the forsayd Thomas Hartford, ye wolbe unto hym gode maistir, and the bettir for this myn instaunce, as my singler trust is in you.

And where I conceyve also that the same Thomas is noysed in Norffolk for a Scotesman borne, ye shall understande that I perceyve wele, by suche honest folkes as I have hard speke within the citie of York, that the saide Thomas was borne their, and his fathir there inhabityng, and his god fathirs and mothers, the which bee right honest persones; and for that this is true, and not feyned, ye shall understand the Maiour of the citie of York and his brethern hath made grete instaunce unto me to writ for the saide Thomas, for whom I must nedes do, because thaye arre my nye neighbours, as our Lord knoweth, Who have you in His blissid saufegard.

Written in the castell of Shirefhoton, the xxiiij^th day of Aprill.

Your lovyng cousin,

THOMAS SURREY.

[Footnote 134-1: [From Paston MSS., B.M.] Thomas Howard, Earl of Surrey, the writer of this letter, fought for Richard III. at the battle of Bosworth, and was taken prisoner. He was, however, after some years’ confinement, liberated from the Tower, and taken into favour. In 1489 the King sent him into the North to put down the rebellion in which the Earl of Northumberland was slain, and afterwards made him his lieutenant-general north of Trent; and for ten years he resided continually in those parts. The date of this letter, therefore, cannot be earlier than 1490, though it may be several years later.]

1044

THE EARL OF SURREY TO SIR JOHN PASTON[135-1]

_To my right worshipfull Cousin, Sir John Paston._

[Sidenote: 1490, or later]

Cousin Paston, in my most herty wyse I recomaund me unto you, and thank you for many kindnesses of tyme past, and also for that ye have bene so good maister unto my sarvaunt William May, and now at his comyng to me ye have at your greate coste sent him to me dressed in suche wise as is veray necessary for me to have men appareled; for the whiche your kindnesse I think myselfe right muche beholden to do you pleasure and it moght lye in my power, which I wuld right gladly do, as knoweth our Lord, whom I beseche to send you moche harte pleasure. Wreten at Sherifhoton, the vj^th day of July, with the hand of

Your lovyng Cousin,

THOMAS SU[RREY].[135-2]

[Footnote 135-1: [MS. in Pembroke College, Cambridge.] This letter may well follow the last as being probably of the same year. At all events it lies within much the same range of date.]

[Footnote 135-2: Mutilated. Below is written in a later hand, and also mutilated: ‘Thomas Howard, Earl of Surrey, the . . . . of Scots at Flodden.’ The letter is indorsed ‘Litt. Com. Surrey.’]

1045

THE EARL OF OXFORD TO SIR JOHN PASTON[135-3]

_To the right worshipfull and my right intierly welbelovyd counsellour, Sir John Paston, Knyght._

[Sidenote: 1491(?) / MARCH 27]

Right worshipfull and right intierly welbelovyd councellour, I commaund me hertely to you. And forasmoche as for certayne especiall causes moving, there be sessions appoynted to be holden at Gyppiswiche, the Friday sevenyght aftre Estre, which shall be the xv. day of Aprile, where I purpose then certaynly to be, and to have aswell the matere by twene Sir Edmounde Benyngfeld[136-1] and Yelverton[136-2] there to be harde and commenyd, as diverse othre grete maters in that contrey necessary to be had in comynycacion; I therfor desire and pray you that ye fayle nat to be there the same day, bryngyng with you the forseide Yelverton, trusting that then suche direccion shall be takyn in that matere as can be thought resonable, and to the weale of the parties; nat doubting but that Sir Edmound Benyngfeld shall be there in like wise. And Almyghty God kepe you.

Wretin at my castell of Hedingham, the xxvij. day of Marche.

OXYNFORD.

[Footnote 135-3: [From Paston MSS., B.M.] As ‘Friday se’nnight after Easter’ was the 15th April, Easter Day must have fallen on the 3rd in the year in which this letter was written. This would suit either 1491 or 1496.]

