letter I lete you have understondyng that if it pleasyd yow to grante

and assente therto, Syr Thomas Howes wolde resyngne the benefyse of Mawteby to a ful prestly man of Norwych callyd Sir Thomas Lyndys, whom I suppose ye have knolech of. Neverthelesse I wote wele he hath not ben grettly aquentyd with you. But I and he have ben moch aquentyd to geder, and I understond and knowe hys vertews levyng and dysposicion ryght wele; whyche heraffter, I wote wele, sholde please you ryght wele. And that letter whyche I sente you as I understode syns Nycholas Calman the berer ther of came not owte of Norwych iiij. or v. dayes after that the bylle was delyveryd hym; wherefor I am in dowte whyther it is come to your handes.

Whych causyth me to wryght to you ageyn in thys wyse, besechyng yow, if it plese yow that the seyd Sir Thōs Lyndys schal be of your promotynge in the wyse above wretyn that there it lyke you that I may have answer by the berer herof; whych schal tary at London a day or ij., and not passynge. No more to yow at thys tyme, but Alle myghty God have yow in guydynge. Wretyn at Heylesdon the Fryday next byfore Seynt Mychell.

By yowr older sone,

JOHN PASTON.

[Footnote 196.1: [MS. in Pembroke College, Cambridge.] This letter, as will be seen, was written in 1465 on the same day as Margaret Paston’s two letters, Nos. 610, 611.]

[[and not passynge. _final . invisible_]]

613

SIR JOHN PASTON TO JOHN PASTON[197.1]

_To my ryth reverrend and worchepfull fadre, John Paston, be thys delyveryd._

[Sidenote: 1465 / OCT. 3]

Aftyr all humbyll and most due recomendacion, as lowly as I can, I beseche yow of your blyssyng. Plesyt yow to have knowlege that as on Sonday next be for Myhelmas Day, as my modyr came fro London ward, sche cam homward by Cotton, and sche sent for me to Heylysdon to come to hyr thedyr, and so I have ben in the plase ever sethyn. And as sone as Myhelmas Day was past, I begane to dystreyne the tenants, and gadryd some syllvyr, as myche, I trowe, as wyll pay for our costs; and yet I cepe here ryth a good felawschep, and mor wer promysyd me, whyche that came not to me, wherby I was ner deseyvyd. For when Debnam herd sey how that I began to gadyr sylvyr, he reysyd many men with in j. daye and an halfe, to the nombyr of iij^c. men, as I was credebly assartaynyed by a yeman of the chambyr of my Lordys[198.1] that owythe me good wyll, whech yeman, as sone as he had sene ther felauschep, rod streyth to my Lord and informyd hym of it; and also he informyd my Lord how that I had gadryd a nothyr gret felashschep, whyche felawschep he namyd more than we wer by j^c. and an halfe and yett more. And he seyd on to my Lord and my Lady, and to their consell, that with owt that my Lord took a dyrectyon in the mater, that ther wer leek to be do gret harme on bothe oure pertyes, wheche wer a gret dysworchep to my Lord, consederyng how that he takyth us bothe for hys men, and so we be knowyn well inow. Upon whyche informacion, and dysworchep to my Lord, that tweyn of hys men schold debat so ner hym, contrary to the Kyngs pese, consedryd of my Lord and my Lady and ther cownsell, my Lord sent for me and Syr Gylberd Debnam to come to hym to Framlyngham bothe, and as it fortunyd well my modyr come to me to Cotton not half an owyr be for that the mesenger came to me fro my Lord, wheche was late upon Twysday last past at nyth; and the next day on the mornyng I rod to my Lord to Framlyngham, and so ded Syr Gylberd also. And as sone as we wer come, we wer sent for to come to my Lord, and when we come to my Lord, he desiyryd of us bothe that we schold neythyrthyr gadyr no felawschep, but syche men as we had gadryd that we schold send hem home a yen, and that the coort schold be contenuyd in to the tyme that my Lord, or suche as he wold asyngne, had spok bothe with yow and Yelverton and Jenney, and that on indeferent man chosyn by us bothe schold be assynyd to kepe the plase in to the tyme that ye and they wer spook with.

And then I answed my Lord, and seyd how that at that tyme I had my maistyr within the maner of Cotton, whyche was my modyr, and in to the tyme that I had spook with hyr I cowd geve none answer; and so my Lord sent Rychord Fulmerston, berer hereof, to my modyr thys day for an answer, whyche answer he schold bryng to my Lord to London, for my Lord rod to Londons word as yesterday, and the soner be cause he trustyd to have a good end of this mater and alle othyr be twyx yow, whyche he takyth for a gret worchep to hym, and a gret avantage bothe, and he cowd bryng this mater abowt, for then he wold trust to have your servyse, alle whyche wer to hym gret tresour and avantage.

And this was the answer that my modyr and I gave hym, that at the instans of my Lord and my Ladye we wold do thus myche as for to put the coort in contenuans, and no more to receyve of the profyts of the maner than we had, and had dystresid for tyll in to the tym that sche and I had werd ayen fro my Lord and yow, if so wer that they wold neythyr mak entreys nor dystreyn the tenantys, nor chepe no coort mor then we wold do. And we told Rychord Fulmerston that thys my modyr and I ded at the instans and gret request of my Lord, be cause my Lord intendyd pes, whyche resonably we wold not be ayenst, and yet we seyd we knew well that we schold have no thank of yow when ye knew of it, with owt it wer be cause we ded it at my Lordys instans. But be for thys answer we had receyvyd as myche sylvyr full ner as Rychord Calle sent us bokys of for to gadyryt bye; and as for the possessyon of the plase, we told hym that we wold kepe it, and Syr Gylberd agreyd, so that Yelverton and Jeney would do the same; for it was tyme for hym to sey so, for my Lord told hym that he wold hym fast by the feet ellys, to be suyr of hym, that he schold make non insurreccions in to the tyme that my Lord came ayen fro London.

I wene, and so dothe my modyr bothe, that thys appoyntment was mad in good tyme; for I was deseyvyd of bettyr than an C. men and an halfe that I had promyse of to have come to me when I sent for hem. Thys promes had I befor that I sent to yow the last lettyr the daye aftyr Seynt Myhell. Jenney herd seye that I cepyd Cotton, and he rod to Nacton, and ther held a cort and receyvyd the profytys of the maner.

I beseche yow that I may have knowlage in hast fro yow ye wyll that I be demenyd in thys mater and in al othyr, and I schal aplye me to fulfyll your intent in them to my power by the grace of God, whom I beseche have yow in guydyng, and sende yow yowyr herts desyir. Wretyn at Hemnalle Halle, in Cotton, the Thursday next befor Seynt Feythe.

My modyr recomandyth her to yow, and preyith yow to hold hyr excusyd that sche wrytyth not to yow at thys tyme, for sche may have no leyser. The berer her of schall informe yow whedyr Jeney wyll agre to thys appoyntment or not. I thynk he dar do non othyr wyse.

Your sone and lowly servaunt,

JOHN PASTON.

[Footnote 197.1: [From Fenn, iv. 80.] The signature of this letter, according to the fac-simile referred to by Fenn, is that of Sir John Paston, the eldest son of the person addressed. The date is undoubtedly 1465, as it will be seen by Letter 610 that Margaret Paston entered Cotton on Sunday before Michaelmas in that year.]

[Footnote 198.1: The Duke of Norfolk.]

614

THE DUKE OF NORFOLK TO JOHN PASTON, THE YOUNGEST[200.1]

_To owr trusty and enterly beloved servaunt, John Paston, Esquyr._

THE DEUKE OF NORFF.

[Sidenote: 1465 / OCT. 12]

Ryght welbeloved servaunt, y grete yow hertly welle, sertefyng that we shulle be at fulle age on Fryday nexst comyng. Wherfor, wele consayled be the Lordes of owr Consayle and oder of owr Consayle, that ye, on of owr servaunts of howsholde, with oder, be with us at London on Fryday or Saterday nexst comyng at the ffurdest, too a companye us thann too owr worshyp, for we shull have thann levery of owr landes and offyces; and that ye ffayle us not, as ye woll have owr good Lordeshyp in tyme comyng; and also that ye doo warne owr ffeede men[201.1] and servaunts, suche as be nye too yow, that they be ther thann in owr leverey. Y wreton the xij. day of October.

NORFF.

[Footnote 200.1: [From Fenn, iv. 62.] John Mowbray, third Duke of Norfolk, died on the 6th November 1461. It appears by the Inquisitions _post mortem_, 1 Edward IV., No. 46, that John, his son and successor in the title, was seventeen years old on St. Luke’s Day (18th October) in that year. He must therefore have been born on the 18th October 1444, and would have been of full age on Friday, 18th October 1465. The John Paston, Esq., to whom this letter was addressed, must have been the youngest of that name, who, as we have seen already, had been serving in the Duke’s household. His father was at this time a prisoner in the Fleet, so that the letter could not have been intended for him.]

[Footnote 201.1: Those who held lands of the Duke as their superior.]

615

THE DUKE OF SUFFOLK’S ATTACK ON HELLESDON[201.2]

[Sidenote: 1465 / OCT. 14]

Thys be the parcell underwryten of such godys as were taken and beren away at Haylesdon, of John Pastons, hys sones and hys servaunts by the Duk of Suffolk servaunts and tenaunts the xiiij. day of October the v. yere of Kyng E. the iiij^te, the whych day the place of Haylesdon was broken and pullyd dowyn, &c.

In primis, ther was lost of John Pastons ther at that tyme in beddyng ij. ffeder bedds with ij. bolsters, iiij. materas, with iiij. bolsters; a grete seler with the testor, and iij. corteyns of whyte lynen cloth, and a coverlyte of whyte werstede longyng therto.

Item, a selere with a testore, and iij. corteyns of blewe bokeram with a coveryng of blew werstede longyng therto; v. pylowys of dowyn, vj. coverlyts of werk of dyvers colors, vj. payr blankettys, ij. payr shytes of iij. webbys, ij. hedshytes of ij. webbys, vj. payre shytes of ij. webbys, ij. basons of pewter, and iij. candelstykks of latyn for the chamber.

_The Botere._

Item, in primis, vj. bord clothys, vj. towellys, xij. napkyns, vj. candelstykks of laton, ij. saltsalers of sylver, ij. saltsalers of pewter, ij. basons of pewter with ij. ewers, a barell of vyneger, a barell of vergyous, xij. ale stondys, ij. pantre knyves, a pyce of sylver, a pype for brede, a ale stole, xij. spones of sylver, &c.

_The Browhern._

Item, a grete lede to brew v. comb malte with one plawyng, a mayshsate, ij. kylyng sates, vj. kylers, ij. clensyng sates, a taptrogh, a temps to clense, with a scyppe to bere malte, a syff to syft malte, a bultyng pype, ij. knedyng satys, a moldyng bord.

_The Kychyn._

Item, ij. dosyn pewter vessell, iiij. grete bras pannes, iij. potts of bras, j. greddyron, ij. broches, j. dressyng knyff, j. morter of marbell with a pestell, j. litell panne of bras of di. galon, ij. pothoks, ij. rakks of yron, ij. brendeletts, a almary to kepe in mete, j. axe to clyve wode, ij. saltyng satys to salte in fflesh.

_Gere taken owt of the Chyrch._

Item, in the stepell, ix. sheffe arwys, ix. bawys, ij. handgonnes, iiij. chambers for gonnys, ij. mallys of lede, ij. jakks.

Item, in the church, a purs and iij. gold ryngs, a coler of sylver of the Kyngs lyvery and a nobyll of viij_s._ iiij_d._ the whych was Wykys.

Item, a syde gowne of blewe of Wyks.

Item, a stokke gonne with iij. chambers.

_Gere taken owte of the Chaumber of Ric. Calle._

Item, a syde morrey gowne, a dobelet of blak satyn, a payre hosyn, a jakks, the polronds of a payr bryganders of rede sateyn ffugr.

Item, a payr of large tabelles of box, pris vj_s._ viij_d._

Item, a staffe, pris iij_s._ iiij_d._

Item, boke of Frensh, pris iij_s._ iiij_d._

_Gere taken away of Margeret Pastons._

Item, an unce of gold of Venyse, di. pype of gold damask, di. unc’ of gold of Gene, an unc’ of sylk, a li. of threde, a close glasse of yvery, a grete combe of yvere, a fyne kerchy of fyne Holond cloth, a quarter of blak velwet.

_Gere of Johanne Gayns._

Item, a ryng of gold with a dyamonics, a typet of sarsenet, a nobyll of x_s._, a nobyll viij_s._ iiij_d._

_Gere of John Wyks._

Item, a dobelet of blak fusteyn, a hers harnys, vj_s._ a gray hers, pris xl_s._, ij. shertys, pris iiij_s._

_Will. Bedford._

Item, a Normandy byll and a bawe, pris of them both vj_s._

_John Boteler._

Item, a payr botys, a payr sporys, a shert, a cappe, a hatte, a dobelet, a payr hosyn, a brydell, ij. crepers, v. ston of wall, xxx. welfellys, a spere staff.

_Shepe._

Item, taken away uppon Draytun grounde at on tyme by the baylly of Cossey and others, CC. shepe callyd hoggys.

Item, at a nother tyme, uppon the same ground, iiij^xx. hoggys and xl. theyves.

Item, at a nother tyme, at Haylesdon, by the baylly of Cossey and Bottesford and other, viij^cc. moder shype and CCCC. lambes.

* * *

Memorandum, a gowne of Richard Calle, pris ix_s._, j. peyr hosen, iij_s._, j. swerd, iij_s._, ij. bonets, ij_s._ . . . . j. jakk, xxvj_s._ viij_d._, j. schert, iij_s._ iiij_d._

Memorandum, the pullyng downe of the place at Heylesden, to the hurts and skathes of ----

Item, the pullyng downe of the logge of Heylesden.

Item, the distroyng of the waryne at Heylesdon.

Item, . . . . the maner and the warreyn.

Item, memorandum, the rydyngs and costs off suthe.

Memorandum, the assaw made uppon Marg. Paston, Sir John Paston, at Heylysdon beeffor the place was . . . . . . .

Memorandum, the imprisonment off Sir John Paston in the Flet and in the Kyngs Benche.

[Footnote 201.2: [From a Bodl. MS.]]

[[Item, boke of Frensh, pris iij_s._ iiij_d._ _text has “iiij_a._” (italic a for d)_]]

616

MARGARET PASTON TO JOHN PASTON[204.1]

[Sidenote: 1465 / OCT. 17]

On Tuesday in the morwyn whas John Botiller, otherwyse callid John Palmer, and Davy Arnald your cook, and William Malthows of Aylsham, takyn at Heylesdon be the balyf of Ey callid Bottisforth, and led for to Cossey, and ther thei kepe hem yet with ought any warant or autoryte of Justice of Peas. And thei saye thei will carie hem forth to Ey preson, and as many as thei may gete more of your men and tenaunts, that thei may know that owe yow good wyll or hath be to you ward, thei be thret to be slayn or presoned. The Duke came to Norwich[204.2] on Tuesday at x. of clok with the nombre of v. hundred men. And he sent after the Meyr and Alderman with the Sherefs desiryng hem in the Kyngs name that thei shuld take an enqueraunce of the constablys of every ward with in the cyte what men shuld a go on your party to have holpyn or socowryd your men at any tyme of thes gaderyngs, and if any thei cowde fynde, that thei shuld take and arest hym and correct hym, and also certifie hym the names on Wyndenesse day [_Wednesday_] be viij. of clok. Which the Meyr dede, and wull do anythyng that he may for hym and his. And her up on the Meyr hath arestid on that was with me callid Roberd Lovegold, braser, and threte hym that he shall be hanged be the nek; wherfor I wuld that ther myght come down a writ to remeve hym if ye thynk it be to do. He was not with me not save that Harleston and other mad the assaught up on me and Lammesse; he is right good and feythfull on to you, and therfore I wuld he had help. I have non man at this tyme to avayte upon me that dare be avowyd but Litill John. William Nawton is here with me, but he dare not ben avowyd, for he is sore thret. It is told me the old Lady and the Duke is set fervently ageyn us be the enformacion of Harlesdon, the Bayly of Cossey and Andrewys and Doget the balys sone, and suych other fals shrewys the which wuld have thes mater born ought for ther owyn pleser; the which causith an[205.1] evyll noyse in this contre and other places. And as for Sir John Hevenyngham, Sir John Wyndefeld and other wurchepfull men ben mad but her doggeboldes;[205.2] the whiche I suppose wull turne hem to diswurchep here after. I spake with Sir John Hevenyngham and enformed hym with the trough of the mater, and of all owyr demenyng at Drayton, and he seid he wuld that all thyng wer wele, and that he wuld enforme my lord as I seid to hym, but Harleston had all the words and the rewle with the Duke here, and after his avyse and Doctor Aleynes he was avysed here at this tyme.

The logge and the remenaunte of your place was betyn down on Tuesday and Wednesday, and the Duke rode on Wednysday to Drayton and so for to Cossey whille the logge at Heylesdon was in the betyng down. And this nyght at mydnyght Thomas Sleyforth, Grene Porter, and Joh. Botesforth the Baly of Eye, and other, had a cart and fetched awey fetherbeddes, and all the stuffe that was left at the parsones, and Thom Wateres hows to be kept of owrs. I shall send you billes er after, as ner as I may, what stuffe we have forborn. I pray you send me word how ye will that I be demened, wheder ye wull that [I][205.3] abide at Cayster or come to you to London. I have no leyser to write more. God have yow in His kepyng. Wretyn at Norwich on Sent Lukes Evyn.

M. P.

[Footnote 204.1: [From Paston MSS., B.M.] This letter is not addressed, but seems undoubtedly to have been intended for the writer’s husband. The attack upon the lodge at Hellesden here referred to was in 1465, as appears by the letter immediately following.]

[Footnote 204.2: ‘Norwich.’ --This word is interlined, the writer having originally written ‘this town,’ and afterwards struck out the word ‘town.’]

[Footnote 205.1: _an_--&, MS.]

[Footnote 205.2: The old word ‘dogbolt’ seems to have meant a servile follower, or one bound to wait the commands of another. Thus in Lilly’s _Tragicall Comedie of Alexander and Campaspe_, where Manes complains that he serves a master whose house is a tub, Granichus remarks ‘That Diogenes that dog should have Manes that dogbolt it grieveth nature and spiteth art.’]

[Footnote 205.3: Omitted in MS.]

617

MARGARET PASTON TO JOHN PASTON[206.1]

_To my ryght wyrshypfull hosbond, John Paston, be thys delyveryd in hast._

[Sidenote: 1465 / OCT. 27]

Ryght wyrshypfull hosbond, I recomand me to you. Please it you to wyte that I was at Haylesden uppon Thersday laste passyd, and sey the place ther, and in gode feyth ther wyll no cryatur thynke how fowle and orubelly it ys arayed but yf they sey it. Ther comyth moch pepyll dayly to wonder ther uppon, both of Norwych and of other placys, and they speke shamfully therof. The Duck had be beter then a m^{l}._li._ that it had never be don; and ye have the more gode wyll of the pepyll that it ys so foylle don. And they made youre tenauntys of Haylesdon and Drayton, with other, to help to breke down the wallys of the place and the logge both,--God knowyth full evyll ayenst ther wyllys, but that they derst no notherwysse don for ferre. I have spoken with your tenauntys of Haylesdon and Drayton both, and putte hem in comfort as well as I canne. The Duck ys men rensackyd the church, and bare a way all the gode that was lefte ther, both of ours and of the tenaunts, and lefte not so moch but that they stode uppon the hey awter, and ransackyd the images, and toke a way such as they myght fynd, and put a way the parson owte of the church till they had don, and ransackyd every mans hous in the towne v. or vj. tymys. And the chyff maysters of robbyng was the Baylly of Ey, the Baylly of Stradbroke, Thomas Slyford, and Porter; and Slyford was the chyff robber of the cherch, and he hath most of the robbery next the Baylly of Ey. And as for lede, bras, pewter, yren, dorys, gatys, and other stuffe of the hous, men of Coshay and Causton have it, and that thay myght not cary, thay have hewen it a sonder in the most dysspytuose wyse. Yf it myght be, I wold som men of wyrshop myght be send from the Kyng to see how it ys both ther and at the logge, or than any snowys[207.1] com, that they may make report of the troth, ellys it shall not mo be seyn so playnly as it may now.

And at the reverens of God, spyde your maters nowe, for it ys to orybell a cost and trobell that we have now dayly, and most have tyll it be other wyse; and your men dar not goo abowte to geder uppe your lyfflode, and we kype here dayly more than xxx. persons for savacyon of us and the place, for, in very trowght, and the place had not be kypyd strong, the Duck had come hether. Arblaster thynketh verely that Hugh a Fen may do moch in your maters, and he thynkyth that he wole do for you faythfully, yf ye wyll, &c.

At the reverens of God, yf any wyrshypfull and profetabile mene may be take yn your maters, for sake it not in eschuyng of our trobell and gret costs and charges that we have, and may growe here after. It ys thoght here that yf my Lord of Norffolk wolld take uppon hym for you, and that he may have a comyssyon for to enquer of such ryotts and robberyes as hath be don to you and other in thys contray, that then all the contray wyll a wayte uppon hym, and serve your entent; for the pepyll lovyth and dredyth hym more then any other lord except the Kyng and my Lord of Warwyk, &c.

God have you in Hys kypyng, and send ous gode tydyngs from you. Wryten in haste, uppon the Sonday Seynt Symon and Jude ys Evyn.

By yours,

M. P.

[Footnote 206.1: [From Fenn, iv. 226.] The Eve of St. Simon and Jude is the 27th October. It fell on Sunday in the year 1465.]

[Footnote 207.1: Fenn remarks that if we may judge from the mention of snow in this place, the winters began earlier in those days than they do now. But perhaps Margaret was only urging the necessity of timely action, taking into consideration the ordinary delays of suitors. We have seen, however, from Letter 609 that in the year 1465 there must have been unusually cold weather even in the beginning of September.]

618

MESSAGE TO SIR WILLIAM YELVERTON[208.1]

_This is the Instruccion for the Messenger._

That ye grete well Sir William Yelverton, letyng hym wete in our behalf we be informed that certeyn persones, in the name of the right worshipfull our cosyn the Duc of Suffolk, have enterid in the manoir of Drayton that was Fastolffes, and have dreven from the seid manoir and other xiij^c. shep and other bestes pastured upon the seid manoir. Notwithstandyng, we merveyle gretly that the seid Sir William, his sones and servauntes, as it is seid, assiste and comfort the seid persones so entryng and withdrawyng the seid catell, seying that he is named both feffe and executour. And all be it so that there is variaunce bithwene hym and our welbelovid John Paston in our coort, consernyng as well the seid manoirs as other goodes that were Sir John Fastolffes, whom God assoyle, yit it may not acorde with worship and consiens for the seid Sir William to assiste the distruccion of the seid manoirs and goodes in the meane tyme. Wherfore we desire hym that he woll do his devoir effectually to help to save the seid manoirs from all such pretense of titell, and to cause the seid catels to be restored to the manoirs aforeseid, and not to be withdrawen and distroyed as they be; and that he do his feithfull part in this behalf acordyng to the trust that he was put in, as we may do for hym in tyme to come.

[Footnote 208.1: [From Paston MSS., B.M.] This appears to be a message from the King rebuking Judge Yelverton for partizanship in assisting the Duke of Suffolk against Paston in his entry into the manor of Drayton. The date is therefore 1465. The MS., however, is only a corrected draft, and it is not certain that such a message was actually sent.]

[[yit it may not acorde _text has “yit is”_]]

619

JOHN WYMONDHAM TO JOHN PASTON[209.1]

_To my worchipful cosyn, John Paston._

[Sidenote: 1465(?) / NOV. 10]

Rygth worchipful cosyn, I comaunde me to yow. And forasmoch as ther was a child ded at Asteles, and on other lik to be ded in the same place, what tyme that I rode oute aboute my litil livelod, my lady and I bothe thoughte pite on my mastres your wif to se her abide ther, and desirid here to com to my pore hous on to soch tyme as ye shuld a be othirwise avised, wyche, if it plese yow, I am right wel apaied.

Sythen, I undirstande be my lady that ye desire to knowe whedyr that I shulde abide here stille or nowe [_or no_]. As to that, I have non other place that I wold abide at, and my lady seith how she is avised to ende hir lif here. Also she seith how ye desire to have a stabil with inne my plas; and as to that, afeith, sir, I have none, but that must nedis serve for my wode. As for a chambre, ye shall have on for your men al redy, and as touching a stabil, Sir John Sparham and I have gote yow on ther [_where_] your hors stode the last tyme ye were in this town, and an hows to ley inne hey and straw, and cost yow not but making of a rak and a mangeour, and more to your ease there than here; and yf ye wyl that it be made redy for yow, send werd be the bringer of this letter. And, cosyn, as towching to paiment, I can not sey how ye shal be pleasid with my pore fare, but aftir that ye arn com home, and arn aqweintid there with, we shal so acorde as shal be plesir to us bothe, with the grace of God, which have [you] in His blissid governaunce, and send yow your moderis blissing.

Wreten at Norwich, on Seint Martyn is Even.

Your poer cosyn and ffrend,

J. WYMONDHAM.

And how that ever ye do, hold up your manship.

[Footnote 209.1: [From Fenn, iv. 240.] As to the date of this letter, we can only reproduce what is said of it by Sir John Fenn: ‘John Wymondham, Esq., the writer of this letter, married Margery, the daughter of Sir Robert Clifton, Knight, of Denver, in Norfolk, and widow of Sir Edward Hastings, of Elsing, Knight. He therefore calls her “My Lady.” He died in 1475.

‘He purchased the manor and estate at Felbrigg, of the trustees of Sir Simon Felbrigg, where he had resided; but once in his absence Sir John Felbrigg made a forcible entry, and dragging out his Lady by the hair of her head, who had locked herself up in a chamber to keep possession, got into possession, and retained it till Wymondham obtained the King’s order to Thomas Montgomery, Esq., High Sheriff of the county, to put him again into possession. The dispute was then settled with Sir John Felbrigg, and upon Wymondham’s paying to him 200 marks [£133 : 6 : 8] he released his claims, &c.

‘This letter seems to have been written during the time that he was dispossessed of Felbrigg, and which must have been either before the year 1461 or 1466, those being the years in which Sir Thomas Montgomery was Sheriff of Norfolk, and as J. Paston at this time seems to have been under misfortunes, it was probably near the latter year. I have therefore ventured, though doubtfully, to date the letter in 1465.’]

620

MARGARET PASTON TO JOHN PASTON[210.1]

_To my Rightwurshipfull hosbond, John Paston, be this delyveryd in hast._

[Sidenote: 1441-65 / NOV.]

Riht worchipfull hosbond, I recomand me to yow, praying yow to wete that I have receyvid the mony that Mayster Brakle had of yow, wherof he hath ageyn v. marc. uppon pledgis of the too basonys that ye had of hym tyll ye come hom. As for cloth for my gowne, I can non gete in this town better than that is that I send yow an exsample of, whiche me thynkith to symple bothe of colour and of cloth. Wherfor I pray yow that ye woll vouchesauf to do bey for me iij. yerdis and j. quarter of seche as it pleasith yow that I shuld have, and what colour that pleaset yow, for in gode feyth I have do sowte all the draperis schopis in this town, and her is right febill cheys. Also I pray yow that ye woll do bey a loff of gode sugour and di. j. lb. [_half one pound_] of holl synamun, for ther is non gode in this town; and as for mony, ther is non of your tenantis ne fermouris bryngith non as yett. As for tydyngis in this countre, Herry Ingloses men have slayn ij. men of Tonsted on Thursday last past, as it is seyd, and all that countre is sore trobelid therwith; and if he had abedyn at home he had be lyke to have be fechid owte of his owyn hows, for the peple ther abowght is sor meved with hym. And on Saterday last past he come ryding thorow this town toward Framyngham; and if he had abedyn in this town he shuld have ben arestyd; for men of Tonsted and of the countre pusewid after hym in to this town, and made agrett noyse of hym, and required the mayre and sheryves that he ne his men shuld not pas the town, but that they shuld do as it longed to here parte to do, and told hem the cause why; and as it is seyd the sergeantis were fals, and lete hym have knowleche ther of, and he hythid hym hens in hast, &c. The blyssyd Trynyte have yow in His keping. Wreten att Norwyche on the Weddenesday next after Seynt Martyn.

Be yowris,

M. P.

[Footnote 210.1: [Add. MS. 33,597, f. 2.] The year in which this letter was written is altogether uncertain.]

621

NOTE

The letter of John Payn to John Paston (No. 126 in vol. ii.), which, on account of the circumstances to which it refers, we have placed in the year 1450, was written, as appears by the contents, fifteen years later, _i.e._ in 1465. We therefore call the reader’s attention to it in this place.

622

FUNERAL OF LADY KATHARINE HOWARD[211.1]

[Sidenote: 1465]

This wrytenge, made at Stokeneylond the v^th yer of Kynge Edward the iiii^th and the morowe next affter Sowlemesse day, wytnesseth that this day and yer a bove said my lady, dame Kateren Howard, departed to God, and my master spent uppon her at this day a bove wreten at her beryinge, and also at her vij^th day, more than

xx_li._

Also my master spent uppon her at her xxx^ti day, in almesse and in odre costes, in primis to v.M^{l}. and ccc. of pore folke every pece takenge i_d._ Summa xxij_li._ v_s._

Item, my master gaff to vi^{xx}ix. prestes and clerkes every pece vj_d._ Summa iij_li._ iiij_s._ vj_d._

Item, my master gaff to lxviii. cheldren in the quere every pece ii_d._ Summa x_s._ iiij_d._

Item, my master paid for blakke cloth for gownes for his men vij^xx yerdes prise of every yerde iii_s._ iiii_d._ Summa xxj_li._

Item, my master bout as myche waxe for torches and taprys as cost hym viij. markis. iij_s._ ij_d._

Item, my master paid for xiij. pore mennes gownes for the clothe and for the makengs lij_s._

Item, my master spent in all maner of spyces as myche as drew liij_s._ xj_d._

Item, my master spent in wyne at the said day iij. pypes.

Item, my master spent in maltt for brewenge viij. seme.

Item, my master spent in bere at the same day xxxij. barelles.

Item, my master spent in whete to make brede and odre bakenge xiij. seme.

Item, my master spent at the said day in brawne ij. gret bores.

Item, in beff xij. gret oxsen.

Item, in moton xl. shepe.

Item, in porke xij. hogges.

Item, in pygges lxx.

Item, in swannes xij.

Item, in geese iiij^{xx}.

Item, in conyis c. cowple.

Item, in capons xxiiij.

Item, in chekens vij^{xx}.

Item, in venyson xxx. dois.

Item, in pertryches iiij. doseyn.

Item, in fesauntis xiv.

Item, in pekokkes vij.

Item, in mallardes iij. doseyn.

Item, in plovers iij. doseyn.

Item, in eggis viij. C.

Item, in mylke xxx. galons.

Item, in hony iij. galons.

[Footnote 211.1: [Add. MS. 34,889, f. 38.] ‘Soulmas,’ or All Souls’ Day, is the 2nd November, and it appears that Lady Katharine died on the morrow of that day in 1465. As these expenses run into December, we place them at the end of the year.]

623

MARGARET PASTON TO JOHN PASTON THE YOUNGER[213.1]

_To John Paston the younger._

[Sidenote: Before 1466]

I grete you wele, letyng you wete that as for[213.2] your sustrys[213.3] beyng with my Lady, if your fader wull aggrey therto I hold me right wele pleasyd; for I wuld be right clad that she shuld do her servyse be for any other, if she cowde do that shuld pleas my ladyes good grace. Wherfor I wuld that ye shuld speke to your fader therof and lete hym wete that I am pleasid that she shuld be ther if he wuld, for I wuld be right glad and she myght be preferrid by mariage or be servyce, so that it myght be to her wurchep and profight in dischargyng of her frendis; and I pray you do your parte therin for your owyn wurchep and herys. And assone as ye may with ought daunger, purvey that I may have ageyn the vj. marks that ye wote of, for I wuld not that your fader wust it. Item, if ye pas London, send me ageyn my chene and the litill chene that I lent you be for, be sum trusty person; and if ye wull have my good wille, eschewe such thyngis as I spake to you of last in owr parisch chirch. I pray God make you as good a man as ever was any of your kynne, and Goddis blissyng mote ye have and myn, so that ye do wele, &c. Wretyn the Sonday next after your departyng.

And I pray you, send me sum tydyngis as sone as ye may after that ye be comyn to London, how your fader spedyth and your brother in here materes.

Be your moder.

[Footnote 213.1: [Add. MS. 34,889, f. 208.] This letter was written at a time when John Paston, the writer’s husband, and one of his sons, was in London, while the other, to whom this letter is addressed, was going thither. The date must therefore be before May 1466, but what particular year or month it is impossible to say.]

[Footnote 213.2: ‘affor,’ MS.]

[Footnote 213.3: This may be either Anne or Margery Paston. Who ‘my lady’ was does not appear.]

624

JOHN RADCLIFF OF ATTLEBOROUGH TO JOHN PASTON[214.1]

_To my ryght trusty and welbelovyd Frend, John Paston._

Rygth trusty and welbelovid, I cummaund me un to zow, lattyng zow wytte that there ys a tenawnt off Thyrnyng, on [_one_] Wyllyam Rust, whos dur ys selyd be a offycer off zowrys. Wherffor I pray zow that ze wyll se that the forsay tenawnt be not hurt; and yff there be oni thyng that ys dw for to pay, I wyll se that hyt schall be content. And therfore I pray zow that hyt may be repytyd un tyll the tyme that I speke with zow. No more at thys tyme, but the Hole Trinite hawe zow in kepyng. Wretyn at Attylburgth the xvij. day off Dyssembyre.

JOHN RADCLYFF DE ATTYLBURGTH.

[Footnote 214.1: [Add. MS. 34,889, f. 223.] The principal lordship in the manor of Thurning belonged to the Radcliff, or Ratcliff, family, afterwards Earls of Sussex; but it seems there was another lordship which belonged to John de Mauteby in the ninth year of Edward II. From this very likely Margaret Paston derived some claims, and John Paston through his wife. _See_ No. 634. The year of this letter, however, cannot be ascertained.]

625

SIR JOHN FELBRIGGE TO JOHN PASTON[215.1]

_To my Cosyn Paston, be thys letter delyverd yn haste._

[Sidenote: 1466(?) / JAN. [20]]

Ryght reverent and worshyppeful cosyn, y comawnd me on to you, desyryng to her off your welfare, the whyche Almyghty Jesu preserve to Hys plesawns, and to your own herts desyres. Forthermore and yff yt please your gentylnesse to be my trusty frend, as my ful truste ys yn you, as for swyche materys as the brynger off this lettre shall enforme you, and beth effectualy my frend, and brynge yt abowte, and by my trowthe y shall geve you an C. marke for your labowr. For yn trowthe y am aferde that Roberd Radclyff hathe deseyvyd me, for he laboryd to me dayly by my Lords comawndement off Warwyk, and brought with hym Yllyngworthe and oder off my Lords cownsel, and seen my evydens; and so we stoden uppon apoyntement, and y for to have had an unswere sent to Felbrygge Halle, and yff ne had be for ffendyng off my Lords lordschyppe, y myght have had my money for my ryght or y cam owt off London, as my man schall enforme you. For yn trowthe y muste now make an schiffte, for Wyndham hathe sold hys ryght, and rathere than yt schuld go that way to, y had lever my Lord had yt ij. C. marke with yn the pryse that y grawnt yt laste, and therfor y be scheche you to labowr to my Lord that y may have an unswer. And thies many townes longithe thereto, Felbrygge, Aylinton, Ronton, Colby, Bannyngham, Ingworthe, Styrston, besyde hamelets.

No mor to you at this tyme, but the Holy Trinyte have you yn His kepyng. Wryten at Felbrygg, the Monday affor Seynt Augnetes Day.[216.1]

By your cosyn,

JOHN FELBRYGGE.

[Footnote 215.1: [From Fenn, iv. 242.] The date of this letter cannot be ascertained with very great precision; but as it belongs most probably to about the same period as Letter 619, which we have referred to November 1465, we may assign this to the January following.]

[Footnote 216.1: The modern version in Fenn reads ‘the Monday _after_ Saint Agnes’s Day,’ and the date subjoined at the bottom of the page is in accordance with this reading. But it is more likely the text as printed in the old spelling is correct. St. Agnes’ Day is the 21st January. The Monday before it would have been the 20th in 1466.]

626

JOHN WYKES TO SIR JOHN PASTON[216.2]

_Un to the ryght wyrshypfull mayster, Sir John Paston, Knygt, be thys letter delyveryd._

[Sidenote: 1466 / FEB. 17]

Ryght wyrshypfull and my especyall gode mayster, I recomaund me unto your gode maystershyp, letyng you wyte that the berour herof told me that ye had grete mervyll that I send to you no word ne letter of awnswer of the letters that ye had send to me to London. As for on letter ye send to me by Rychard Playtorys man, and therof I send you an awnswer in a letter by a man of the Prior of Bromholm; and as for other letters, ther com no more to me but that on.

Item, Mayster Flemmyng lokyth dayly for hys hors, and at every tyme that I mete with hym, he askyth of me when hys hors shuld com, and when I here any word from you. Wherfore I pray you send me word in a letter how he shall be awnswerd, and yf the hors shall com, lette me knowe when; for and he had not trustyd theruppon, he wold have purveyd hym in a nother place, &c.

Item, John Oter ys not yet payd, but as I suppose it shall not be long to tyll he have it, for he hath spoken to my mayster your fader a yer therfor; and as for Gylmyn, he hath not spoken to my mayster as yet, &c.

Item, I truste he wylbe your gode fader, for John Say hath told hym playnly of hys demenyng ayenst you, and told hym that he had the lasse favour for your sake, &c.

Item, the Erle of Arundell ys[217.1] son hath weddyd the Quyne ys suster.

Item, the Lord Lovell ys son[217.2] hath weddyd my Lady Fytzhugh ys doghter, &c.

Item, Jenney desyryth a trety with my mayster, and spake to my mayster therof hym sylf in Westminster Hall.

Item, all felaws in the Kyngs hows fareid well, and wold have you ther.

No more to you at thys tyme, but the Holy Trynyte have you [in] kepyng. Wryten at London, the Monday next after Seynt Volentyn.

Your servant,

JOHN WYKYS.

[Footnote 216.2: [From Fenn, iv. 246.] As this letter was written after Edward IV.’s marriage, and before the death of John Paston the father, the date must be either 1465 or 1466. Fenn assigns it to the latter year, and I think he is right, though he does not state his reasons. I find that John, Lord Lovel, died on the 9th January 1465, leaving his son and heir, Francis, only nine years old, so that even if we date this letter 1466, the young lad was married at the early age of ten. This was probably owing to his wardship having been obtained by Lord Fitzhugh, or some person interested; but as the inquisition on his father’s death (_Inq. p. m._, 4 Edw. IV., No. 27) was not taken till October 1465, there seems no ground for believing that he could have been forced into wedlock a month after he was left an orphan.]

[Footnote 217.1: Thomas Fitz Alan, Lord Maltravers, eldest son of William Fitz Alan, Earl of Arundel, married Margaret, second daughter of Richard Widville, Earl Rivers, and sister to Elizabeth, Queen of Edward IV. He succeeded his father as Earl of Arundel in 1487, 3 Hen. VII., and died in 1524, 16 Hen. VIII.--F.]

[Footnote 217.2: Francis Lovel, son and heir to John, Lord Lovel, married Anne, daughter of Henry, Lord Fitz Hugh. It is curious that she is here called ‘Lady Fitz Hugh’s daughter,’ when her father was alive.]

[[be thys letter delyveryd _text has “delyverya” (italic a for d)_]]

627

CLEMENT PASTON TO JOHN PASTON[217.3]

_To hys rythe worchypfwll mayster, John Paston, Sqwyer._

[Sidenote: 1466 / MARCH 18]

Rythe worchypfwll broder, I recomawnde me to zow. And as for zour letter to my Lorde Chawnceler I have not delyveryd it; for I askyd avysse there in, and I was aunsweryd there in that sythen he was takyn to baylle, the Chawncelerer[217.4] cowde not compelle the swertes to bryng hym in befor hys day. Also me thowte zour letter was not most plesauntly wrytyn to take to swyche a lorde. And as for the tresorer, hys name is Sir John Fooge, but he is not in London nor wythe the Kyng, so I kan [not] have the letter sent hym but if I hyeryd a man to bere it. And as for zour question of the patentes, Grenfeld and Catesby and Sterkey holdyn it a good question, for the statute is, _Patentes dez tenements dount null titill est trouve pur le roy de recorde sount voydez_, anno xviij. H. VI. ca. vj. But I trowe in zour cas that be ther opiniounis the Acte of the Parlement is a tytyll of recorde. It is said to the contrary intent, thow the londs be forfetyd of record, yet ther is no certificacion of recorde qwat londes they be, nor wer [_where_] nor in qwat place they lye; but and thys clawse be in the patents, _Non obstante quod nulla inquisicio pro nobis inde est inventa_, by Grenfelde is consayle the patents xwld be clerly goode. But me semythe that amendyt not the mater, for be for the makyng of the statute above sayde, patents graunttyd of londs be fore inquisicion were goode and effectuell and the statute is generall:-- _Patents dount null tytill, &c. sount voydez_. Thanne it folowyt well if the Acte of Parlement be no tytyll for the Kyng thann is ther no tytyll for the Kyng of recorde, for that clawse in the patente is no tytyll; than if ther [be] no tytyll, ergo the patents voyde.

My suster[218.1] standythe in the same casse with my Lord of Kent.

Broder, I pray zow send mor mony for my nevew John, for he mwst ellys com hom azen; for the Kyng gothe into Scotlonde, and he is nowther horsyd nor harneysyd, for his grett hors is lykly to dye; and if ze wyll sende it to me or to Christofyr Hanyngton it xall be save for hym. I send zow a letter from hym closyde herin. And I pray spek to my moder that my hors faylle not on Passyon Swnday,[218.2] for thann xall I be redy and thanne xall ower redyng be don. Wrytyn on Twesday nexst after Seynt Gregory is Day.

Zowr broder,

CLEMENT PASTON.

_On the back._--The man wold not tak my letter but I wass fayen to gyve hym ij_d._ for the beryng.

[Footnote 217.3: [From Paston Letters, B.M.] The reference to the dispute between Elizabeth Poynings and the Earl of Kent, which is alluded to in a subsequent letter, proves this letter to have been written in the year 1466. The earl in question was only so created on the 3rd of May 1465, and John Paston, to whom the letter is addressed, died in May 1466.]

[Footnote 217.4: So in MS.]

[Footnote 218.1: Elizabeth, widow of Robert Poynings.]