[Footnote 136-1: Bedingfield.]

[Footnote 136-2: William Yelverton, Sir John Paston’s brother-in-law, grandson of the Judge.]

1046

HENRY VII. TO THE EARL OF OXFORD[136-3]

[Sidenote: 1491 / APRIL 6]

Ryght trusty and ryght welbelovyd cousyn, we grete yow well, &c. In that we desyer all the dogers [_fishing smacks_] of thos partes schuld have our licens to departe in the viage towardes Islond, as they have ben accustommyd to do yerly in tyme passyd, and that ye woll undertak they shall have with them no more quantites of graynes then woll only suffice for ther vitallyng and expensis; we late yow witte that owr fully interly belovyd cousyn the Kyng of Demarke hath showyd and compleynyd un to us by dyverse his letters, that when our subjectes come to the seid Islelond, beyng in hys obeissiance, they stelle, robbe, and exstorte his subjectes ther ageynse ryght and conciens. Wherfore, the seyd doggeres fyndyng sufficient surte be forne yow, such as ye will answer unto us, that they shall not have with them no graynes mo then shall only suffice for ther vitallyng, nor odyr thyng woth them that ys for bedyn, and that also they shall not in goyng, comyng, nor in ther beyng at the seyd Islond, take noo thyng but that they treuly pay or agre for, and frendly entrete our seyd cousyns subjectes withowth eny robbyng or exstartyng them in there bodyes ner goodys; we be content the seyd doggeres make ther viages thedyr at ther libertes, eny our wrytyng or comandment mad in to the contrary nat withstandyng; and ellys we woll that our restraynte of ther thedyr goyng stond styll in his strenthe and vertu.

Yovyn ondir our signet, at our maner of Shene, the vj^th day of Aprile.

* * *

JOHN VER, Erle of Oxynford, Gret Chambyrleyn and Admirall of Ynglond, Viscount Bulbek, and Lord Skalys, to all them that this present writyng shall see or here, gretyng. And for asmuch as I late have recevyd the Kyng our Sovereyn Lords letters, beryng date the vj^th day of this monyth of Aprile, accordyng to a copy of the same, signyd with myn hand, wiche my ritht trusty servant, John Rowe, Marchall of my Admyralite, hath for to showe;

Know ye that I, the seyd Erle and Admirall, have assygned and deputyd my seyd servant to see our seyd Sovereyn Lordes lettyrs pleynly executyd acordyng to the tenure of the same, and by thys present wrytyng have yevyn to hym full autoryte and pouer to put undyr arest all such doggeres as be dysposyd to mak the viage towardes Islond, to such tyme as they have fownd surte afor me, accordyng to owr seyd Sovereyn Lordys comandment, for ther demenyng in the seyd viagys.

Yovyn under myn signett and signee manuell the x^th day of Aprile the vj. yere of the reygne of our seyd Sovereyn Lord Kyng Hery the vij^{th}.

[Footnote 136-3: [From Paston MSS., B.M.]]

[[our seyd Sovereyn Lord Kyng Hery the vij^{th}. _final . missing or invisible_]]

1047

THE EARL OF OXFORD TO SIR JOHN PASTON[138-1]

_To the right worshipfull and my right welbeloved Sir John Paston, Knyght._

[Sidenote: 1491(?) / JULY 31]

Right worshipfull and right welbeloved, I comaunde me to you. And where as I late receyved your wrytyng, beryng date the xxvj. day of this present monthe, by the whiche I understand that one Richard Calle toke certeyne men of werre robbyng upon the coste there; and in somoche as I understand that they be under the obeissaunce of the Kyng of Denmarke, I wolle and desyre you that ye delyver theym unto the seid Richard Calle to take his avauntage of theym as prisoners, seyng my dutee reserved in every thyng, as my trust is in you. And Almyghty God kepe you.

Writen at my castell of Hedyngham, the last day of Jule.

OXYNFORD.

[Footnote 138-1: [From Paston MSS., B.M.] The date of this letter is uncertain, but, as Fenn suggests, it is not unlikely to have been written in the year 1491, when it may be supposed that Danish sailors endeavoured to requite the injuries inflicted by the English in Iceland, of which mention is made in the last letter.]

1048

THE OLD AND NEW BAILIFFS OF YARMOUTH TO SIR JOHN PASTON[138-2]

_To oure right reverent and worshipfull and special good maister, Maister Paston._

[Sidenote: 1491 / [SEPT.]]

Right reverent and worshipfull sir, and oure veray lovyng and curteys good mayster, we recomaund us on to you in as feythefull wyse as on oure part aperteynith; and hertely we thanke you for your labour and letter, whiche ye sent to us be your servaunt, be the whiche we wer asserteynid of the Kynges pleasure, and to acomplyshe the same, we with the assistens of youre maistirship wyll put us in oure devoir.

We were at your manoir of Castir to have sen your maistirshyp, but ye were departyd as well from Yermouth yistirday, as this day from Castre. We wold have ben joyous to have seen your maistirship, if our fortune so had ben.

Sir, we be enfourmyd that ore old special good Lord of Oxford, in whom we founde as gret favour be the mediacion of your maystirship, as ever we had of any creature, as we have wryting to shewe, in recumpens of whiche at all tymes sethyn hise lordshyp hathe had our preyeris; and now we wold have waytid upon hise lordshyp, but your maystirship knowith well we may not be absent on Mychilmesse Day for dyverse consederacions. Wherfore we beseke your good maystirshyp, ye lyke of your jentilnesse, to recomaund us unto our seyd good lord, and to make our exkuse to hym, and to do hyse lordshyp [to be] presentyd with a porpeyse, whiche we send yow be the brynger of thys; and if we had any othyr deyntes to do hym a pleasure, we wold, that knowyth God, Whom we beseke of Hyse infenit mercy to preserve the Kyng our Soverayn Lord, and oure seyd good lord, and you, and all the frutys of you from all adversite.

Youre loveres and bedmen, the old Baliffes of Yermouth, and the newe Balyffes that now shalbe.

[Footnote 138-2: [From Paston MSS., B.M.] ‘Several ordinances,’ says Fenn, ‘respecting corporation business, made by the men of Yarmouth, through Sir John Paston and Lord Oxford’s attention to them, received the King’s assent by his Attorney-General in 1491. It was for their activity in those matters, I presume, that this letter of thanks, etc. was addressed to Sir John.’ The time of year appears by the letter itself to be about Michaelmas.]

1049

THE EARL OF OXFORD TO SIR JOHN PASTON[140-1]

_To the right worshipfull and my right intierly welbelovyd counceillor, Sir John Paston, Knyght._

[Sidenote: About 1491(?) / OCT. 20]

Right worshipfull and right intierly welbelovyd counceillor, I comaund me to you. And where as I late have receyved your writing, wherby I . . . . . . the demeanyng of Richard Barkeley and his shipp as other, I have ta . . . . . . . . of hym to be redy at all tymes to answer to all suche thynges as can be l . . . . . . . . . he demeanyng. I woll therfor that ye suffre hym, his men and shippys, . . . . . . . . d as for a last of hering and an half, whiche I undirstond by hy . . . . . . of his, I woll that ye delyver hit to the countroller of my howshold. A . . . . . . . o put undyr suertie all suche hering so takyn or revid by the carveyll of . . . . . . . any other. And God kepe you.

Wretin at Melford, the xx. day of Octobre.

And where as I am enformyd that ye take hym nat for my servaunt, and so he ys noysed in the contrey ther, I woll that hit be knowin that I take hym as my servaunt, and so will do as long as I know no cause of the contrary.