[Footnote 218.2: 23rd March.]

[[gyve hym ij_d._ for the beryng _printed in roman (non-Italic) type_]]

628

FRIAR JOHN MOWTH TO JOHN PASTON[219.1]

_To my worchepful mayster, John Paston the holdest, be this letter delyveryd in hast._

[Sidenote: 1466 / MAY 12]

Ryth reverent and worchepful sire, I hartyly recomende me on to your reverens, thankyng yow for the gret cher and comfortabyll words that ye yovyn on to me wat tyme that I was last yn yowr presens; desyryng ful specyaly of Almity God, owt of al your wordly tribulacyonys and adversyte, gracyowus delyverans, and yn al vertuows prosperite, good encres and contynuans. If yt like your maysterchep to know the cause of this wrytyng, it ys thys; it is nowth unknow[219.2] on to yow that Mayster Brakle (Cryst rest hys sowle!), delyveryd to Wyllam Paston, your broder, certayn oblygacyonys, of the weche the dute xuld grow to my convent yn Norwyche. I have spoke on to Wyllam Paston her of, and he excuseth hym and seyth on this wyse; that be the wyl of Mayster Brakle, wat tyme that Sire Tomas Todenham,[219.3] Knyth, xuld be put on to hys deth, he delyveryd hem on to hys confessor; the weche, as he seth, xuld a be Grey fryer, hows name he knowyth nowt; also he seyth that after the deth of the forseyd Knyt, he spake with the Fryer, confessor on to the Knyth, and hasked hym aftyr the forseyd oblygacyonys, and as he seyth, the Fryer seyd on to hym that he had delyveryd hem on to [the] Knyth Marchall. Werfor I beseche you, as specyaly as I may, that, now wyl your broder is at London, that ye of your grace wyl know the trowthe in this mater, for the comfort of the dede, and profyth of my convent. Nomor at this tyme, but that I be seche Almyty God in Trinyte conserve your, and kepe yow in all vertuows prosperite. Amen.

Wretyn at Heylysdon in gret hast, the xij. day of May, in your maner aftyr mete. The cause wy the mayster delyveryd hem to hym mor than to yow, was, as he seyd on to me, for as meche as ye had so many maters yn hand for yowr self, and also for the dede, that he durst not attempt yow with all; and al so be cause he had lesse for to do hys hope was that he xuld asped yt mor redyly.

Fr[e]re Willam Thorp dwellyng at Salisbury.

By yowr pore orator and bedman,

FRIER JAN MOWTH.

[Footnote 219.1: [From Fenn, i. 256.] Friar Brackley, who is here mentioned as dead, is spoken of in John Paston’s deposition of December 1465, without any indication that he was at that time deceased (_see_ No. 606). We may presume, therefore, that he died between that time and May 1466, in which month and year died John Paston, to whom this letter is addressed.]

[Footnote 219.2: _Nowth unknow._ I believe this to be the true reading of the original MS. Fenn prints it ‘nowthn know.’]

[Footnote 219.3: He was beheaded on Tower Hill in February 1462.]

629

MARGARET PASTON TO SIR JOHN PASTON[220.1]

[Sidenote: 1466(?) / NOV. 13 (?)]

I grete you wele and send you Goddis blissyng and myn; letyng you wete that I send you be the berer herof xl_li._ of Ryall which I have chevysshed and borwed for you, be cause I wuld not take that was leyd ought for you at Norwich; for, as I am enformed be Mayster John Smyth, the Chaunceller, and other that we ben all a cursed that we have thus mynystred the dedis godes with ought licence or auctorite, and I wene we spede all the wers there fore. At the reverence of God, gete you a licens of my Lord of Caunterbery in dyschargyng of my conscyens and yowris, to mynystre a certeyn summe of iij. or iiij^c marcs, enfourmyng hym how that your lyffelod hath stond this ij. yer in such trobill that ye myght right nought have of it, ner yet can take of it with ought ye shuld hurt your tenauntis, thei have so ben vexid be on trew meanes before this tymes, And ye have many grete materis on hand and may not have to bere them ought, ner to save your ryght, withaught ye myght for a tyme takyn of your faderis godes. And this I hope shall discharge owr conscyens of that we have mynystred and spend be fore. For we have nomor to acquite this xl_li._ and bere all other charges but the xlvii_li._ that your unkyll and ye is privy to, that was leyd up at Norwich. I wuld ye were ware of large theftis and rewardis gevyng, as otheris folkis avyse you to do, for though ye have nede thei wull not be right redy to help you of ther owyn; and that ye may understand be that that thei have taken a wey from you be for this tyme. I wuld not in no wyse ye shuld put your self in no daunger to hym but as litill as ye may; for if ye do, it shall be right wele remembred you her after. And be ware how ye ben bownd in any obligacion to any creature but if it be leyd in endifferent handis and trosty for yowr part. And remembre to gete the obligacion that ye mad to the Duchesse of Suffolk; for though it be in my Lord Chancelleris hande it is jepartows, be cause of perell of deth. Item, understand wele the poyntis that ben in my cosyn Arblasteris letter that arn wretyn in yowrs, and purvey redily ther for for your owyn a vayll. Item, send me home answeris of sueche materis as arn now sent you bethen (_sic_) mowth and wrytyng at this tyme as hastly as ye can, or ells it shall hurt yow mor than ye or I can yet understand. Item, me semyth, if ye shall not comyn home this Crystmesse, or if ye shuld be at my Lady of Suffolk, it [were[221.1]] necessary to have Playter there with you if ye shuld engroos any appoyntementis with here at that tyme. For she is sotill and hath sotill councell with here; and therfore it were wele do ye shuld have summe with you that shuld be of your councell. If John Paston be with you at London desire hym to take hede to yowris materis and in what case thei ben left at your departyng, that if nede be he may help you to labore for such causes as Wykes shall telle yow be mowth; and if he be not with yow, and ye wull I shall send hym to you. Item, spare of[221.2] the xl_li._ as mych as ye may that ye may perfourme by the mony that the Duchesse of Suffolk shuld have, in cas that it may not be gadered of the lyvelode. Send home Wykes a sone as ye can, and how ye will that I do in your materis and lyvelode at home. God have you in His kepyng. Wretyn the Thursday next Sent Martyn.

Be your Moder.

[Footnote 220.1: [Add. MS. 34,889, f. 99.] This letter was written before administration had been obtained of John Paston’s will; presumably therefore in the year in which he died, 1466. It may be observed, likewise, that in 1467 ‘my lord of Canterbury’ would probably have been called ‘my lord Cardinal.’]

[Footnote 221.1: Omitted in MS.]

[Footnote 221.2: _of_ repeated in MS.]

630

MARGARET PASTON TO JOHN PASTON[222.1]

_To my right wurchipfull husbond, John Paston, be this deliverd in hast._

[Sidenote: Year uncertain / NOV.]

Ryth worchepfull husbonde, I recomande me to yow. Plesyth yow to weet that Thomas Grene was with me as on Saterday last paste, and let me have knowlage that the scherre schold be as thys day at the Gyld Hall in Norwyche, and he desyiryd me that the swte that ye have ageyns Thomas Jeryng and othyr myth be sesyd as for thys schere; and I seyd that I durste do ryth not there in. And he tolde me that Thomas Jeryng was with yow in Flegge the laste tyme that ye wer ther, and ye seyd to hym that he scholde not be hurte by the swte. And Thomas Grene told me that if the seyd Jeryng and othyrs in the same wryte mad not an end with yow by the nexte schere, the whyche schall be thys day monyth, that he the seyd Thomas Grene wole purchese a new wryte of hys owne coste ayens that daye. I woste not that the scher shuld be so sone when I wrote to yow yowyr laste lettyr. And he remembyryd the trobulus werd [_world_] that is nowe, and also that they wer nowtye felawys that ye suyd, and ther fore he thowte that it war best to let it be respyte at thys tyme, and so they schall be respyth at thys tyme. I have sent to Jaferay Spyrlyng for the bokys that ye sent to me fore, and he seyth that he hathe none there of, for he seyth he lefte hem with yow when he was with yow in the Northe contre; for he seyth ye left hym behynd yow at Lynkcolne. He supposyth they be at Kaster.

Item, my cosyn Crane recomandyth hyr to yow, and prayith yow that ye wole wychesave to spek to Jamys Gresham for to swe ferthe the mater betwyx Dame Margaret Spurdans and hyr; and sche prayith yow at the reverens of God that ye wole tendyr that mater well, for all hyr troste is in yow.

Item, the tenauntys at Sweynysthorp prayid me for to wryte to yow for to pray yow for Goddys sake that ye wole help for to get hem a good baly of the hundyryd that they be in; for they sey that they have be gretly hurte by swyche offyserys as they have had ther be fore tyme. Folk wold fayne in thys contre that Heydon scholde be purveyd for, that he goo not so at large as he dothe, for he is in thys towne nere every wek, and hathe be ever syne ye yd hens. And also it is seyd in thys towne that ye have be good maister thys terme to Yatys, and many be ryth sory ther of, and that he dothe so well as it [is] seyd here that he dothe. It is seyd that he is scapyd all dangerys, and he hathe tak new accionys ageyns hys neyborys, as it is seyd. Othyr tydyngys have we none here but that ye have more pleynly there. And the Blyssyd Trinyte have yow in Hys kepyng, and send yow good sped in all yowyr materys. Wretyn in haste at Norwyche the Monday next be fore Seynt Edmunde the Kynge.

Be yowyr,

M. P.

My modyr wold ryth fayne know how that ye and my brodyr Wyllam wer acordyd, sche wold ryth fayne that all wer well betwene yow.

[Footnote 222.1: [From Paston MSS., B.M.] I find no very satisfactory evidence touching the date of this letter. Allusion is made to John Paston having been at Lincoln. The occasion referred to might have been in 1458, when, as we know by No. 373, he went into the North as far as Doncaster; or it may have been in the spring of 1461. (_See_ Nos. 452 and 458.) It is not probable, however, that this letter was earlier than the latter date, as there is no appearance at that time of any dispute having arisen between John Paston and his brother William. On the contrary, William Paston is in correspondence with his brother in April 1461 (No. 450). On the other hand, if the occasion referred to when John Paston was at Lincoln was in the spring of 1461, this letter could hardly have been written in the same year; for it cannot be supposed that he left books at Caister on his return south, when Caister was in the possession of the Duke of Norfolk. The date, however, being so uncertain, I prefer to place this letter at the end of John Paston’s correspondence rather than assign it doubtfully to any particular year.]

[[and he desyiryd me _text has “and be”_]]

631

B. D. M. S. TO JOHN PASTON[224.1]

_Be this delyvered to Mastyr John Paston._

I recomaunde me unto you as unknowyn. And as for the wryting I send unto you, the cause why yt was nate endossed was, for the berer ther of knew yow wel i now. And as for youre Cossyn Mary, she ys no longer with us, as a pon Seynt Mathewys Evyn she departyd from me, and went to Awdry Croxeston, and she told me that ye wold pay for her borde ther. But on thyng I let you know; she hathe demenyd her ful symply bothe for youre worship and also for her awne. Ther ys but few within oure plasse but they know how yt is with her, and al by her awne bessynes of her tunge. And I had knowyn as myche at the begynnyng as I have don sythe, I wold not have delt in the mater nat for xl. pound; for I wys she ys no thyng so sadde as I wold she wer.

No more to you at thys tyme, but the Holy Gost have you in His kepyng, and send you youre hertys esse. I pray you hertly that I may sp[e]ke with you.

B. D. M. S.

[Footnote 224.1: [From Fenn, iv. 262.] There is no evidence of the date either of this or of the four following letters beyond the fact that this and the two next are addressed to John Paston, while the two last are addressed to Margaret Paston during her husband’s life. None of them, therefore, can be later than 1466.]

632

ABSTRACT[224.2]

RICHARD SUTHWELL TO JOHN PASTON, ESQUIRE.

Thanks him for speaking to the Mayor and Recorder for the appearance of certain persons at this last session, as he wrote from Walsingham. Thomas Wolvesby and Colyns make great labor for the poor men’s undoing. Begs him to move the Mayor to have pity, considering their trouble at Walsingham, when they were prisoners.

Thetford, Shere-Thursday.

[Footnote 224.2: [From Paston MSS., B.M.]]

633

ABSTRACT[225.1]

JOHN PASTON, JUNIOR, TO HIS FATHER, JOHN PASTON

Has spoken ‘with Warwyk and Stwkle’ for the place and lands in Arleham. Declined their offer of 6_d._ an acre, they keeping the place in repair; but Stwkle has promised all the lands shall be purveyed for, as for this year. Warwyk this day offered my mother 7_d._ an acre for the lands in Arleham, but I counselled her to hold out for a longer term. Kook will no longer hold the place for 7_d._ or 8_d._ an acre, and will only give 6_d._, if he is to keep it in repair. Has spoken with Dame Alice Weche and Geoffrey Spyrlyng, who have agreed to set a tenant to occupy the lands in dispute till Paston comes home.

St. Martin’s Even.

[Footnote 225.1: [From Paston MSS., B.M.]]

634

ABSTRACT[225.2]

THOMAS GNATYSHALE TO MRS. PASTON

I hope the young man I sent will please ‘my master and you.’ I hope you will not receive him at this time, and when my master comes home refuse him. As for your lands at Sparham, there are not many lands to let. Has inquired at Salle. Master Edward[225.3] is clearly answered of £18 a year and 7_s._ or 8_s._ more. Bryston, Thyrnyng, and Owleton are let, which belong to the manor of Salle. So he is clearly answered twice a year at London, besides the fees, viz., of the receiver 26_s._ 8_d._, of the steward 20_d._, and of the bailliff 26_s._ 8_d._

Sparham, Wednesday before Ascension.

[Footnote 225.2: _Ibid._]

[Footnote 225.3: Probably Edward, son of Robert Mauteby. He was Margaret Paston’s uncle.]

635

ABSTRACT[225.4]

T. GNATYSHALE TO MRS. PASTON

James and Robert Radclef mean to take away my goods, and I shall be taken if I be at Norwich at next shire. Pray let my master know. I suppose it was by their commandment that my two neat were taken on Saturday last at Lyng, ‘for one that is under bailly of Richmond took hem.’ John Everyton will tell you more. The receipts of the manor of Sparham with costs are £10, 3_s._ 11½_d._ If any man of yours come to Norwich please send me your advice.

(Signed) ‘T. GNAT.’

[Footnote 225.4: [From Paston MSS., B.M.]]

636

ABSTRACT[226.1]

JAMES ARBLASTER TO JOHN PASTON, [SQUIRE][226.2]

John à Berney of Wychyngham wishes to disinherit him of his liberty of faldage in Colyette. Desires the help of one of Paston’s men. As for my Lady of Oxford, ‘I have get you a trusty man against Tuesday or Wednesday next.’

[There is no distinct evidence of the date of this letter, except that it is probably not later than 1466, when John Paston died, though it may have been addressed to his younger son John. Compare Nos. 232, 233, and 234, in vol. ii.]

[Footnote 226.1: [From Paston MSS., B.M.]]

[Footnote 226.2: This designation is added on the address, but is struck out.]

637

JOHN PASTON’S FUNERAL[226.3]

_Expences paid by Gloys at Norwich the day the Cors was ther and befor._

[Sidenote: 1466]

Fyrste. The iiii. orders of fryers, viii_l._ Item, almesse, ii_s._ vii_d._ Item, to xxiii. susters of Normandys,[226.4] with the gardian eche of them, iiii_d._, and the gardian, viii_d._--viii_s._ Item, in offering on Pentecost Tuesday[226.5] for my master, i_d._; for the herse, xl_s._ For xxiiii. yerdes of brod wythtys for gowns, xxvii_s._ viii_d._; for dyeng of the same, iiii_s._ For settyng on the tents, vi_d._ For xxii. yerdes and iii. quarters of brod wythts, xxxiiii_s._ iii_d._ For grownedyng, iii_s._ iiii_d._ For dyeng, iiii_s._ To xxxviii. prests at the dyryge at Norwyche, when the cors lay ther, xii_s._ viii_d._ To xxxix. schyldern with surplyces within the schurche and without, iii_s._ iiii_d._ To xxvi. clerks with iiii. kepers of the torches, eche of them ii_d._, iii_s._ iiii_d._ To the clerks of St. Peters and St. Stevens for the ryngers ageyn the cors, ii_s._ To the iiii. orders of fryers that rede ageyn the cors----. To the Prioress of Carow, vi_s._ viii_d._ To a maide that came with her, xx_d._ To the ancors [_anchoress ?_] xl_d._ In almesse, xv_s._ To a woman that came from London with the cors to Norwyche, vi_s._ viii[_d_].

_Payments be Gloys and Calle at Bromholme._

Fyrste. To the Prior, be my masters bequest, xl_s._ To ix. monks, eche of them vi_s._ viii_d._, iii_l._ To an other monke, who was of the same place, xx_d._ For brinnyng of the Abbes with the torches, xx_d._ To the Priors boteler for bred, ii_s._ x_d._ For wasshyng of napry, xii_d._ To the boteler for hys reward, xx_d._ To the baker for cccx. eggs, xix_d._ To hym for hys reward, iii_s._ iiii_d._ To xxviii. bedds with ---- of clothys, and wasshyng of the same, v_s._ To ii. men that fyllyd the grave, viii_d._ To brueng of v. kome malte, xx_d._ For ix. pownd candyl, xi_d._ To the clerks of Bromholm, viii_d._ For viii. peces of peuter lost of the Priors, xx_d._ Geven among the men of the bakhouse, xx_d._ To the parisshe schyrche of Bromholm, x_s._ To xii. schyrchys, l_s._ viii_d._ To the prest that cam with the cors from London, iii_s._ iiii_d._ To servytors that awaytyd upon hym by the komawndment of W. Paston, xxi_d._ To Playters for hys offering, iiii_d._ To the vyker of Upton, ii_s._ To the sexton of Bromholm for xxii. crossys geven to Marget and Modeley, _per_ John Paston, iiii_s._ vi_d._ To xiiii. rynggars, vii_s._ To xxiiii. servertors, eche of them iiii_d._, viii_s._ To lxx. servertors, eche of them iii_d._, xvii_s._ vi_d._ Paid to Dawbeny for servertors, vii_s._ For fyshh the day after the enterment, vi_s._ x_d._ For vi. barells bere, xii_s._ For a roundlet of red wine of xv. gallonys, &c., xii_s._ xi_d._ To a hors hyer for iii. days for Sir James, xii_d._ For a quarter malte, v_s._ For iiii. bushels wete, xxxii_d._ For a quarter of otys, ii_s._ viii_d._ For x. kombe malte brueng, xl_d._ For the boord of Rychard Hermer, wrythe, iii. days, and for hys hyer the sayde tyme, xiii_d._ _ob._ For William Yonge, barbor, v. days mete and drynke, and hys hyer the sayde tyme, xvi_d._ For vi. pownd candyl, vii_d._ _ob._ To xii. pore men beryng torches from London to Norfolk be vi. day, i_s._, takyng eche of them on the day iiii_d._, and for iii. dayes in goyng homerward, takynge every day vi_d._ Geven to Martyn Savage and Denschers awaytyng upon my master at London be vii. dayes before that he was caryed, ii_s._ x_d._ For bred bowthe, xxiiii_s._ For vii. barels bere, xvii_s._ vi_d._ For a barel of the grettest assyse, iii_s._ iiii_d._ For iiii. barells of alee, xiii_s._ iiii_d._ For bred and alee for xii. men that bare torches, xiii_d._ _ob._ To a dole at Bromholm, v_l._ xiii_s._ iiii_d._ To William Colens, one of the botelers at Bromholm, xii_d._ To Wate Webster, another boteler, xii_d._ To Greg. Worsteler, one of the porters at Bromholm, iiii_d._ The parson at Mauteby,[228.1] and Sir Thomas Lynes, to the prestes at the deryge at Bromholm, xliii_s._ In almesse, xlvii_s._ vi_d._; more, xx_s._ To the glaser for takyn owte of ii. panys of the wyndows of the schyrche for to late owte the reke of the torches at the deryge, and sowderyng new of the same, xx_d._ [This part of the roll, according to Blomefield, or his continuator, seemed to be written by Gloys, above mentioned, in an indifferent hand. The remainder is in a very neat and curious old hand, which was supposed to be that of Margaret Paston.]

_Vittelles bought by Richard Charles._

_First._ For xxvii. gees, xvii_s._ For xxvii. frankyd gees, vi_s._ viii_d._ lxx. caponnes, xvii_s._ vii_d._ For xxix.[228.2] xvii. chekons, xvi_s._ vi_d._ For x. chekons, x_d._ For xli. pygges, xiii_s._ x_d._ For xlix. calvys, iiii_l._ xiii_s._ iiii_d._ For xxxiiii. lambys, xxvii_s._ ii_d._ For xxii. shep, xxxvii_s._ v_d._ x. nete, iiii_l._ xvi_s._ i_d._ For ii. napronnes to Richard Lynstede, x_d._ For claretts and fawcetts, vi_d._ MCCC. eggs, vi_s._ vi_d._ For xx. galons milk, xx_d._ For viii. galons creme, ii_s._ viii_d._ For iiii. pints of butter, iiii_d._ For i. quarter and ii. bushels of whete mele, vii_s._ x_d._ To the parson of Crostweyt for i. quarter of whete, vi_s._ For xiiii. galons of ale, ii_s._ To a labourer for iii. days, xii_d._ To xxiiii. galons of ale, iiii_s._ For xiii. salt fysshe, iiii_s._ iiii_d._ For the purveying of bred, ale, and fysshe, iii_s._ iiii_d._ To William Reynolds for lodgyng of Master Prowet, the Prior of the White Freres, the parson of Mautby, Sir Thomas Lynds, and other, by ii. nyghtis, vi_d._ For bred, ale, and possets to the same persons, vi_d._ To Herman, fleying bests by iii. days, ii_s._, and to John Foke, by iii. days, xx_d._ For purveying of all the velys, lambes, x. beefins, certain piggs and polaly [_poultry_], xl_d._

BILL OF THE PRIOR OF BROMHOLM.