OXYNFORD.

[Footnote 140-1: [From a MS. in the Bodleian Library.] The MS. of this letter is mutilated, but it is perfectly intelligible, as it is the first of three relating to the same subject, of which Fenn has printed the second in his fifth volume. The date of the matter referred to is, however, uncertain, and I follow the example of Fenn in assigning the correspondence conjecturally to the year 1491, in which we have other letters from the Earl, as Admiral, to Sir John, as his Vice-Admiral.]

1050

THE EARL OF OXFORD TO SIR JOHN PASTON[141-1]

_To the right worshipfull and my right intierly welbelovyd councellour, Sir John Paston, Knyght._

[Sidenote: About 1491(?) / OCT.]

Right worshipfull and right intierly welbeloved councellour, I comaund me to you. And where as I undirstond, by your writing to me delyverid by this berar, the roborye and dispoyling of certayn Corvers of Holond and Selond, done by the shipp callyd _the Foole_, wherof Robert Spenser was maister, aswell in herryng, vitayle, and takelyng, as ye be enfourmyd by iij. personnys of the same shippe, and of th’entent and disposicion of the master and feleshyp of the same, whiche shewe, as ye write, that Barkeley, aswell with that shipp as with a prise that he hathe bought, late takyn of the Frenchemen, were disposid and determenyd to do myche harme, wherupon ye have indevorid you to breke the same; how be hit that the seid Barkeley hath be late with me, and found suertie in a C_li._ to answer to all suche demeanyng, when he shall be callyd; and therupon I wrote to you to suffre hym, his men, and shippis to departe at libertie; yet nevyrtheless, concidering your large writing, I can nat be content in my mynde to suche tyme as I may here bothe you and Barkeley to geder; willing therf[or that ye do] kepe the shippys and goodes in suertie, and to be with me your selfe . . . . . . . . well may, bringyng with you suche iij. personnys as have . . . . . . . . . certaynte of this mater; and so I have wretin to Barkeley . . . . . se to answer to the same. And God kepe you.

Wretin . . . . . . . of Octobre.

Also yf the be eny of the Duchemen . . . . . . . . any sute for ther gode, that ye then cause one of . . . . . . . to shewe and clayme ther owne.

OXYNFORD.

[Footnote 141-1: [From Paston MSS., B.M.] _See_ preliminary note to last letter.]

1051

THE EARL OF OXFORD TO SIR JOHN PASTON[142-1]

_To the right worshipfull and my right welbeloved counceilour, Sir John Paston, Knyght._

[Sidenote: About 1491(?) / OCT. 28]

Right worshipfull and right welbeloved counceilour, I comaunde me to you. Certifieint you that I wolde have be right glad to have had you, the iij. persones that enformed you of Berkeleys demenyng, and Berkeley togeder, to th’entent that I myght have had ripe knowleche of their demenyng, to have shewed the Kynge at my comyng unto His Grace. Nevertheles, sith I understand by your late wrytyng, to me brought by the seid Berkeley the xxviij. day of this present monthe, beryng date the Monday next before Seynt Symond Day and Jude, that ther is nat so grete defaute in the same Berkeley as ye by your former writinges to me sent wend [_thought_] ther had be, and that the defaute, if eny be, is in one Spenser, maister of the shippe belongyng to the seid Berkeley, and that ye thynke also that such suretee as I have take of the same Berkeley is sufficient inogh, better or more than nedeth for that cause, and that in your mynde ye thynke he woll be of gode guydyng and demenyng in tyme comyng; I woll and desire you that ye delyver hym his shippes, men, and goodes, accordyng to my first wrytyng to you sent in that behalve. And Almyghty God kepe you.

Writen at my castell of Hedingham, the xxviij. day of Octobre.

OXYNFORD.

[Footnote 142-1: [Douce MS. 393, f. 90.] _See_ preliminary note to