Memorandum. The Prior toke to bord diverse persons laboryng abought the enterment, begynnyng the Thursday in Pentecost weke, the vi. yere of Kyng Edward the iiiith.

On Thursday I[229.1] find 3 persons who had xii_d._ for their board and hire; on Friday 5 who had xv_d._; on Saturday 8 who had xxiii_d._ On Monday all were employed; and on the day after I find 4 to be allowed for their board iiii_d._ _ob._, and for their hires v_d._,--ix_d._ _ob._ Delivered by the Prior to Richard Charles:--Fyrst, v. quarters of otes, xiii_s._ iiii_d._; v. swyne, xii_s._ vi_d._; ii. bushel of mestlyn, xv_d._; v. pownd of candell, v_d._; xx. quarters of malte, xiii_s._ iiii_d._, and with gryndyng and brewyng, xviii_s._ For a cartfull of hey, iii_s._ iiii_d._ For ii. swyne, v_s._ For ii. bushel otes, viii_d._ For a quarter of herryng, vi_d._ For half a quarter makerell, vii_d._ _ob._ To the parson of St. Peters for his fee of the wax abought the coors, beside ii. candels of i. _lb._ and i. hert candel of a pound, xx_d._ At my masters xxx. day for offeryng, i_d._ Geven to churches and in almes by Gresham, toward Bromholm, v. _marks_. To the clerk of St. Peters of Hungate[230.1] his felaship for ryngyng when the coors was in the church, xii_d._ To Dawbeney for bests and other stuffe for the enterment, xx_l._ To him in gold for to chaunge into small mony for the dole, xl_l._ To W. Pecok, in iii. bags to bere to Bromholm, in copper, the 20th day, xxvi. _marks_. To Medeley for his reward, iiii. _marks_, and the same to Maryot. To Maryot for costs he bare by the way to Bromholm, iii_l._ xii_d._ More to Medeley for mony paid by him, xli_s._ x_d._ To the keper of the inne where myne husband dyed, for his reward, xx_s._ To Paston chirch, x_s._ To Bakton chirch, vi_s._ viii_d._ To Gresham the London carrier, in full payment for the Chaundeler of London, v_l._ xix_s._ iiii_d._ More in almes mony, vi_s._ viii_d._ More for wyne and bere, vii. _marks_. To the parson of St. Peters, vi_s._ viii_d._ For wyne for the seingers when the coors was at Norwich, xx_s._ To Skolehouse in part of his bille for torches and wax made at Bromholm, for to brenne upon the grave, iiii. _marks_. For x. yerds of narow blak for the viker of Dallynge and Robert Gallawey, and for iii. yerds and quarter of brod cloth for Illee, xx_s._ x_d._ To Freton chirch, vi_s._ viii_d._ For a cope called a frogge of worsted for the Prior of Bromholm, xxvi_s._ viii_d._ For bred at the enterment, ix_s._ In almes, viii_s._ iiii_d._ In wyne and spices, l_s._ To Dom. John Loveday for cloth for a ridyng cope for himself, xiiii_s._ ii_d._ To the makyng of Redham Stepill, viii_s._ iiii_d._ To John Orford, wax chandeler, for xii. torches and one candell of i. _lb._, lv_s._ ii_d._ _ob._ To John Dewe for grey lynen cloth and sylk frenge for the hers, vi_l._ xvi_s._ ii_d._ Given to the Austeners at the chapter at the . . . . . . of Yarmouth, lxxv_s._ To Daubeney for to kepe the yere day at Bromholm the first yere after his dethe, viii_l._ ii_s._ iiii_d._ Given at Castor to xxv. howsholders, every houshold iii_d._ the said tyme, vi_s._ iii_d._ To viii. pore men the said tyme, xviii_d._ To the master of the College the said tyme, vi_s._ viii_d._ To Master Clement Felmyngham the said tyme, vi_s._ viii_d._ To viii. prests at Castor the said tyme, ii_s._ viii_d._ To childern in surplices and other pore folk at the said tyme, xiii_d._ To the parson of Hungate, vi_s._ viii_d._ To the said parson for a certeyn[231.1] unto Mighelmesse next after the said yere day, viii_s._ viii_d._ To Skolous, wax chandeler, for makyng of the hers at Bromholm, xxii_l._ ix_s._ viii_d._ To Philip Curson, draper, for cloths, ix_l._ iii_s._ _ob._ To Aubrey, draper, xxxiiii_s._ For a quarter of makerell, xii_d._ To the Prior of Bromholm for malte spent at the enterment, xl_s._ For light kept on the grave, x_s._ Geven at Cristemasse next after the said yereday, to eche of the iiii. orders of friers, x_s._,--xl_s._ To the vyker of Dallyng for bryngyng home of a pardon from Rome, to pray for alle our frends sowles, viii_s._ iiii_d._ For a black gowne to the said viker, viii_s._

[Footnote 226.3: [From Blomefield’s _Norfolk_, vi. 483. Folio edition, iii. 692.] The original of this document was probably among the Paston MSS. when Blomefield composed his _History of Norfolk_, but where it is at present cannot be ascertained. It is cited by Blomefield, or perhaps by his continuator, Mr. Parkin, as ‘a very long but narrow roll,’ then in his possession. The text, however, does not seem to be printed entire, as the Editor only professes to give ‘several particulars therein.’]

[Footnote 226.4: At Norwich.]

[Footnote 226.5: 27th May 1466.]

[Footnote 228.1: Robert Coteler, who was presented to the living by John Paston in 1465, on the resignation of Thomas Howys.]

[Footnote 228.2: A short blank occurs in Blomefield after ‘xxix.’ and before ‘xvii.’]

[Footnote 229.1: Blomefield or his continuator here speaks in his own person.]

[Footnote 230.1: A church in Norwich, rebuilt by John Paston in 1460, the advowson having been acquired by him and Margaret, his wife, in 1458. The date of the rebuilding is engraved in stone on a buttress by the north door.]

[Footnote 231.1: Masses called ‘certeynes’ are referred to in No. 53 (vol. ii. p. 64).]

[[To Master Clement Felmyngham _text has “Mastkr”: corrected from Blomefield_]]

638

FASTOLF’S GOODS[231.2]

[Sidenote: 1466]

Declaracio bonorum mobilium Johannis Fastolf militis ad manus Johannis Paston armigeri deveniencium et possidencium tam ex liberacione Thomæ Howys, Rectoris de Pulham, unius executoris dicti militis, quam ex Rapto aliorum hominum serviencium et tenencium suorum. Ac valorem in possessione dominiorum maneriorum terrarum et tenementorum suorum in eorum prima perquisicione per dictum militem solutorum et per heredem dicti Paston clameatorum pro nichilo solvendo, cum custubus edifficacionis eorundem. Et pro quibus omnibus supra specificatis executores dicti militis petiunt de heredibus et executoribus dicti Johannis Paston, solucionem restitucionem ac satisfacionem de dampnis occasione hujusmodi retencionis.

_In primis._

Die octava mensis Novembris anno xxxviij. Regni Regis Henrici Sexti, videlicet tercio die post obitum Johannis Fastolf militis, Thomas Howys clericus, co-executor dicti Johannis Fastolf, deliberavit Johanni Paston armigero de bonis dicti Johannis Fastolf existentibus ad tunc sub salva custodia in abbathia Sancti Benedicti de Hulmo de parte majoris summe in auro, videlicet in nobilibus antiquis boni et justi ponderis ij^ml. cccc. nobilia, precii nobile viij_s._ iiij_d._, faciunt m^{l}_li._, et alia vice in moneta argenti xxiiij_li._ xvij_s._ ij_d._; unde summa

m^{l.}xxiiij_li._ xvij_s._ ij_d._

Item, idem Thomas liberavit Johanni Paston dicto mense Novembris apud Norwicum, de vasis argenti diversarum specierum ad tunc habitarum extra thesauraium dicti militis manerij de Castre, iiij^ml. xxiij. unciarum ponderis Troie, precium uncie ij_s._ x_d._, faciunt v^{c.}lxix_li._ xviij_s._ vj_d._ Et eidem Johanni apud Norwicum alia vice, de vasis argenti, ponderis lvij. unciarum, precium uncie ut supra, vij_li._ iiij_s._ x_d._ Et eidem Johanni alia vice apud dictum Castre liberantur de vasis argenti Cxij. unciarum precium ut supra xv_li._ xvij_s._ iiij_d._; unde summa v^{c.}iiij^{xx.}viij_li._ viij_d._

Item, idem Thomas liberavit eidem Johanni Paston apud Norwicum dicto mense Novembris, in cyphis et vasis auri triati et finati, iij^{xx.}xv. unciarum ponderis Troie, precium uncie xl_s._ Cl_li._

Item, idem Thomas liberavit dicto Johanni ad faciendum certum prestitum comiti de Salysberye de bonis dicti Johannis Fastolf, unde idem Johannes Paston habet sufficientem securitatem et obligacionem Episcopi Norwicensis xxxiij_li._ vj_s._ viij_d._ Et consimili modo liberavit dicto Johanni ad faciendum certum prestitum domino de Fitzwater, unde idem Johannes habet sufficientes securitates, xxxiij_li._ vj_s._ viij_d._ lxvj_li._ xiij_s._ iiij_d._

Item, dictus Johannes Paston cepit de bonis dicti militis existentibus sub custodia Willelmi Worcetyr, contra agreamentum suum, et tradita per ipsum ad salvo custodiendum Thome Plummer de London scryvaner et Johanni Gressham de eadem capper, videlicet in vasis argenti diversarum specierum m^{l.}viij^{c.}iiij^{xx.}x. unciarum, precium uncie ut supra, CClxviij_li._ v_s._ Et consimiliter cepit cyphum coopertum de puro auro ponderis Troie xxiij. unc’, j. quart. di., precium uncie xl_s._, xlvj_li._ xv_s._ Et similiter cepit unam cathenam auri puri, ponderis Troie xxiij. unc’ et dimidii, precium unc’ ut supra xlvij_li._

CCClxij_li._

Item, idem Johannes Paston cepit consimili modo de bonis dicti militis traditis Willelmo Worcetyr ad custodiendum, dicto mense Novembris, videlicet London, apud domum dicti Thome Plummer, ultra Cxl_li._ per dictum Worcestre solutas pro panno nigro pro liberatis togarum datis erga funeralia dicti militis, et pro serico pro baneretis pictis cum armis, necnon pro vino et speciebus, videlicet viij^{c.}j. nobilia antiqua boni et justi ponderis, precium nobile viij_s._ iiij_d._, iij^{c.}xxxiij_li._ xv_s._ Et liberantur dicto Johanni Paston per manus dicti Thome Howys, London, de moneta tradita in custodia dicti Thome Plummer lxij_li._ xj_s._ iiij_d._; pro toto

CCCiiij^{xx.}xvj_li._ vj_s._ iiij_d._

Item, dictus Johannes Paston cepit consimili modo de Willelmo Worcestre certa notabilia monilia et jocalia auri cum lapidibus preciosis garnizata, videlicet unum monile ditissimum vocata Anglice _a White Rose_ nuper domini ducis Eborum[233.1] cum magno precioso lapide vocato _a poynted dyamant_, qui in prima empcione constabat, ut dicitur iiij^or m^l. marcarum, ac alia duo jocalia nuper dicti domini ducis tradita in plegio quando dictus Johannes Fastolf obligatus fuit pro dicto duce in tribus milibus libris executoribus cardinalis Anglie[233.2] super certis denariis prestitis dicto duci, et unde idem, dominus dux debebat dicto Johanni Fastolf in denariis prestitis CCCClxvj_li._ xiij_s._ iiij_d._ Et pro aliis justis causis CClxvj_li._ xiij_s._ iiij_d._ Et predicta tria jocalia per assensum dicti domini ducis sub sigillo armorum in scriptis tradita assignata fuerunt dicto Johanni Fastolf ut bona sua propria ad vendendum et disponendum in recompensacione debiti sui et aliis magnis laboribus et vexacionibus dicti militis pro dicto duce sustentatis et habitis dum modo locum tenens pro Rege fuit in Francia, ac postea in Anglia vij^{c.}xxxiij_li._ vj_s._ viij_d._

Item, predictus Johannes Paston recepit exitus et proficua omnium maneriorum, terrarum et tenementorum dicti militis in comitatibus Norffolk, Suffolk, Essex et Surrie per manus ministrorum et servorum sine consensu executorum dicti militis, diversis annis ex quo obiit, per propinquam estimacionem m^{l.}vj{c.}lxvj_li._ xiij_s._ iiij_d._

Item, dictus Johannes Paston recepit diversa alia catalla et bestias dicti militis, videlicet equos et palefridos principales suos valoris xxx_li._ ac oves et animalia minuta cubancia in pasturis de Castre et aliis maneriis, videlicet ij^{m.}iiij^{c.}lvj. oves diversorum generum precium capitis xiiij_d._ Cxliij_li._ v_s._ iiij_d._ Et in precio xiij. magnarum bestiarum vj_li._ Et in valore vj^m. cuniculorum apud Warennam de Haylysdon anno quo dictus miles obiit per Warennarios ibidem per propinquam estimacionem assessatos precium m^l. xv_s._, xlv_li._ Similiter in precio vellerum lane ovium de stauro suo apud Haylysdon ante obitum suum remanencium, xxvj_li._ xiij_s._ iiij_d._ per ipsum recept’ CCl_li._ xviij_s._ viij_d._

Item, idem Johannes Paston recepit apud Castre predictam stuffuram et ordinacionem pro defensione patrie in artilleria, videlicet colubrinas librillas[234.1] diversorum magnitudinum cum cameris in decem carectis oneratis ac in curassys, brigandinis jakkis, salectis, basnetes, habourjonnys, lanceis, crossebowes de calibe [_chalybe_], longbowes, arcubus, sagittis, gonnepowder, gonnestonys, et cetera hujusmodi defensibilia valoris Cl_li._

Item, recepit apud Castre per supervisum dicti Thome Howys in valore librorum pertinencium capelle ac in utenciliis garderobe dicti militis ibidem, videlicet in costeris et lectis de pluma et coopertoria de arras et tapestria ac penulis de martys cum togis necnon utencilia aule camerarum coquine et cetera hujusmodi, ut per billam de particulis patet, Cxxj_li._ vij_s._ iiij_d._ Et simili modo de utenciliis Warderobe et camerarum remanencium apud manerium suum in Suthwerk, valoris xx_li._, Cxlj_li._ vij_s._ iiij_d._

Item, dictus Johannes recepit per manus dicti Thome Howys, Willelmi Paston, Thome Playter, Thome Plummer de London, scryvaner, Christofori Hansson armigeri et Luce Nantron ad diversas vices tam Londoniis quam in Suthwerk, ut patet per billam de parcellis, Ciiij_li._ xj_s._ viij_d._

Item, idem Willelmus Worcestre mense Julii anno v^to regni Regis Edwardi quarti solvit uxori dicti Thome Plumer pro debito dicti Johannis Paston ut pro panno nigro ac prestita facta et liberaciones argenti fact’ suo mandato diversis personis, xxxij_li._

Item, idem Johannes recepit in valore et precio panni lanei nigri coloris per ipsum dati diversis hominibus de affinitate sua propria, ultra Clij_li._ ut in precio panni lanei nigri coloris provisi et dati amicis et servientibus dicti Johannis Fastolf erga funeralia sua tenenda, xl_li._ Et similiter idem Johannes Paston fecit prefatum Thomam Howys exponere et tradere diversis hominibus in regardis et solucionibus circa propria negocia dicti Paston expedienda London’ et alibi xxx_li._ xvj_s._ j_d._ Et consimiliter idem Johannes fecit dictum Thomam exponere et solvere in expensis victualium hospicii tenti apud Castre anno primo quo idem miles obiit, tam circa extraneos et notos supervenientes de affinitate et amicicia sua sine causa apud Castre Maner trahentes ibidem moram inutilem, ad summam iiij^{xx.}x_li._, prout evidenter patebit per certam declaracionem, Clx_li._ xvj_s._ j_d._

Item, ultra predicta bona sic sibi applicata, prefatus Johannes Paston pretendebat habere et possidere, sine racione et scripto autentiquo, omnia dominia, terras et tenementa dicti militis in comitatibus, Norffolk, Suffolk et Norwico, ac sine solucione alicujus summe que constabant dicto militi in prima empcione ultra edifficaciones et repparaciones dictorum maneriorum, ix^{ml.}viij^{c.}_li._

Item, considerandum est quod, ultra dictas perquisiciones, edifficacio manerii de Castre velut fortalicium defensionis patrie constabat in triginta annis vj^{ml.}_li._ Et edifficacio manerii de Haylysdon, cum clausura bosci et warenne, ac edifficacione duarum domorum vocatarum _lez logges_ apud Haylysdon et Drayton, v^{c.}xlviij_li._ xiij_s._ iiij_d._ Et custus imparcacionis parci in Cotton cum repparacione manerii iiij^{c.}_li._ Et repparacio principalis mesuagii sui in villa de Jernemouth CC_li._ Edifficacio et repparacio tenementorum suorum in civitate Norwici CCxl_li._

vij^{ml.}CCCiiij^{xx.}viij_li._ xiij_s._ iiij_d._

Item, ultra ista, prefatus Johannes Paston retinet in custodia sua principales evidencias maneriorum dicti militis vocatorum Dedham Netherhall et Dedham Overhall in comitatu Essex; que quidem maneria, in defectu dictarum evidenciarum per ipsum non prosequutorum a tempore obitus dicti militis pro recuperacione eorundem, et hucusque, existunt extra possessionem, in maximum prejudicium defuncti, pro eo quod dictum manerium vocatum Dedham Netherhall constabat dicto militi in prima empcione m^{l.}_li._, et predictum manerium vocatum Dedham Overhall Clx_li._ Et exitus et proficua dictorum maneriorum que ad manus executorum dicti militis medio tempore non devenerunt secundum ratam xl_li._ per annum ascendunt ad CCiiij^{xx.}_li._ Sic in toto,

m^{l.}iiij^c. xl_li._

[Footnote 231.2: [From a MS. in the Tower of Magd. College, Oxford.] This is a paper drawn up by William Worcester after John Paston’s death in 1466. The errors in grammar are characteristic of the writer.]

[Footnote 233.1: Richard, Duke of York, father of Edward IV.]

[Footnote 233.2: Probably Cardinal Beaufort; but it may be Cardinal Kemp.]

[Footnote 234.1: _colubrinas librillas_, _i.e._ culverins.]

[[Item, predictus Johannes Paston ... m^{l.}vj{c.}lxvj_li._ xiij_s._ iiij_d._ _“c.” (100) printed as subscript_]]

639

ABSTRACT[236.1]

EXAMINATIONS TOUCHING SIR JOHN FASTOLF’S WILL

[Sidenote: 1466 / MAY and JUNE]

A.D. 1466. The following witnesses were examined secretly and apart on behalf of Sir William Yelverton, ‘deceased,’[236.2] in the house of the treasurer of St. Paul’s Cathedral by John Druell, LL.D.:--

May 17. John Monke _alias_ Smyth. 19. John Dawson and John Gyrdyng. 20. William Boswell, Robert Inglys, Ric. Horne, and Thos. Pykeryng. 21. Henry Clerke, John Tovy, Thos. Hert, William Shawe, and Nich. Cherche. 22. Thos. Newton, Th. Spycer, and Thos. Neve. 23. John Rugge, John Clerke, and Rob. Bunche. June 10. Stephen Scrope. 11. Ric. Fastolf.

I. John Monke, a smith of the parish of St. James, Pokethorpe, in Norwich, illiterate, of free condition, thirty-two years old and over, alleges bribery of witnesses by Paston and Howys, who offered to sell John Russe lands at Leystofte at little more than half their value. Howes made Russe a present of salt, barley, and malt to the value of £20, and promised him a full discharge of his account for goods of the testator in his custody to the value of £200 and over. He paid Robert Cutteler, vicar of Caster, ‘colore cujusdam ultimi _vale_ dicti testatoris prius non debite’ (_sic_), money and corn to the value of 20 marks, and promised to present him to the living of Mawdeby whenever Thomas Howse resigned it. They gave Felmyngham an annuity of 8 marks, and 40s. to a boy who is his servant. They gave Robert Boteler a fee (_feodum_) of 5 marks [a year] for life, and the farm of a close called Mawdeby close, besides some other gifts which are specified. Hence the said John Russe, Rob. Cutteler, Clement Felmyngham, and Rob. Butteler, falsely deposed in answer to the second interrogatory that on the Saturday before the testator’s death they were present in a certain low room (_bassa camera_) in the manor of Caister, where the testator was principally between the hours of 8 and 11 A.M., and that with them were the said John Paston and John Brakley, and no others; for in reality there were present in the chamber with the testator on that day, and especially during those hours, the said Rob. Fitzrauf, Nich. Newman, and John Loer continually, and the said Dan John Davye, Dan Thomas Howys, Friar John Bernard, physician, and Henry Barbour, and several others [at intervals]. Moreover, Cutteler, Felmyngham, and Butteler, said Russe was present on that occasion, whereas both he and Cutteler were in other places. Moreover, bribes were given by Paston and Howes in various forms during the months of January, February, and March 1462[-3], and at other times in the parishes of Caister and Yarmouth, and in the city of London, to Ralph Lampet, brother William Bukenham, and the said Rob. Cutteler. Paston promised to promote Bukenham to the priory of Yarmouth, and also, as a reward for his testimony, to give him 13 acres of the testator’s land in Scroudby and Caister called Isabell, to the use of the prior and convent of Norwich. Hence the testimony of these witnesses was false, that Fastolf, about the beginning of Autumn five years ago, had made to John Paston estate and feoffment and livery of seisin of his manor of Caister, and other lands in Cos. Norf. and Suff., and the city of Norwich, to the use of the said testator while he lived, and afterwards to that of the said John Paston and his heirs; for if any such thing was done (which is not admitted) it was on the 16th October 1457, in the 36th year of Henry VI., after the Autumn of the said year, and not to the use of Paston and his heirs, but to the use of Fastolf himself, and for the accomplishment of his will. Further, the testimony of Russe, Cutteler, Bukenham, Felmyngham, and Butteler was untrue as to the alleged will of Fastolf that John Paston should obtain the King’s license for the foundation of a college at Caister. It was in truth Fastolf’s will that the executors should obtain the King’s license to found a college there of seven Benedictine monks of the same profession as the monastery of St. Benet at Hulme, of whom one should be prior, and of seven poor men, and that they should be endowed out of his lands to the extent of 300 marks a year, all charges deducted, to pray for the soul of Lady Milicent, his wife, his parents and benefactors; and if the executors were unable to obtain this license, they were to give the abbot and convent of St. Benet’s lands and money for the maintenance of six new monks and seven poor men in that monastery with a like object. Further, it is not true as alleged that on Saturday before his death, viz., 3rd Nov., between eight and eleven A.M., the testator openly declared his will with a clear voice in the hearing of bystanders, for he was so ill and weak from want of breath that he was unable to speak distinctly at any time that whole day, especially during the hours above mentioned.

Moreover, bribes were offered by Paston and Howes in May and June 1465, in the parishes of Caister and Yarmouth, and in the city of London, to Thomas Thorald, Robert Lawes, Will. Waterman, John Osbern, John Heydon, Will. Pykeryng, John Symmys, and John Shawe, for their testimony in this matter, viz. that they should have 20s. besides travelling expenses and divers other sums which were offered to them in Paston’s name by Cutteler, vicar of Caister, and Ric. Calle; and John Paston promised the said William Pykeryng that he should recover certain lands in the tenure of his brother John Pykeryng, in Fylby, to the value of 40s. Influenced by these bribes, Thos. Thorald deposed that on the Saturday before Fastolf’s death, Bartholomew Elys and John Davys came to his house in Belton, two miles and more from Yarmouth, about eight A.M., when he was in his grange, and asked him to come with them to divers manors of the said Sir John, to receive certain grain from his farmers; after which they drank in Thorald’s house, and he went with them to Freton, and to the manor called Calcote hall, and other places in Lothynlond until midday. Robert Lawes also deposed that on Friday before Fastolf’s death he went to Becclys, and next day, viz. Saturday, returning homeward (_rediens domorsum_), met on the way the said Bartholomew Elis, John Davy, and Thomas Thorald going to Freton, when Davy called him and bade him tell Thomas Howys or John Rus that on Monday or Tuesday next he would go to Caister and give an account of his stewardship. Afterwards, about two P.M., Lawes came to Caister and told John Rus his business in the absence of Howys. But the said William Waterman, being bribed as aforesaid, falsely declares that on the Saturday before Fastolf’s death Barth. Elys and John Davy came to his house at Gorlyston about seven A.M., and that he went with them to Thorald’s house, and that they went and spoke with Thorald at the grange while he waited for them at the gate. Afterwards they all entered the hall of Thomas Thorald and drank beer together, and all four went together to Calcote-halle and waited there till ten A.M., when Watyrman left the other three and returned home. And about two P.M. Elys and Davy returned and drank beer at Watyrman’s house. But the truth is that Elys and Davy were at Yarmouth that day from seven till past eleven A.M.

Further, John Osberne, Will. Pykerynge, and John Heydon were corrupt witnesses. John Osberne said that on Saturday before the Feast of St. Leonard, when Fastolf was ill of his last illness, the said Osberne, Pykerynge, and Heydon came to Caister to receive certain monies of John Rus for barley sold to him by Osberne; that about eight A.M. they entered the hall of the manor and found Robert Hert and others, servants of Fastolf, sitting at breakfast; and that John Russe immediately came to Osberne and talked to him about the payment. At last Russe took them into the _claustrum_, and leaving them, entered Fastolf’s chamber; then, after remaining two hours and more, returned into the _claustrum_ and delivered the money to Osbern. This testimony was confirmed by Heydon and Pykeryng; but the truth is that Russe that Saturday, from seven till near twelve o’clock (_a principio horæ septimæ usque ad finem horæ undecimæ_), and Robert Hert from seven to ten A.M., were at Yarmouth, three miles off.

Further, John Symmys and John Shawe were corrupt witnesses, the former saying that Robert Hert was present in the said manor-house of Caister at eight A.M. on the said day, and even at nine o’clock at dinner-time (_tempore prandii_), and that he saw the said Robert Hert sitting among Fastolf’s other servants at breakfast (_jentaculum_); and that he (Symmys) and Henry Wynstall, Fastolf’s barber, were occupied together in shoeing horses in the said manor from breakfast-time aforesaid to dinner-time, and that at dinner-time Symmys saw the said Henry sitting in the hall with others; and that on the said Saturday, about eight A.M., and even at noon, Symmys saw John Rus in the hall of the said manor. Also John Shawe deposed that on the Saturday before Fastolf’s death he saw John Rus and Henry Wynstall in the hall of the said manor, both at eight A.M. at breakfast and at dinner at midday, and he also saw Robert Hert, porter at the gate of the manor, at those hours; and that between breakfast and dinner Shawe and Wynstall were occupied along with John Symmys in shoeing Sir John’s horses. But the truth is that both Rus and Hert were absent as above-mentioned, and Wynstall was with Fastolf in his chamber from nine A.M. to half-past ten. Also Symmys, William Pykeryng, Heydon, Osberne, and Lawes were all absent the whole of that Saturday, and certainly between eight and eleven A.M. And notwithstanding that the contrary is alleged against them, John Davy, Barth. Elys, John Bokkyng, John Davy, chaplain, Thos. Upton, Nich. Newman, John Loer, Wm. Eton, Robert Lynne, John Marshall, Wm. Lynne, Henry Wynstall, Robert Hert, and Robert Fitzrauff, gave honest testimony in behalf of Yelverton and Worceter, being men of good repute, sufficiently rich, and well worthy of credit.

Additional exceptions on the part of Yelverton and Worcester to the testimony of John Rus and Clement Felmyngham, showing that Paston had offered to let to the former a tenement in Yarmouth for less than its true value, and had promised the latter 100 marks for the Austin Friars at South-Town,[239.1] which was not bequeathed in Fastolf’s will; also that he had given Master Robert Popy, besides his expenses, 20 marks for his testimony, and remitted to him 10_s._ of the rent of a fishery which was five years in arrear, and that he had also released to him 40 marks of a penalty of 100 marks due by Popy upon a bond; in consequence of which Popy deposed that on the 30th October three years previously,[240.1] John Paston had reported to him at Caister that he had made an agreement with Fastolf by which he was to have all Fastolf’s lands in Norfolk, Suffolk, and the city of Norwich, after his death, paying for the same 4000 marks, and was to found a college in the manor, etc.; on hearing which Popy returned to Fastolf, and related to him what Paston had said to him, and Sir John confirmed it, requesting him to show the same goodwill towards Paston, as he had done to himself. But in truth Fastolf never asserted or confirmed any such thing.

Answers to interrogatories by the same deponent, viz.--1. As to his knowledge of the parties and witnesses.

2. As to the alleged instances of bribery, and the absence of Rus on the day referred to. The latter fact deponent says he knows, because he and Rus lay together in the chamber of Thomas Howys, and on Friday before Fastolf’s death Rus went to Yarmouth to buy victuals, and left with him the key of the chamber, Howys being then at Blowfeld; and Rus remained at Yarmouth all that Friday and the Saturday following, and returned on Sunday.

4. As to the condition of Fastolf on the Saturday before his death. He was so weak for want of breath that he could not speak distinctly; those about him could not hear what he said without inclining their ears to his mouth, and even then they could hardly understand him. And this deponent says he knows, because on Friday and Saturday before his death he was frequently in Sir John’s chamber, and when people spoke to him to comfort him in his illness he only answered by sighs, so that deponent and others could not tell what he meant. Moreover, Sir John was accustomed when in health daily to say certain prayers with his chaplain, but on that day the chaplain said the service alone, while Fastolf lay on his bed and said nothing.

6. As to Russe and Hert being at Yarmouth, he says he heard Thomas Howys that Saturday morning order the latter to take horse and ride thither to get provisions for the household, and he saw him ride out of the manor accordingly about seven A.M., and also saw him return with the provisions about ten A.M. [In the margin here is written ‘Nititur deponere de absencia Hert, sed non probat.’]

7. Knows that Henry Wynstall was absent from the hall of the manor from about nine to half-past ten, for he saw him enter the chamber with his instruments to shave Sir John, and wait there an hour and a half, and he could not have left without deponent seeing him. Moreover, John Symmys did not shoe horses in the manor that Saturday, for deponent had the custody of the forge and kept the keys.

Answers to another set of interrogatories proposed on behalf of Paston and Howes, and here quoted at length, to the following effect, viz.: 1. Where each witness has lived since he was born, and whether he be in the service of the party producing him? 2. As to his knowledge of the witnesses on the other side? 3. What particulars he can give as to any bribery he imputes to them, and what was its special object? 4. By what means he knew it, and by whom he has been asked to give testimony, and whether he has conferred with his fellow-witnesses; whether they have received instructions what to depose; how often he has come up to London to give evidence and returned without being called; and how much he was promised for coming? 5. Each witness is to declare how he knows the facts, and to be charged not to reveal to the others on what subjects he was questioned.

The only point of interest in these replies is that deponent was asked by William Worcester in the city of Norwich on Sunday eight days to give his testimony in the cause. He denies all communication with his fellow-witnesses, &c.

_Note._--The evidence of this first witness runs to five or six times the length of any other, and we have noted all the material points in it. Of the depositions of the others we shall not give any summary, but mention briefly any new statements that seem to be of interest:--

II. John Dawson, husbandman (_agricultor_), of Blowfeld, where he has been for four years, having formerly lived five years in the manor of Caister, and before that in Cambridge three years, _literatus, liberæ conditionis_, about thirty years old.

His testimony generally agrees with that of Monke, and he says the covenant of Akethorpe was made in the February before Fastolf’s death. Between Christmas and Easter after his death deponent heard Howes in the manor of Caister say to Robert Cutteler the vicar that he should have 6 marks for his labour in giving evidence about Fastolf’s will; and afterwards Howes in his chamber in the said manor paid him 6 marks. Paston also promised him a benefice worth 40 marks. He says, about a month before Fastolf’s death, he heard Howes and Paston frequently repeat publicly in the household the tenor of Sir John Fastolf’s will. About St. John Baptist’s day last he was at Yarmouth, and heard John Symmys and John Shawe say they were hired by Paston and Howes to give evidence in the proving of Fastolf’s will.

III. John Gyrdynge of Fretenham, where he has lived four years; before which time he lived with the Prior of St. Faith’s two years, before that in the manor of Caster four years, before that with John Emeryngale of Wroxham two years, and before that in Norwich as an apprentice with Henry Toke five years; a cook, illiterate and of free condition, thirty-two years old and over.[241.1] Agrees with the evidence of corruption against Rus and others. Was present in Fastolf’s room that Saturday forenoon, and saw the two chaplains celebrating mass. H. Wynstall the barber was present till ten A.M.

IV. William Boswell of Thetford, who was four years with Friar Bracley, &c., _literatus_, of free condition, thirty years old and more. Heard Howys, Paston, and Rus frequently confer at Caister about the sale of a house in Yarmouth, which Howys, at the request of Paston, at length granted to Rus at £20 less than its value, to the end that Rus might bear witness in their favour and in the proving of Fastolf’s will. [Here occurs a marginal note by another hand, ‘Male sonat. Quod alius consensit non probatur.’ At the head of this deposition also it is said that this witness has been proved corrupt.]

V. Robert Inglys of Lodon, gentleman, who has lived there two years, and before that in the parish of Hopton three years, before that with Henry None, Esq., for more than a year, before that with Sir John Fastolf two years, before that with the Abbot of Langley two years, and before that in Hopton with his father; illiterate, and of free condition, thirty years old and more.

VI. Richard Horne of Brundall, Norwich diocese, husbandman (_agricultor_), who has lived there four years, and before that with Thomas Howys six years, and before that in the parish of St. George, Southwark, three years; illiterate, of free condition, twenty-six years old.

VII. Thomas Pykeryng of Wroxham, Norwich diocese, who has been a schoolmaster at Norwich and Aylesham, and is now clerk to Robert Norwich, steward of the Abbot of St. Benet’s, Hulme.

VIII. Henry Clerke of Blowfeld, husbandman (_agricultor_), once in the service of Sir John Fastolf, illiterate, twenty-eight years old, of free condition. Says that on the Saturday before Fastolf’s death Howys sent him and John Shawe to Yarmouth about seven A.M., with a cart-load of malt to one named Chirche; that they arrived about eight, and were spoken to by John Rus and Robert Cutteler in the market-place; that they waited with their cart till two P.M., when deponent took leave of Russ and Cutteler in the street, having repeatedly seen them there in the interval. Also that at eight and nine A.M. he saw Robert Hert in Yarmouth, who soon after his arrival delivered him a sack containing meat, bought, as he said, by Rus for Fastolf’s household. He says also that between eight and nine he spoke with the said John Symmys, William Pykeryng, and John Osbern in Yarmouth.

Marginal notes are appended to the above statements, affirming that bribery had been proved against this witness by four others, and that he stood alone in his testimony.

IX. John Tovy of Caister, where he has lived ever since he was born, _agricultor, literatus_, of free condition, twenty-four years old and more; cannot depose of his own knowledge to the bribery of John Rus and the others. He says John Rus was not present in the manor on the said Saturday, having to be at Yarmouth to provide victuals for the household. About eight A.M. witness conveyed to the said manor some linen, which his mother had washed, for she was Sir John’s washerwoman, and waited there, sometimes in the hall and sometimes in Sir John’s chamber, till after midday, but did not see John Rus or any of the others named, as he would have done if they had been present.

X. Thomas Hert of Caister, _agricultor_, who has lived there from his birth, illiterate, of free condition, twenty-three years old. Cannot depose to bribery except from hearsay. Was sent to Caister by his father on the Saturday before Fastolf’s death with capons to be sold to John Rus, purveyor of victuals for the household, but on inquiring for him, found he was absent, and delivered the capons to Sir Thomas Howes. Waited till nine A.M. and saw neither Rus, Cutteler, Boteler, nor Robert Hert, but was told Rus was at Yarmouth, and Boteler sick in his chamber. John Symmys had nothing to do with the shoeing of Sir John’s horses that day. Was asked to bear witness in this cause a fortnight ago by Sir William Yelverton’s servant at Caister.

XI. William Shave, roper of Yarmouth, illiterate, of free condition, fifty-eight years old. On the Saturday before Fastolf’s death, was at the house of John Balle, at the sign of the Cock, in Yarmouth, in a parlour near the public street, when Sir Thomas Howes informed John Rus, there present, that he had been desired by John Paston to remit to him £20 of the price of a house sold to Rus by the said Thomas, and thereupon he remitted to him the said £20 and 5 marks, in which he was bound to Sir John Fastolf. He also promised him the lands of Akethorp Hall for 40 marks less than any other, provided he would favour the intention of Howes and Paston. [It is remarked in the margin that witness does not say what intention.] William Lynde, a servant of Sir John Fastolf, was present, besides others. He saw Russ and Cutteler that Saturday at Yarmouth, between nine and twelve A.M., and spoke with them and drank in the house of Thomas Lounde. As to Thomas Torald, witness was at Yarmouth one Saturday, when he heard Robert Cutteler and Torald conversing; and the former told the latter that Sir Thomas Howes loved him well, and that John Paston could do him much good, and in the name of Paston and Howes he promised Torald 20_s._ for his labour, besides expenses, if he would depose for them. Knows that on the Saturday before Fastolf’s death Bartholomew Elys was in Yarmouth from half-past eight to eleven A.M., for he and witness bought fish called roches together, sold some, and divided others in Elys’s house. That day he saw John Rus in Yarmouth several times every hour from seven to eleven A.M., for he was in the market-place all that time on his business, and at vespers he saw John Rus in the parish church of the said town. Next day, Sunday, he also saw him there at matins and at mass.

XII. Nicholas Chirche of Yarmouth, merchant, _literatus_, of free condition, forty years old and more. Testifies concerning a conversation held in John Balle’s parlour at the Cock in Yarmouth after the Christmas following Fastolf’s death, with Sir Thomas Howes, John Paston, John Rus, Friar Clement Felmyngham, Dan Robert Cutteler, Robert Boteler, Thomas Neve, and others, when Howes remitted to John Rus £20 of the price of a house he had sold him, and 5 marks of the arrears of his accounts. He also testifies to other acts of the same nature on that occasion, and to the absence of Rus and Cutteler at Yarmouth on the Saturday above referred to, &c.

[In the margin it is remarked that this witness has been proved corrupt by three others.]

On the 22d May John Naseby, proctor for Yelverton and Howes, produced as a witness one John Rugge, in presence of Master Robert Kent, Paston’s proctor.

XIII. Thomas Newton of Burgh, _agricultor_, illiterate, of free condition, fifty years old and more.

XIV. Thomas Spycer of Southtown, by Yarmouth, tailor, illiterate, of free condition, fifty years old and more.

XV. Thomas Neve of Jernemuth [_Yarmouth_], merchant, _literatus_, of free condition, forty years old and more.

XVI. John Rugge, mariner, of Yarmouth, illiterate, of free condition, fifty years old.

XVII. John Clerke of Gorlaston, _agricultor_, illiterate, of free condition, fifty years old. Heard Clement Felmyngham report to him at the Austin Friars in Southtown that Paston and Howes had given him a pension of 8 marks a year for life, and 40_s._ for his servant, to say masses for the soul of Sir John Fastolf. Cannot witness of bribery otherwise. A little after Michaelmas, two years before Fastolf’s death, William Worceter in Fastolf’s name delivered possession of six of his manors in Lodylond, viz. Spytlyng in Gorlaston, Bradwell Hall in Bradwell, Hadlounde in Bradwell, Calcotes in Freton, Beytons in Belton, and Akethorpe in Leystoft, to Sir Thomas Howes and others, his co-feoffees named in a charter of enfeoffment, to the use of Sir John during his life, and to execute his will afterwards. This he knows, because he rode with Howes to the said manors when he took possession, and saw and heard Worceter deliver possession thereof. Thomas Torald reported to witness in Lent last that Paston and Howes had promised and paid him 20_s._, besides his expenses, to give evidence in the proving of Fastolf’s will, and had given each of his fellow-witnesses as much.

XVIII. Robert Bunche of Yarmouth, mariner, _literatus_, of free condition, fifty years old. Swears to having seen John Rus that Saturday at Yarmouth between seven and eight. [A marginal note says that being afterwards produced as a witness by Paston, he admitted having been suborned, and having deposed falsely.]

On the 22d July Yelverton’s proctor, Naseby, produced in presence of Paston’s proctor, Kent, two witnesses, viz.--Stephen Scrope, Esq., and Richard Fastolf.

XIX. Stephen Scrope, Esq., of free condition, seventy years old or about. Says he was several times with Sir John Fastolf in his manor of Caister within the two years before his death, when Sir John told him he had made his will, and had ordered his executors to erect a college of six or seven monks and seven poor men at Caister, and that they should have lands and goods to the value of 300 marks a year, if a license could be obtained from the King to that effect; otherwise that the number of monks at St. Benet’s should be increased, and seven poor men supported in the monastery. [In the margin it is remarked that this witness proves nothing against the accused witnesses, but only endeavours to depose concerning the will of the deceased.]

XX. Richard Fastolfe, of the parish of St. Mary Eldermary, in London, tailor, where he has lived for two years, and before that in the parish of St. Michael, Crokydlane, London, for a quarter of a year, formerly with the Duke of York, _literatus_, of free condition, thirty-two years old. Went to Caister about the Feast of the Exaltation of the Holy Cross preceding Fastolf’s death, along with one Thomas Plummer, _scriptor_, of London, now deceased. Found Sir John walking about his chamber led by two servants, when Plummer petitioned him to help deponent with goods that he might marry, as he was one of Sir John’s relations. To this Sir John made answer that he had within a few [days] preceding made his will, which he would not alter, and that he had made mention of deponent therein. He also said to Plummer that if he had come in good time, he should have written his will.

[Throughout all the above depositions will be found marginal comments in another hand, a few of which we have noticed incidentally, tending to show that the testimony given is insufficient to prove the bribery of Paston’s witnesses, or to invalidate their statements.]

‘Responsiones personaliter factæ per Johannem Paston, armigerum, xxixº die mensis Julii anno Domini MºCCCClxv^to, Indictione xiij^ma, pontificatus sanctissimi in Christo patris et domini nostri, domini Pauli Divina providencia Papæ Secundi anno primo, in domo habitationis venerabilis mulieris Elisabethæ Venor in le Flete vulgariter nuncupat’ infra parochiam Sanctæ Brigidæ Virginis in suburbeis civitatis London’ situata, [et] x., xj., et xij^mo diebus mensis Decembris anno Domini supradicto, Indictione xiiij^ma, pontificatus dicti sanctissimi patris domini Pauli Papæ Secundi anno secundo, in domo thesaurarii ecclesiæ Cathedralis Sancti Pauli London’ in parochia Sancti Gregorii civitatis London’ situata, coram venerabili viro Magistro Johanne Druell, utriusque juris doctore, commissario et examinatore in hac parte specialiter deputato, in præsentia mei, Nicholai Parker, notarii publici, scribæ in ea parte assumpti et deputati, de et super interrogatoriis per partem venerabilis viri domini Willelmi Yelverton militis et Willelmi Worceter, executorum testamenti domini Johannis Fastolf militis ministratis, productum.’

[Footnote 236.1: [From Paston MSS., B.M.] The following examinations are contained in the same volume as the depositions of John Paston of which an abstract will be found in No. 606. They begin at page 21, immediately after Paston’s depositions, a single blank page intervening.]

[Footnote 236.2: By a singular mistake in the record, Sir William Yelverton is here spoken of as deceased instead of John Paston:-- ‘per partem venerabilis viri domini Willelmi Yelverton militis defuncti contra testes Johannis Paston armigeri et domini Thomæ Howys.’ Yelverton certainly lived for some years after this, and was continued as judge by Henry VI. on his restoration (_see_ Foss), but John Paston died on the 26th May 1466.]

[Footnote 239.1: South-Town, Yarmouth, sometimes called Little Yarmouth.]

[Footnote 240.1: ‘Quod dictis Johannes Paston apud Castre penultimo die Octobris ultimo præterito ad tres annos proxime elapsos sibi retulit.’ It would seem by this that Popy’s testimony must have been given within three years of Fastolf’s death.]

[Footnote 241.1: The residences of every one of the witnesses are given from the time of his birth; but we have given these details only in one or two cases as specimens.]

[[in the manor of Caster _text unchanged: Gairdner’s usual spelling is “Caister”_]]

640

NOTE

EXTRACT FROM ‘AN INDEX TO DEEDS AND WRITINGS IN THE TOWER, MAGDALEN COLLEGE, OXFORD’

‘34. The testimony of Th. Howes concerning the testament of Sir John Fastolf, touching which controversies arose between John Paston the elder, and Thos. Howes of the one party, and William Yelverton, Knight, and William Worcetyr on the other.’

641

EDWARD IV. TO THE BAILIFFS OF YARMOUTH[246.1]

BY THE KINGE (EDWARD THE FOURTH)[246.2]

[Sidenote: 1466 / JULY 17]

Trusty and welbeloved, we greet yow well, letting yow wete that our trusty and welbeloved knight Sir John Paston, our welbeloved William Paston, and Clement Paston, with other, have been before us and our councell worshipfully declared of the surmise of great charge that was laid on our behalfe unto John Paston deceased and them, jointly and severally; so that we hold them and every of them sufficiently declared in that matter, and take and repute them as gentlemen descended lineally of worshipfull blood sithen the Conquest hither; and over that, have commanded that plenare restitution of the manner of Castor, and of all other lands and tenements, with goods and cattell, that the said John Paston deceased had of the gift and purchase of Sir John Fastolfe, Knight, shall wholly be restored unto our said Knight Sir John Paston, like as the said John Paston deceased had in any time of his daies. Wherefore, in as much as our said Knight intendeth to make his abideing in Castor, we desire and pray yow that, for our sake and contemplation, ye will be friendly and neighbours unto him in his right; and such other things as may be to his profitt and ease, wherein ye shall do unto us full and good pleasure. Yeaven under our signet in our Castle at Windsore the xvij^th day of July.

Subjoined to the above in Sandford’s Genealogy is ‘the coppie of a warrant sent from Kinge Edward the Fourth to restore Sir John Paston to the lands and possessions which he purchased of Sir John Fastolfe, whereof the originall remaineth in the custody of Edw. Paston, Esq.’ It is addressed ‘To all tenaunts, fermors, or occupiers of all the lands and tenements, and of every part of them, that late were John Paston’s, Esq., now deceased, by way of inheritance, or Agnes Paston, Margaret Paston, William Paston, and Clement Paston, or any of them, and to all such persons what so they be, now being in the manner or place of Castor, or in any lifelode that was the said John Paston, Esq., by way of gifte or purchase of late Sir John Fastolfe, or of any other, within our counties of Norff., Suff., and Norwich, and to all the tenants, fermors, baylies, or occupiers of the same, and of every part thereof; and to all mayers, shreves, eschetors, bayliffs, and other our officers, as well within franchise as without our counties aforesaid, hereing or seeing these our letters.’ The King mentions in this warrant that ‘great part of the said lands, tenements, and manors had been seized into our hands’; and the tenants, farmers, bailiffs, and occupiers of the said lands are charged thenceforth to pay the whole issues and profits thereof to Sir John Paston; and the mayors, sheriffs, escheators, and others the King’s officers are charged to be ‘assisting, helping, and strengthening.’ The warrant is ‘Yeven under our signet at Windsore, the xxvj^th day of July, the sixth yeare of our reigne.’

[Footnote 246.1: This letter is reprinted from the _Norfolk Archæology_, where it was first published by Mr. Worship from a transcript made by Sandford in his MS. Genealogy of the Paston family, compiled in 1674. Sandford states that ‘the originall under the King’s seale remaineth in the custody of Edward Paston, Esq.’ The date is rendered certain by the warrant subjoined.]

[Footnote 246.2: We have placed the words ‘Edward the Fourth’ in parentheses, though they are not so printed by Mr. Worship, and are probably not so written in Sandford’s MS., because we suspect that they were not in the text of the original document, but were added by Sandford by way of explanation.]

642

ABSTRACT[247.1]

[Sidenote: 1466(?) / JULY 20]

Latter clause of a writ of _supersedeas_ to an escheator directing him not to make inquisition _post mortem_ on the lands of John ----, until further notice.

Westminster, 20 July.

[From the time of year at which this writ is dated, it may have been issued after the death of John Paston, who died in May 1466, the inquisition on his lands not having been taken till October following. But it may possibly have applied to the lands of Sir John Fastolf, who died in November 1459, the inquisition after his death not having been taken till October 1460.]

[Footnote 247.1: [From Paston MSS., B.M.]]

643

ANCESTRY OF THE PASTONS

The following document is derived from a transcript made by Sandford in the Genealogy mentioned in No. 641, and some previous papers, and is likewise reprinted from Mr. Worship’s article. Prefixed to it in Sandford’s MS. are these words:-- ‘The Briefe followinge was delivered to Edward Paston, Esq., amonge other evidence, by his uncle Clement Paston, and it is written in an old hand.’ It would appear, however, from the wording, not to be a ‘brief’ or abstract, as Sandford considered it, but an extract from some certificate made in the King’s name in behalf of Sir John Paston, setting forth what had been proved on examination as to the gentility of his ancestry.

They shewed divers great evidences and court rolles, how that they and their ancetors had been possessed of a court and seniory in the town of Paston, and of many and sundry bondmen, sithen the time that no mind is to the contrary; and how that Agnes Paston, wife to the said William Paston, father to the said John, William, and Clement, in title of her dower, is in possession of bondholders, and also of bondmen, whose ancetors have been bondmen to the ancetors of the said John Paston sithen the time that no minde is to the contrary. And they shewed divers fines, some leavyed in the time of the begining of the reigne of our noble progenitor, Edward the First, son of Kinge Henry, son of King John, of liveloude whereof they and theire ancetors have been possessed ever since to this day.

Also they shewed divers inquests which is matters of record. Also they shewed divers deeds and grants before time of mind, how that their ancetors had licence to have a chaplen and have divine service within them. And that divers of their ancetors had given lyvelyhood to houses of religion to be prayed for, and confirmacions under the Great Seale of our noble ancestor Kinge Henry the Third, son of Kinge John, confirming the same grants.

Also they shewed divers old deeds, some without date, insealed under autenticke seales, of divers particular purchases in the town of Paston, reciting in the said deeds that the land was holden of the ancetors of the said . . . . . Paston, as of the chiefe lord of the fee, and by homage, and had ward, marriage and reliefe. Also they shewed how their ancestors were infeoffed in divers men’s mannors and lands in trust. Also they shewed a great multitude of old deeds, without date and with date, wherein their ancetors were alwaies sett first in witness, and before all other gentlemen. Also they shewed how their ancetors had, in old time and of late time, married with worshipfull gentlemen; and proved, by deeds of marriage and by other deeds, how their ancetors had indowed their wives, and by discents of livelyhood, and by testaments and wills of their ancestors under seale; and made open by evident proofe, how they and their ancetors came lineally descended of right noble and worshipfull blood, and of great lords, sometime liveing in this our realme of Ingland. And also they made open proofe how they were nere of kin and blood to many of the worshipfullest of the country, and also nere to many and sundry great estates and lords of this realme, and was openly proved and affirmed, without contradiction or proofe to the contrary.

They shewed how they had kept pl’ce with divers . . . . and with Plays that had wedded the Earle Warren’s daughter, the third yeare of Edward the First. They shewed a lineall discent, how their first ancetor, Wulstan, came out of France, and Sir William Glanvile together, his kinsman, that after founded the pryory of Bromholme by the towne of Paston and the towne of Bentley; and how Wulstan had issue Wulstan, which bare armes gould flowret azure; and how he had issue, Raffe and Robert; which Raffe, senior, bare armes as his father, and Robert the younger bare silver flowret azure. And Robert had issue Edmund and Walter; which Edmund the elder bare as his father; and his brother, because he married Glanvile’s daughter, a cheife indented gold, the field silver, flowret azure; and how their ancetors after bare with lesse number; and how Sir John Paston was heire to all those, for they died sans issue. And this was shewed by writinge of olde hand, and by old testaments and evidences.

644

WILL OF AGNES PASTON[249.1]

[Sidenote: 1466 / SEPT. 16]

To all to whom this present writting xal come, I, Agnes Paston, late the wife of William Paston, Justice, send greting in God everlasting, lating hem know that I, the forseid Agnes, of goode and hole mende, the xvj. day of Septembre, the vj. yere of the reigne of Kyng E. the iiij^th and the yere of our Lord a M^{l}CCCClxvj., make and ordeyne my last will in al the maners, londes, tenementes, rentes, services, mesuages, and places, that ony person or persones bene seased of to myn use and behof with in Norwiche, Norffolk, Suffolk, Essex, Hertfordshere, or in any other shere with in Englond, praying and desiring al the personez so feffed to myn use, after this my will, writtyn and inceled under my seale, be shewed unto them, that they wol make astate to the persones lemited in my seid will according.

And inasmoche as myn husbond, whos soule God assoile, dyverse tymes, and specialy among other the day of the moneth, rehersed to me that the lyvelod whiche he had assigned to his ij. yongest, William and Clement, by his will in writting, was so littill that they mizt not leve thereon, withouzt they shuld hold the plowe to the tayle; and ferthermore, seying that he had dyvers oder maners, that is to say, the maner of Sporle, Sweynsthorp, and Bekham; which maner of Bekham he was purposed to chaunge with the maner of Pagrave; and if he myzt bring it abouzt, then xuld on of his ij. yongest sones have the seid maners of Sporle and Bekham, and no more, and the other yongest sone xuld have al the remenaunt. And he that had the maner of Sweynsthorp xuld be bound in a gret some to the prior of the Abbey of Norwiche, to paie dayly for ever to the monke that for that day singeth the masse of the Holy Goste in our Lady Chapell in Norwiche, where he purposed to leye his body, every day iiij_d._, to sing and pray for his sowle and myn, and al the sowles that he and I have hade any goode of or be beholdyn to pray for. And after that the ----[250.1] day of --------[250.1] next folowing my seid husbond lying seke in his bed, in the presens of John Paston, his sone and myn, John Bakton, John Dame, and of me, declared his will towching certein of his children and me, at whiche tyme he assigned to the seid John Paston the maner of Gressham in honde, and the revercion of suche lyvelode as he zave me after my decesse, askyng hym the question wheder he held hym not content so, seying to him in these termes, ‘Sir, and thow do not I doo, for I will not geve so mekyll to on that the remenaunt xal have to littill to leve on. At the whiche[251.1] . .’

[Footnote 249.1: [From Paston MSS., B.M.]]

[Footnote 250.1: Blanks in MS.]

[Footnote 251.1: Here the fragment ends at the bottom of a leaf written only on one side.]

645

WILL OF AGNES PASTON[251.2]

B.--And after that the ---- day of the monethe my seyd husbond lyyng seke on hys bede sent for me, John Paston, Bakton, and John a Dame, to here hiis wyll rede; and in owr presens all he began to reede hiis wylle, and spak fyst of me, and assynyid to me the maners of Paston, Latymer, and Schypden and Ropers, in Crowmer, for terme of my lyffe, and the manerys of Merlyngforthe, Stonsted, and Horwelbury, whyche wasse myn owne enheritans, and Oxned, whyche wasse my jontor, and [prayd me to hold me contente so, for][251.3] hadde do to lityll to ony it wasse to me, for somme he faryd the better, and so devedede (?) he ded for not of hem all, but he hadde more to care for, wyche myn as well as hys. And than he red John parte, and assynyd to hym and to hys wyffe the maner of Gressam, and after my desesse the maner of Oxned; and he, thynkyng by John Pastons demenyng that he wasse not plesyd because . . . .

C.--Swynne of slowyth that hiis wyll wasse not made up, but wot swm ever cwm of me, Dame, I wyll ze know my wyll, and seyd that swyche lond as he hadde not wrytyn in hiis wyll wott xwlde he do with all, he wold his ij. yongest sonnys, Wyllam and Clement, xwlde have, and owte of Sweynthorpe to have hiis perpetuell masse. And of thys prayd me to reporte recorde and berre wyttnesse; in qwyche disposicion and intent he continuyd in on to the day of hiis dethe, and I darre rytgh largely deposse that that same wasse hiis last wyll the tyme of hiis dethe; qwyche wyll immediatly after my husbondes decesse I hopynd and declaryd to John Paston and al the other executores of my husbond, desyeryng hem to have performyd it. And the seyd John Paston wold in no wysse agree ther to, seyying that by the lawe the seyd manerys xulde be hiis, in as moche as my husbonde made no wyll of hem in wrytyn, and gatte the dedis owte of my possession and estat of the feffees in the seyde manerys, myn unknowyng.

And after that swyche tresowre of my husbons as wasse leyde in the Abbey of Norwyche by the seyd John Paston, John Bakton, John Dam, and me, to delyvere azen to us all, the seyde John Paston owte of the seyde Abbey unknowyn to the priour or ony oder person of the seyde Abbey, and withowte my wetyn[g] and assente, or ony of owre felawys, toke and bare awey all, and kepyng it styll azens my wyll and all the tother executores wyllys, nothere restoryng the seid Wyllam and Clement to the forseyd land, nother recompensyng them of my husbonds tresor, and ordeynyng for my husbonds sowle in havyng of hiis perpetuell masse acordyng to his wyll. Werfor, in as moche as I know and understonde verrely that it wasse my husbonds wyll the tyme of hys dethe, that the seyd Wyllam and Clement xwlde have the seyd manerys of Sporle, Sweynsthorp, and Bekham, and the annuyte for hys perpetuell masse to be going owte of the seyde maner of Sweynthorp, and that the possessioners of the seyd manerys at thys day wyll in no wysse by any fayer menez or spekyng tender my seyd husbonds sowle and myn, ner perform the wyll of my seyd husbond, I wyll have and xall by the gras[e] of swyche lyvelode as I have in my possession, that is for to sey, the maners of Stonsted, Marlyngforthe, and Horwellbury, that swm tym wasse my faders and my moders, and cwm on to me by them as myn enheritance. And after my decesse if I wolde soffer it to desend, xwld goo to the wronge possessioners of the seyd manerys of Sporle, Sweynsthorp, and Bekham, qwyche xall not be lettyd for me, but if it be thorow her owne defaute, make, sta[b]lesse and ordeyn myn husbonds perpetuell masse and myn, and of the remenaunt, as swerly as can be made by the lawe, I wyll the seyd Wyllam and Clement be recompensyd to the valew of the seyde manerys of Sporle, Sweynthorpe, and Bekkam, zerly [_yearly_], on to the tyme that they be restoryd to the forseyd manerys of Sporle, Sweynthorp, and Bekkam, in lik forme, and lyke astat as xall be afterwards lymytyd in thys my last[253.1] [will; chargyng and requiryng the seyd Wyllam and Clement that after that they be restoryd to the manerys of Sporle, Sweynsthorp, and Bekam, they restore myn heyres to Marlyngforthe, Stons[ted], and Orwelbury.]

[Footnote 251.2: [From Paston MSS.] The following appear to be three separate fragments of an original draft of Agnes Paston’s will, written on two sides of a small scrap of paper. Two of these fragments have the letters B and D prefixed to them, showing that they were intended as insertions in a part of the text now lost.]

[Footnote 251.3: These words are struck through with the pen.]

[Footnote 253.1: The word ‘will’ is omitted in the MS., and the words ‘my last’ repeated. What follows is crossed out.]

646

NOTE

In the Paston Genealogy drawn up by Sandford, to which we have several times before alluded, occurs another extract from the will of Agnes Paston, as follows:--

‘Also I bequeath to the Whight Fryers of the said city of Norwich, for I am there a suster, to helpe to pay hir [_their_] debts, xx_li._, which I will be gathered of the arrerage of my lyvelode. Also I bequeath to the auter of Gracion of the said House, whereas mine husband and I have a perpetuall masse, a vestment which they have for a prist to judge in or [_of ?_] rede satern. Also to the mendinge of the chappell of our Ladie within the said place, whereas Sir Thomas Gerbrege, my grandfather, and Dame Elizabeth his wife, and Sir Edmond Berrye my father, and Dame Alice his wife, be buried, and Clement Paston my sonn.’

647

WILLIAM PASTON’S WILL[253.2]

On the Thurseday at nyght before Our Ladys Day the Assumpcion,[253.3] betwixt xj. and xij. of the clokk, in the yer of Our Lord God MCCCC. and xliiij., the Sondays lettre on the D., died my husbond, God assoyle his sowle. And on the Fryday after I sent for John Paston, John Dam, &c. And on the Wedynysday after cam John Paston, &c. And on the Fryday John Paston, John Dam and I yede into the chambre, and they desyred of me to see the wyll. I lete them see it. And John Dam redde it; and when he had redde it, John Paston walkyd up and down in the chambere. John Dam and I knelyd at the beddys fete.

[Footnote 253.2: [From Fenn, iii. 15.] The following memorandum relative to the death of her husband was written by Agnes Paston, probably about the time she made her will.]

[Footnote 253.3: The Assumption of Our Lady was the 15th August.]

648

ABSTRACT[254.1]

Roll of paper containing a draft in English of part of the inquisition on the death of John Paston, relating more especially to the foundation of Fastolf’s college. In the latter part the jury find that John Paston died on the 22nd May[254.2] last, and that Sir John Paston, Knight, is his son and next heir, and is of the age of 24 years and more.

⁂ Copies of the original inquisition, as returned into Chancery, and of that on the death of Sir John Fastolf, exist among the Paston MSS. in the Bodleian Library.

[Footnote 254.1: [Addit. Roll, 17,258, B.M.]]

[Footnote 254.2: The date in the inquisition returned into Chancery (6 Edw. IV., No. 44) is 21st May.]

649

MARGARET PASTON TO JOHN PASTON[254.3]

_To my ryght wyrshypfull mayster, Sir John Paston, Knyzt, be thys letter delyveryd in hast._

[Sidenote: 1466 / OCT. 29]

I grytte you well, and send you God ys blessyng and myn, desyryng you to send me werd how that ye spede in youre maters, for I thynk ryght leng tyll I here tydyngys from you; and in alwyse I avyse you for to be ware that ye kepe wysly your wrytyngys that ben of charge, that it com not in her [_their_] handys that may hurt you herafter. Your fader, wham God assole, in hys trobyll seson set more by hys wrytyngys and evydens than he dede by any of hys moveabell godys. Remember that yf the wer had from you, ye kowd never gyte no moo such as the be for your parte, &c.

Item, I wold ye shold take hyde that yf any processe com owte a yenst me, or a yenst any of tho that wer endyted a fore the coroner, that I myght have knowlych therof, and to purvey a remedy therfor.

Item, as for your fader ys wyll, I wold ye shold take ryght gode counsell therin, as I am enformyd it may be prevyd, thogh no man take no charge thys twelfmonth. Ye may have a letter of mynystracyon to such as ye wyll, and mynyster the godys and take no charge. I avyse you that ye in no wyse take no charge therof tyll ye know more than ye doo yet; for ye may verely knowe by that your unkell Will. seyd to you and to me, that thay wyll lay the charge uppon you and me for moo thyngys then ys exprest in your fader ys wyll, the whych shud be to grete for you or me to bere; but as for me, I will not be to hesty to take it uppon me, I ensure you.

And at the reverens of God, spede your maters so thys terme, that we may be in rest herafter, and lette not for no labour for the season, and remember the grete cost and charge that we have had hedyr toward, and thynk verely it may not lenge endur. Ye know what ye left when ye wer last at hom, and wyte it verely ther ys no mor in thys countray to bere owte no charge with. I awyse you enquer wysely yf ye canne gyte any more ther as ye be, for els by my feth I feer els it will not be well with ous; and send me word in hast hough ye doo, and whether ye have your laste dedys that ye fayled, for playnly they er not in thys contrey. It ys told me in consell that Ric. Calle hath nyer conqueryd your uncle Will. with fayre promyse twochyng hys lyflode and other thyngs, the whych shold prevayll hym gretly, as he sayth. Be ware of hym and of hys felowe be myn avyse. God sende you gode spede in all your maters.

Wryten at Caster, the moreu next after Symon and Jude, wher as I wold not be at thys tyme but for your sake, so mot I ches.

By your Moder.

[Footnote 254.3: [From Fenn, iv. 272.] The date of this letter is shown by the contents to be shortly after John Paston the father’s death, probably in the same year.]

650

ABSTRACT[256.1]

SIR JAMES GLOYS TO SIR JOHN PASTON

[Sidenote: 1466(?) / NOV. 10]

Was at Snaylwell on Sunday, but could get no money. Most of the tenants away at Canterbury or elsewhere. The rest said when you were there last you had given them till Candlemas, ‘so that thei myght malt ther corn and brynge it to the best preffe.’ Warned them to be ready by Tuesday before St. Edmond the King, when Richard Calle would visit them. A thrifty man beside Bery is willing to take the farm; but every one says the last farmer was undone by it. Advises Paston not to overcharge his farms. I have seen Catelyn’s corn, and your tenants say it is sufficient to content you. Your shepherd wishes to know if you will continue him, for no one has spoken to him since my master your father died. Men of Fordham have occupied your ground these two years that my master has been in trouble. I think you should speak to my Lord of Worcester, as he and Woodhous are lords of the town. I have bid the farmers at Snaylwell sow some wheat land, and have warned the tenants at Sporle, Pagrave, and Cressingham to be ready to pay. Advises him to keep up his place at Langham’s. If ‘my master’ had lived he would have exchanged it for the parsonage. Supped on Monday night at a place of the Duke of Suffolk’s with the parson of Causton, a chaplain of the Duchess, ‘and they talked sore of my Lady’s bargain, and were right sorry that she should forsake it.’ The parson asserted that the feoffees had put her in possession of the manors. Talk over this with your counsel; for if the feoffees be compelled to release in Chancery it will be nought, because of the estate they made before; so when you expect to be most quiet you will be most troubled. There was also the parson of Brampston, and he said W. Yelverton had sent a letter to the bailiff he has set at Guton, but what it meant I could not find out. W. Yelverton has put the parson of Heynford out of his farm. I did not speak with your mother before writing this, as she was at Caister.

Norwich, St. Martin’s Even.

From the mention of John Paston the father as dead, and the trouble he had been in for two years, it would appear that this letter must have been written in 1466, the year of his death. The letter is endorsed in a contemporary hand: ‘Literæ anno vj. et vij. Edwardi iiij^ti.’

[Footnote 256.1: [From Paston MSS., B.M.]]

651

ABSTRACT[257.1]

THOMAS GRENE TO WILLIAM YELVERTON, ESQ.

[Sidenote: 1466 / DEC. 22]

Desires his favour for Frere John Chesteyn and John Russe of Yarmouth, who are suspected by Lord Scales of having treasures or jewels of my Master Paston’s. He never trusted them with any, knowing they were familiar with William Jenney and Sir Thomas Howes. Is sure he put no treasure into any place in that town, religious or other, for he often said he wondered any thrifty man would live in it, ‘there were so much riotous people therein.’ Begs his favour for my mistress Paston, ‘which is now under your governance.’ Hopes to see her hereafter ‘as worshipful and well at ease as ever she was, and a great deal better when these troubles be passed; for I am sekir whan God woll that she be passed them she would not suffer them again for right great riches.’

Norwich, morrow of St. Thomas Apostle.

[This letter has a great appearance of having been written shortly after John Paston’s death. We place it therefore in the year in which he died.]

[Footnote 257.1: [From Paston MSS., B.M.]]

652

SIR JOHN PASTON TO MARGARET PASTON[257.2]

_To Mestresse Margrete Paston, be thys delyveryd._

[Sidenote: Date uncertain]

Please it yow to weete that I sende yow by Barker, the berer heroff, iij. tracle pottes of Geane [_Genoa_] as my potecarie swerytht on to me, and mooreovyr that they weer never ondoo syns that they come from Geane. Wheroff ye shalle take as many as pleasyth yow; neverthe lesse my brother John sente to me for ij., therfor I most beseche yow that he maye have at the lest on. Ther is on potte that is morkyn ondre the bottome ij. tymes with thyes letteris M. P., whyche potte I have best truste on too, and nexte hym to the wryghe potte; and I mystruste moost the potte that hathe a krotte abovyn in the toppe, lesse that he hathe ben ondoone. And also the other ij. pottys be prentyd with that marchauntys marke too tymes on the coveryng, and that other pott is butt onys morkyn but with on prente, notwithstondyng I hadde lyke othe and promyse for on as well as for alle.[258.1]

[Footnote 257.2: [From Fenn, iv. 264.] This and the two letters following are without any certain date, but they are all addressed to Margaret Paston, most probably after her husband’s death.]

[Footnote 258.1: The signature of this letter, Fenn says, is torn off the original MS.]

653

ABSTRACT[258.2]

EDWARD MAWDBY TO HIS NIECE MARGARET PASTON

Has a tenant, a widow in Sall, building a house on his ground. She has been threatened with having it pulled down. Send for Aleyn Roos, my receiver, and take his counsel what is to be done.

London, 24 Nov. Signed ‘By your nevew Edward Mawdby’; although addressed ‘my most trusty and well beloved niece.’

[Footnote 258.2: [From Paston MSS., B.M.]]

654

ABSTRACT[258.3]

E. CLERE[258.4] TO MARGARET PASTON

My little cousin your son[258.5] is a fair child. Wishes certain evidences of Frethorp, which she delivered to Margaret Paston’s husband to make award between her and Rammesbury, a paper book of the customs of Ormesby and a roll called ‘domysday,’ &c. Your father-in-law[258.6] was of counsel both with my mother[258.7] and with my mother-in-law.[258.8] Supposes there may be other evidences, as of Tacolneston, Therston, Reynthorp, Rusteynes in Wymondham, Kesewik, and Stratton. Sends back some rolls brought by a man from Norwich, which belong to Margaret Paston and not to the writer.

[Footnote 258.3: [From Paston MSS., B.M.]]

[Footnote 258.4: Elizabeth, widow of Robert Clere of Ormesby. She died in 1492.]

[Footnote 258.5: This must be one of the younger sons of John and Margaret Paston.]

[Footnote 258.6: William Paston, Justice.]

[Footnote 258.7: Margaret, wife of Thos. Owydale or Dovedale, of Tacolneston, daughter and heir of William Reeves.]

[Footnote 258.8: Elizabeth, daughter of Sir Philip Branch, and wife of John Clere, Esq. of Ormesby; after whose death she married again Sir John Rothenhale. _See_ No. 15 in vol. ii.]

655

SIR JOHN PASTON TO JOHN PASTON[259.1]

[Sidenote: 1466(?)]

Item, Arb[l]aster must mak a proctyr by yowr advyce, and iff he lyst to make the seyd Master John Halfnothe he maye, elles he must sende uppe an other; and he most also make a letter of waraunt to the seyde Master John Halfnothe undre hys selle by yowre advyce in thys forme:--

Master John, &c. I recomande me, &c., letyng yow weet that I have made yow my proctor towchyng the testement off John Paston, Esquier; wherffor I praye yow that ye on my behalve reffuce the admynystracion of hys seyde testamen, fur I woll nowt have ado ther with. Wherffo[r] loke that ye on my behalve reffuce all admynestracion, entresse or besynesse, that I myght have there by. And thys shewys yow my wyll here in, and shall be to yow a dyscharge att any tyme. No moor, &c.

Yowr frend,

JAMES ARBLASTER.

I wolde nat that myn oncle William scholde cawse hym to take on hym as hys felawe, for iff myn oncle William doo thus moche in the corte I suppose it may here afftre doo ease. For as God helpe me I cannot sey verrely iff my fadre (God have hys sowle!) agreyd that he shold be one, but in my sowle he never thowt that he sholde be, for he never namyd no moor butt my modre and me, and afftre, yow, whan I rehessyd myn oncle Clement, yow and Arblaster, and than he chase yow, seyng he thoght that ye were good and trewe. Kepe thys secrett. Iff myn oncle be noon executor, it maye happely brynge ageyn a trussyng coffre with CC. old peyse noblis, whyche he toke from me as executor.

[Footnote 259.1: [From Paston MSS., B.M.] The MS. from which this letter is printed is a draft in the handwriting of Sir John Paston. There can be little doubt it was addressed to his brother John, and as it refers to the administration of their father’s will, we place it in the year of his death.]

656

JOHN RUSSE TO MARGARET PASTON[260.1]

_To the worshypfull and my right honorabyll maistresse, Maistresse Marget Paston._

[Sidenote: After 1466]

Right worshipfull and myn right honourable and good maistresse, I recomaund me to you in my most humble wyse, besekynge youre maistresshyp to take no dyspleasure of the longe forberyng of youre mony, whiche is ix_li._ xvj_s._ viij_d._ now. Be my trouthe, Maister Fen had of me l. marke at hyse beyng here fore custum, wherof a gret part is owyng me tyl I may be leysere[260.2] gather it up. I thynke of every day a wyke tyl ye be content, and I thanke God I owe not al the world so myche as I do you. In as goodly haste as I can, youre maistresship shal have it with ever my servise and preyer, for ye do a meritory dede; it hathe savyd my pore honestie and gretly avayled me; wher as if it had leyn in youre coferys, as, I doute not, a M^{l}_li._ more dothe, no profit shuld have growe to any man; it is a meritory dede to helpe them that mene trewly, whiche, for Godis sake, maistresse consedre. I truste I am of that substans that, what soever caswelte fortunyd, yourre maistresship shuld not lese on pene of yourre dute. Every ourre (?) may be distreynid of myn the value of C. marke in shyppis and literys, and owe not but to you C_s._, I dare afferme. Also, maystresse, ye have an obligacion of me of xl_li._ a byll of xx_li._, and abil of xx_li._, and a byll of x_li._; for Godis sake, maistresse, spare me for a tyme, the rather for the affeccion that my maister[260.3] had to me, whos soule Jhesu assoyle. Hyse maistirshyp grauntyd me many tymez to have lent me of the dedys goodis xl_li._, to have payd hym ageyn in v. yeer; and so I doute not but I shuld have had if hyse maistirshyp had levyd. I lost a gret losse of hese departyng; for hyse sake, maystresse, shewe me the more favour. I intende not to debarre you of oon peny, so Jhesu helpe me, but in as goodly haste as I can to contente you; be my trouthe, at thys seasun I have not in my pocession x. marke which is right litil, what casewelte that ever fortune. I am deseyvid of many men; be my trouthe there is owyng me in thys town xl. marke of iij. yeer passyd, that thow I shuld go to prison I knowe not to have xx_s._ of ony of hem. Right worshypfull and my right honourable maistresse, I beseke Almyghti Jhesu, ever preserve you from adversite. Maistresse, for the servise that to my pore powyr I aught my maister youre husbonde I am the werse by xx_li._ and more sylvir; for Godis sake therfor, maistresse, yit favour me a season; I aske not ellys.

Yourre bedeman and servaunt,

JOHN RUSSE.

[Footnote 260.1: [Add. MS. 34,889, f. 226.] This letter must have been written some time after John Paston’s death, but probably not many years later. Compare No. 651.]

[Footnote 260.2: _Sic._]

[Footnote 260.3: John Paston.]

657

J. STRANGE TO SIR JOHN PASTON[261.1]

_To my rith worchipfull and good master, Ser John Paston, Knyght._

[Sidenote: Between 1467-9]

Ryth worchupful ser, after dewe recomendacion, plesyt zow to understond the cause of my wrytyng ys for a maryage for my Masterys Nargery, zowr suster. For my nevyewe, John Straunge, wold make her sur of xl_li._ joynture and CC. marke be zer of inherytaunce; and yf zee and zour frendes wole agreve herto, I trost to God that xall take a conclusion to the plesur of God, and worchup to both partyes.

Moreover, and yt plesyth zow to wete, I am sore troblyd with Bedston, as wele be the wey of tachements owte of the Chauncer as oderwyse. I must beseche zow of zowr good mastershepe and help in secrete maner as the Ser Thomas Lynes, the brynger of thys, shall enforme zow. I xall be att London in the begynnyng of thys terme, be the grace of God, qwych preserve zowe.

Wretyn att Norwych in hast, the Monday after Twelthe Day.

By yowr,

J. STRANGE.

[Footnote 261.1: [From Fenn, iv. 286.] This letter being addressed to Sir John Paston touching a proposal of marriage for his sister, must have been after the death of his father in 1466, and, of course, before the actual marriage of Margery Paston to Richard Call, which seems to have taken place towards the close of 1469.]

[[Masterys Nargery _text unchanged_]]

658

SIR JOHN AND LADY HOWARD[262.1]

[Sidenote: 1467 / JAN. 22]

This wrytenge made at London the vj^te yer of Kynge Edward the iiij. and the xxij. day of Jenever wytnesseth what stoffe my master Sir John Howard hath delyverd to my Lady his wyfe in this monyth of Jenever.

Ferst ij. rynges of goolde set with good dyamawntes, the wyche the quene yaff my master.

Item, a rynge of goolde with a fyne rubye.

Item, a nowche of goolde set with a fyne safyre, a grete balyse and v. perles.

Item, my master yaff here a fyne pece of holand clothe as good as Reynes conteynenge in length xl. yerdes, the yerde was wele worth iiij_s._

Item, my master gaff her a noder pece of holand clothe, corser, conteynenge in lengthe more than xl. yerdes, the yerde was worthe ij_s._ iiij_d._

Item, my master gaff her a longe gowne of fyne cremysen velvet furred with menyver and purfeled with ermynes.

Item, my master gaff her a longe gowne of fyne grene velvet furred with menyver and purfeled with ermynes.

Item, my master gaff her vij^xx scynnes of fyne ermynes.

Item, my master gaff her vij. yerdes and di. of fyne grene velvet.

Item, my master gaff here vij. yerdes of cremyson velvet.

Item, my master gaff here a devyse of goolde with xiiij. lynkes and the ton halffe of the lynkes enamyled set with iiij. Rubyis iij. dyamawntes and vij. perles.

Item, my master gaff her an nothe devyse of goolde of the same fassyon with odre xiiij. lynkes, and theryn vij. Rubyis and vij. perles.

Item, my master gaff her a gyrdyll of clothe of goolde and the harneys of goolde.

Item, my master gaff her a gyrdyll of grene damaske and the harneys of sylver and gylte.

Item, my master gaff her iij. edges of blak velvet set with lviij. perles.

Item, my master gaff here a longe gowne of blak velvet furred with martrys and purfeled with marteres.

Item, my master gaff her a longe gowne of murrey furred with menever and purfeled with ermynes.

Item, my master gaff here a coler of goolde with xxxiiij. roses and sonnes set on a corse of blak sylke with an hanger of goolde garnyshed with a saphyre.

Item, my master gaff her iiij. owches of goolde garnyshed with iij. rubyis, a saphyre, an amytes, an emerawde and xv. perles.

Item, my master gaff here a peyr of bedes for a gentylwomannes nekke gawdeid with viij. gawdeid of goolde and viij. perles.

Item, a rynge with a grete saphyre.

Item, my master gaff her a nother ryng with an amytes.

Item, my master gaff her iij. Agnus Dei of goolde.

Item, my master gaff her a gret sygnnet of goolde with the vernycle.

Item, my master gaff her v. odre ryngis of goolde withowt stones.

Item, my master gaff her a cheyne of goolde with a lokke of goolde gernyshed with a rubye.

Item, my master gaff her a lytell gerdyll of sylke and goolde called a demysent and the harneys of goolde.

Item, my master gaff her a longe of vyolet engreyned furred with martres and purfeled with martres.

Item, the xviij. day of Feverer my master delyverid to my Lady to have to Braye a bed of cremysen damaske embrowdered with Cyle counterpoynte and testour all affter one.

Item, the same day my master delyverid my Lady a bede, a cyle, a counterpeynt and a testor of Aras with out goolde.

Item, a pece of Aras for hangenge conteynenge in length xj. yerdes and iij. quarters.

Item, a nother pece of Aras conteynenge in length viij. yerdis and iii. quarters.

Item, a nother pece conteynenge vij. yerdis a quarter and di. in length.

Item, a nother pece of Aras conteyneng v. yerdes and iij. quarteres in length.

Item, delyverd to my said Lady iiij. peces of new Aras wyche cam late fro Caleys wereof on is a covertore fore a bedde and the todde [_sic_] iij. ar tapettes conteynenge all iiij. peces in flemesh elles square C iiij^xx xij.

Item, my master left at London at his departynge to Braye in his place in Bathe Rowe the xx. day of feverer ij. brede clothes of Blewe.

Item, the vij^th yer of Kynge Edward the iiii^th and the xvj. day of March, my master sent to my Lady to Bray a longe coshon of cremesen velvet and iij. schorte coshones of cremesen velvet. Item, a longe coshon of grene velvet and ij. short cushones of grene velvet.

Item, the same tyme my master delyverd her a cheyne of goold of the olde facyon prise iiij. markis.

Item, the yere above said and the xvj. day of Apryll, my master delyverd to my Lady v. sylver spones.

* * *

_Added in Sir John Howard’s own hand:_-- And the vij. zere of the kenge and in the monithe of Janever I delyvered my wyffe a pote of selver to pote in grene genger that the kenge gaffe.

On the back of this MS. is the following unfinished memorandum:--

‘M^d that I John Legge hawe bownde mey self to John Osberne yn an oblygacyon----’

[Footnote 262.1: [Add. MS. 34,889, f. 51.] The date is taken from the head of the document, but there are additions of later dates to January 1468.]

[[gawdeid with viij. gawdeid of goolde _text unchanged: error for “viij. gawdeis”?_]]

[[my master gaff her a longe of vyolet _text unchanged: missing word “gowne” or similar?_]]

659

JOHN PASTON TO SIR JOHN PASTON[265.1]

_To my mastyr, Sir John Paston, logyng in Fletstret, be thys delyveryd._

[Sidenote: 1467 / JAN. 27]

Syr, lyekyth it yow to wet that thys day my modyr sent me your lettyrs, wer by I undystand, blessyd be God, all thyng standyth in good wey. Also I undyrstand by your lettyr sent to my modyr and me that ye wold have your lyvelod gadyrd as hastyly as we myght do it. Syr, as to that, and othyr folk do no wers ther dever [_devoir_] in gaderyng of othyr manerys then we have don in Caster, I tryst to God that ye schall not be long unpayid; for thys day we had in the last comb of barly that eny man had owyth in Caster towne, not with standyng Hew Awstyn and hys men hathe crakyd many a gret woord in the tym that it hathe ben in gaderyng. And twenty comb Hew Awstyns man had doun cartyd redy for to have led it to Yarmowth. And when I herd ther of I let slype a sertyn of whelpys that gave the cart and the barly syche a torn that it was fayn to tak covert in your bakhous systern at Caster halle, and it was wet within an owyr aftyr that it cam hom, and is nye redy to mak of good malt all, ho ho! William Yelverton hathe ben at Gwton and hathe set in a new bayly ther and hathe dystreynyd the tenauntis, and hathe geve hem day till Candyllmas to pay syche mony as he axyth of hem. Also the seyd Yellverton hathe ben at Saxthorpe, and hathe dystreynyd the fermour ther and takyn of hym swerte to paye hym. And thys day the seyd Yelverton and viij. men with hym, with jakys and trossyng dobletis all the felawshep of hem, wer redy to ryd; and one of the same felawschep told to a man that sye hem all redy that they shuld ryd to tak a dystres in sertayn maners that wer Syr John Fastolffys; wherfor I suppose veryly that they be to Gwton and Saxthorp. Wher for to morrow I purpose to send Dawbeney thedyr to wet what they do, and to comand the[266.1] tenauntis and fermors that they pay no mony to nobody bot to yow. John Grey, othyrwyse callyd John Delesbay, and John Burgeys they be Yelvertons kapteyns, and they ryd and go dayly, as well in Norwych as in othyr plasys of yours and othyr menys, in the contre in ther trossyng dowblettis with bombardys and kanonys and chafeveleyns, and do what so ever they wyll in the contre; ther dar no pore man dysplese theym, for what so evyr they do with ther swordys they make it lawe; and they tak dystressys out of mens howsys, hors or catell, or what they wyll, thow it be not on that for that they ask the dwte for. Wher for, me thynkys with esy menys ye myth get a prevy seall of the Kyng to be dyrectyd to the meyer of Norwyche, as for the towne of Norwyche, and for the countre a nothyr prive seall, dyrect to me and to som othyr good felaw, Syr William Calthorp, for he hatyth Grey,[266.2] for to arest the seyd felaws for syche ryot and to bryng hem to the next prison, ther to abyed with out bayle tyll syche tym as the Kyng sendyth othyrwyse woord, and they that the prive sale shall be dyrect to, to be chargyd vpon peyne of ther alegeans to execut the Kyngis comandement; and, this done, I warant your lyvelod that my lord delys not with shall be gadyrd pesybylly. As to that lyvelod that my lord clemys I shall do my dever, our logyng kep, to tak as myche profyt of it as I may by the grase of God, Whom I pray send you the acomplyshement of your hertys desyir, and other por folys thers. All my felawshep ar mery and well at ease, blyssyd be God, and recomandyth hem all on to yow. Wretyn the Twesday next befor Kandylmas.

Your brodyr,

J. P.

[Footnote 265.1: [Add. MS. 33,597, f. 3.] This letter appears to have been written in the year 1467, like No. 661, which bears date eleven days later. Besides what is said here of Yelverton, note the reference to John Grey and John Burgeys, whose names appear in the other letter also.]

[Footnote 266.1: ‘the’ repeated in MS.]

[Footnote 266.2: ‘Syr William--Grey’ is an interlineation.]

660

T. DAVERSE TO SIR JOHN PASTON[267.1]

_To my right good mayter, Sir John Paston, Knyght._

[Sidenote: 1467(?) / JAN. 29]

My right especiall good mayster, I recomand me to yow, thankyng you right hertely of your gentell letter late send to me. And as to Pynchester mater, &c., I wulde I were youre nygh kynnesman, yef hit plesed God, and than shuld I know yef hit shuld greve your herte asmeche as hit dothe other of my kynne and frendes to see me thus cowardly hurte and maimed[267.2] by Pynchester, causeles; and of myn entente in that mater, Wylliam Rabbes shall telle you more. All so I beseche yow to recomand me to my Lordes good grace, as to hym whom of erthely estates, next my dewte, I moste love and drede, and that shuld he well knowe and hit lay in my power, praying you hertely to declare his Lordship such mater as Wylliam Rabbes shall enfourme yow, and to send me my Lordes answere.

All so in asmoche as I understode by yow that money shuld cause you conclusion in your mater this next terme, and ye wull be at London on Monday at nyght or Tewsday by none, I truste that I have studyed such a mene that, up on surete as ye may make, to gete yow an C_li._ or CC. mark to be lante un to yow for an halfe yere, with oute any chevysshaunce or losse of good by yow, as Wylliam Rabbes shall telle you more, &c.

And as to Ovyde ‘De Arte Amandi,’ I shall send hym you this next weke, for I have hyt not now redy; but me thenkeyth Ovide ‘De Remedio’ were more mete for yow, but yef [_unless_] ye purposid to falle hastely in my Lady Anne P.[268.1] lappe, as white as whales bon, &c. Ye be the best cheser of a gentell woman that I knowe, &c. And I pray you to recomaunde me to my Lord of Oxford,[268.2] and to my goods Maysters Nedeham, Richemond, Chyppenham, Stavely, Bloxham, Stuard, and Ingulton in speciall, and all other good masters and frendes in generall, &c. And, sir, Maystres Gaydade recomand me [? _her_] to yow and said bessyng fare for charite, and she said me she wuld fayne have a new felet, &c.

Wreten at London, this xxix. day in Janyver.

With herte and servyse your,

T. D.[268.3]

[Footnote 267.1: [From Fenn, iv. 172.] The precise date of this letter is by no means certain. Fenn dates it merely between 1463 and 1469; but if it be ‘my Lady of Oxford,’ and not ‘my Lord,’ who is spoken of near the end (_see_ page 268, footnote 2), it may be many years later. The Earl of Oxford was committed to the Tower in the latter part of the year 1468. In 1470 he took part in the brief restoration of Henry VI., and on the return of Edward IV. he was obliged to quit the country. If the Earl, therefore, is alluded to as living in England, the date cannot well be later than 1468. Probably it is about the year 1467. In that year the 29th January fell on a Thursday, which would allow a reasonable time for the writer to suggest to Sir John Paston the expediency of his being in London on Monday or Tuesday following.]

[Footnote 267.2: The words ‘and maimed’ are inserted from the right-hand copy in Fenn. They are not in the left-hand copy, having been overlooked, apparently, by the transcriber.]

[Footnote 268.1: Who my Lady Anne P. was I cannot tell. The expression ‘as white as whale’s bone’ is rather a strange one.]

[Footnote 268.2: The modern version in Fenn reads ‘my Lady of Oxford,’ but ‘my Lord of Oxford’ is right.]

[Footnote 268.3: Fenn says this subscription is explained by ‘T. Daverse’ being written under the direction, as he believes, in the hand of the receiver.]

661

JOHN PASTON TO SIR JOHN PASTON[268.4]

[Sidenote: 1467 / FEB. 7]

Syr, it is so that thys Saterday John Rus sent me word by Robert Botler, that William Yelverton hathe ben thys iij. dayis in Yermothe for to get new wytnessys up to London; and, as it is thowt by the seid John Rus and Robert Botler, ther wytnessyng is for to prove that it was Sir John Fastolfs wyll that ther schold be morteysyd iij.^c. mark by yer to the colage, and also that syche astat as my fadyr took her at Caster at Lames next befor that Sir John Fastolf dyid, was delyveryd to my fadyr to the intent for to perform the seyd wyll.

Bartholomew Elys, John Appylby, and John Clerk ar the wytnessys; and as for Barthew Elys, he is owtlawyd, and also men say in Yermowthe that he is bawde betwyx a clerk of Yermowthe and hys owne wyfe; and as for John Appylby, he is half frentyk, and so take in the towne, notwithstandyng he is an attorny, as Barthew Elys is, in the Baylys Coort of Yermowthe; and as for John Clerk of Gorleston, he is owtlawyd at Sir John Fastolfys swte, and at dyvers othyr menys, notwithstandyng he is thorow with Sir T. Howys[269.1] for Sir John Fastolf, for thys cause, that the seyd Clerk was on of Sir T. Howys[269.1] last wytnessys befor thys.

I trow John Loer shall be anothyr wyttnesse. As for Barthew Elys and John Appylby, they lye thys nyht at Blyborowgh onward on her wey to Londonward. Make good weche on hem.

I pray yow send us some good tydyngs. Wretyn the Saterday, lat at nyght, next aftyr Kandylmas Day.

I pray yow remembyr John Grey and John Burgeys. We have hom the most part of your barly, save fro Wynterton, and that I trost to have this next wek, or ellys we wyll strat [_distrain ?_] for it by the grace of God, whom I beseche mak yow good.

I thynk ther comyng up is for to dysprove your wyttnessys that he had in to the Chancery.

J. P.[269.2]

[Footnote 268.4: [From Fenn, iv. 276.] This letter must have been written in February 1467. It was evidently after Sir John Paston had succeeded to his father’s estates, but before any arrangement had been come to between him and Yelverton. It will be found hereafter that on the 11th January 1468 Sir John Fastolf’s executors, including Yelverton, released their rights in Caister and other manors to Sir John Paston. On the back of this letter, Fenn says, is written in an ancient hand, ‘Testes idonei ad negandum veritatem, ut patet infra.’]

[Footnote 269.1: Fenn has ‘Sir Thowys’ in his left-hand copy, which we cannot help thinking a misreading of ‘Sir T. Howys.’]

[Footnote 269.2: Fenn says this letter ‘has neither subscription nor date’; nevertheless these initials stand at the foot of the text as he has printed it.]

662

SIR JOHN PASTON TO JOHN PASTON[270.1]

_To my brother, John Paston._

[Sidenote: 1467 / MARCH]

Ryght worschypful and verrely welbelovyd brother, I hertely comande me to yow, thankyng yow of yowr labor and dyligence that ye have in kepyng of my place at Castr so sewerly, both with yowr hert and mynde, to yowr gret bisynesse and troble; and I ageyn warde have hadde so lytell leyser that I have not spedde bot fewe of yowr erendys, ner kannot befor thys tyme.

As for my Lady Boleynes[270.2] dysposicion to yow werds, I kannot in no wyse fynde hyr a greable that ye scholde have her dowter, for all the prevy meanes that I kowde make, inso moche I hadde so lytell comfor by all the meanes that I kowde make, that I dysdeyned in myn own p[e]rson to comon with hyr ther in. Neverthelesse, I undrestande that sche seythe, ‘What if he and sche kan agre I wyll not lette it, but I will never advyse hyr therto in no wyse.’ And uppon Tewesday last past, sche rood hom in to Norfolke. Wherfor as ye thynke ye may fynde the meane to speke with hyr yowr selfe, for with owt that, in myn conceyt, it wyl not be.

And as for Crosseby, I undrestand not that ther is no maryage concluded betwen them, neverthelesse ther is gret langage that it is lyke to be. Ye be personable, and peraventure yowr beyng ones in the syght of the mayde, and a lytele descuveryng of your good wyl to her, byndyng hyr to kepe it secret, and that ye kan fynde in yowr hert, with som comfort of hyr, to fynde the meane to brynge suche a mater abowt as schall be hyr pleasur and yowrs, but that thys ye kannot do with owt som comfort of hyr in no wyse; and ber yor selfe as lowly to the moder as ye lyst, but to the mayde not to lowly, ner that ye be to gladde to spede, ner to sory to fayle. And I alweys schall be your herault bothe her, if sche com hydder, and at home when I kome hom, whych I hope hastly with in xl. dayes at the ferthest. My modre hathe a letter, whych can tell you mor, and ye may lat Dawebeney se it.

JOHN PASTON, K.

I suppose and ye kall welle upon R. Calle, he schall purvey yow mony. I have wretyn to hym inow.

[Footnote 270.1: [From Fenn, iv. 326.] This letter is evidently of the same year as No. 666 following, and a little earlier in point of date.]

[Footnote 270.2: Anne, widow of Sir Geoffrey Boleyn. She was daughter of Thomas, Lord Hoo and Hastings. Sir Geoffrey had by her three daughters, of whom the youngest, Alice, is here referred to. This Alice was afterwards married to Sir John Fortescue.]

663

RICHARD CALLE TO SIR JOHN PASTON[271.1]

_To my ryght reverent and worschipfull mayster, Sir John Paston, Knight._

[Sidenote: 1467 / APRIL 3]

Plesith it you to wete that I have spoken with Henre Inglouse, and I fynde hym disposid weele; hough be it he hath be labored to nough of late be divers, nevertheles he woll not come withoute he have a suppena, and if he come up be suppena, he can sey nor nought woll sey, any thynge that schulde be prejudice or hurte to your mater, and so he hathe tolde them that hath labored to hym for it, weche hym thynkyth causith them to have no grete hast to have hym up. He tellith me that the Abbot of Langley schal come up and Wichyngham. Thes have her writtes of suppena delyverd unto them. Also ther cometh up Doctor Vergraunt and Frier Bernard. And as for Robert Inglouse, I have spoken with hym, and I fynde hym no thyng so weele disposid as his brother is; he hath be sore labored be the meanes of my Lord of Norffolk and of my Lord of Suffolk; he seyth largely that he knoweth moche of this mater, seyng to me that if he schulde be examyned be for a juge, he wolde my master your uncle[272.1] wer his juge, for he knoweth the mater as weele as any man. He seith if he be sworn be fore my Lorde Chaunceler, he woll desire of my Lord that Maister William schulde be sworn as weele as he; nevertheles I have so mevyd hym that withoute ther come a suppena for hym he woll not come, as he seth it is hard to truste hym. It were weele doo if ther were no suppena out for hym to cauce that ther schulde non come, nouther to hym nor to hes brother, &c. I can not undrestonde of no moo that schulde come up yet, but I schal enquere, and sende you word as hastely as I can. I have not spoken with John Maryot yet, but I schall speke with hym within this iij. dayes and sende you worde. &c.

Ferthermore, sir, like you to remembre the lees of the maner of Sporle; your fermours goth out at Michelmes next comyng. Henry Halman wolde have it for his sones, and if be schulde have it he wolde wete at this tyme, be cauce he wolde somerlay[272.2] and tylle the londe, otherwise then it is; it were tyme to lete it, wo so ever schulde have it. Henry woll geve for it but xx_li._; wherfor, if ye wol that he have it, plese you to sende word how we schal do with all, &c. Almyghty Godde spede you in all youre maters, and sende you hastely a goode ende in hem. Wreten at Castre on Friday next after Esterne Day.

Your own Servaunt, RIC. C.

[Footnote 271.1: [From Paston MSS., B.M.] This letter seems to relate to the summoning of witnesses to London for the probate of Fastolf’s will, and being addressed to Sir John Paston, we may presume that it was written in the year after his father’s death, and before the final settlement of the dispute.]

[Footnote 272.1: William Paston.]

[Footnote 272.2: Halliwell gives the expression ‘to summerland a ground’ which is used in Suffolk, meaning to lay it fallow a year. For this he refers to Ray.]

664

[WILLIAM PASTON] TO SIR JOHN PASTON[273.1]

_To my right worshipfull nevew, Sir John Paston, knyght._

[Sidenote: 1467 / APRIL (?)]

Myne suster,[273.2] Arblaster[273.3] and I have apoyntyd that we chall kepe no howsold this terme,[273.4] but go to borde; wer for we avyse zow to purvay for us a logyng ner a bowt my lord Chanseler that be honest, for Arblaster will non oder.

Item, as for zow, we avyse zow in any wyse gete zowr chamer assynyd with in my Lordis place, and gete chamer a lone iff ze may, that Arblaster and I may have a bed ther in ziff it fortune us to be late ther with zow.

Item, take hed to get suyrtees for the pore men that come up and that they may be sent hom a zen forthe with with owt taryyng, and take avyse so that the proses may so go forthe that they may be qwett at the next assyssys; take avyse of Townysend.

As for Yelverton, fynd the menys that he speke not with my Lord till we come.

Iff any labore be mad to my Lord to asyne men to here the mater indefferently, make labore to my Lord that the men be nat namyd till we come, for we can inffurme hym soche as be parciall be ther dedis here affore, qweche peraventure my Lord wold thynk wer indefferent i now till he be infurmyd; it may be answerid be my Lord that he will nat prosede no ferther in the mater till Arblasters comyng and myn for we can best infurme the mater.

Item, send a letter to Richard Kalle and to Sir Jamys Gloys to come up to London in any wyse. For ther is no man can do in dyvers materis that they can do in answeryng suche mater as Zelverton wyll ley a zen zow. And also they can best mak the bill that ze schuld put a zens hem; and ther for remembre.

Item, wrythe a letter to myn suster for the C. marcs for my Lady Soffolk, for we have no verry dyrect answer of her weder sche wyll send it ar nat.

Item, speke to zowr atorney in the Kyngis benche that he take hed to all maner indytamentis both old and new and to all oder materis that hangyng ther.

Item, do Pampyng comyn with owr sperituall concell suche mater as nedyn ther. And have newe wretyn the attestacion that lakkyn. The same man that wrott the oder may wrythe that. For Zelverton mad gret avawnt that ye schuld be hyndrid in that.

Wrythe a letter to myn nevew John zonger to come up to prove the wyll.

Speke with Sir Gilberd Debenham qwill he is in cownt to leve uper Cotton.

Item, Zelverton, Howys and Worceter make meche that we have put them owt off possescyon of the lond; qweche they sey is contrary to my Lord Chanseler comandement, and in trowth Sir Jamys and Calle meche spokyn to the tenantis in my lordys name; For Zelverton thynketh that he may now breke the trete. Qwer for, take a vyse her in off M^r Tresham and of Master Staneley, and informe my Lord how my broder[274.1] qwas all way in possescion till he was put owt for the mater of bondage, and how ze fynd the colage, and qwat an hurt it wer to zow in noyse off contre iff any oder man schuld now receyve any proffitis off the londis. They will labor that indefferent men schuld receyve, and that wer nat good. My Lord may say that he will end the mater, but as for the possescyon, he will nat put zow owt. Labor this in all hast posible.

I pray yow send me an answer of all such thyngis as requirith an answere in this contre, for Arblaster purposeth to be with yow on Sonday sevenygth and I purpose to be with yow ij. dayes afore.

[Footnote 273.1: [Add. MS. 33,597, f. 8.] This is not a formal letter but a set of memoranda on a long slip of paper. It is in the handwriting of William Paston, son of the judge, and addressed to his nephew, Sir John. The date may be about April 1467. _See_ No. 663.]

[Footnote 273.2: This must be his brother John’s widow, Margaret, who was in London in the spring of 1467. _See_ No. 662, p. 271.]

[Footnote 273.3: James Arblaster, a confidential friend of the family.]

[Footnote 273.4: Easter term began on the 15th April in 1467.]

[Footnote 274.1: John Paston, son of the judge. Dead in 1466.]

665

SIR JOHN PASTON TO JOHN PASTON[275.1]

[Sidenote: 1467 / APRIL]

My hand was hurte at the torney at Eltham upon Wednesday last. I would that you had been there and seen it, for it was the goodliest sight that was sene in Inglande this forty yeares of so fewe men. There was upon the one side, within, the Kinge, my Lord Scalles, myselfe, and Sellenger; and without, my Lord Chamberlyn, Sir John Woodvyle, Sir Thomas Mountgomery, and John Aparre, &c.

By your brother,

JOHN PASTON, Mil.

[Footnote 275.1: This extract from a letter of Sir John Paston to his brother is quoted in Sandford’s MS. Genealogy of the Paston family, and is here reprinted from Mr. Worship’s article on that genealogy in the _Norfolk Archæology_. The original letter I have not been able to find. The tournament here referred to probably took place shortly after Easter. The next letter is evidently written in reply to this.]

666

JOHN PASTON TO SIR JOHN PASTON[275.2]

[Sidenote: 1467]

Syr, plesyth yow to weet that my modyr and I comonyd this day with Freyr Mowght to undyrstand what hys seying shall be in the coort when he cometh up to London, wheche is in this wyse:-- He seyth at syche tyme as he had shrevyn Master Brakley, and howsyllyd hym bothe, he let hym wet that he was enformyd by dyvers personys that the seyd Master Brakley owt for to be in gret consyens for syche thyngys as he had doone and seyd, and causyd my fadyr, whom God asoyle, for to do and seye also, in proving of Sir John Fastolfys wyll. To whom the seyd Mastyr Brakley answerd thus agayne: ‘I am ryght glad that it comyth to yow in mynd for to meve me with thys mater in dyschargyng of my consyens ayenst God,’ seying ferther mor to the seyd Freyr Mowght, be the wey that hys sowle shold to, that the wyll that my fadyr put into the coort was as veryly Syr John Fastolfys wyll as it was trew that he shold onys deye. This was seyd on the Sonday when the seyd Brakley wend to have deyid then. On the Monday he revyvyd a yen, and was well amendyd tyll on the Wednysday, and on the Wednysday he sekyned a yen, supposyng to have dyeyd forthe with. And in hys syknes he callyd Freyr Mowght, whyche was confessor on to hym, of hys owne mosyon, seyng on to hym in thys wyse:-- ‘Syr, wher as of your owne mosyon ye mevyd me the last day to tell you aftyr my consyens of Sir John Fastolfys wyll lyek wyse as I knew, and now of myn owne mocyon, and in dischargyng of my sowle, for I know well that I may not askape, but that I must dye in hast, wharfor I desyr you that wyll report after my dethe, that I took it upon my sowle at my dying that that wyll that John Paston put in to be provyd was Syr John Fastolfys wyll.’ And the seyd Brakley dyid the same Wednesdaye.

And wher as ye wold have had Rychard Calle to yow as on Sonday last past, it was thys Twyisday or I had your lettyr; and wher as it plesyth yow for to wyshe me at Eltam, at the tornay, for the good syth that was ther, by trowththe I had lever se yow onys in Caster Hall then to se as many Kyngs tornay as myght be betwyx Eltam and London.

And, syr, whar as it lyekyth yow to desyir to have knowlage how that I have don with the Lady Boleyn,[276.1] by my feythe I have don nor spokyn nowght in that mater, nor not wyll do tyll tyme that ye com hom, and ye com not thys vij. yer. Not withstandyng, the Lady Boleyn was in Norwyche in the week aftyr Estern, fro the Saterday tyll the Wednysday, and Heydons wyfe[276.2] and Mastras Alys[276.3] bothe, and I was at Caster, and wyst not of it. Hyr men seyd that she had non othyr erend to the towne but for to sport hyr; bot so God help me, I suppose that she wend I wold have ben in Norwyche for to have sen hyr dowghter. I beseche yow with all my hart hye yow hom, thow ye shold tery but a day; for I promyse yow your folk thynk that ye have forgetyn hem, and the most part of them must depart at Whytsontyd at the ferthest, they wyll no lenger abyd. And as for R. Calle, we can not get half a quarter the mony that we pay for the bare housold, besyd menys wagys. Daube nor I may no mor with owt coynage.

Your,

J. PASTON.

[Footnote 275.2: [From Fenn, iv. 330.] This letter appears by the contents to have been written more than a week after Easter. The year must be 1467, as the dispute with Yelverton touching Sir John Fastolf’s will seems to have come to an end before the January following (_see_ No. 680). In 1467 Easter Day fell on 29th March.]

[Footnote 276.1: _See_ Note 2, p. 270.]

[Footnote 276.2: Anne, second daughter of Sir Geoffrey Boleyn.]

[Footnote 276.3: Third daughter of Sir Geoffrey Boleyn.]

667

ABSTRACT[277.1]

[Sidenote: 1467 / MAY 1]

‘Bill indented’ 1 May, 7 Edw. IV., between Sir John Paston and Thomas Lomnor, whereby the latter sells to the former an ambling horse ‘upon this condition, that if the marriage betwixt the Lord Charles, son and heir to the Duke of Burgon, and the Lady Margaret, sister to our Sovereign Lord the King’ take effect within two years, Sir John agrees to pay 6 marks for the horse on the day of the marriage; but if it do not take effect within that period he will pay only 40 shillings.

[There is a modern copy of this document in the Heralds’ College, in the collection called Brooke’s _Aspilogia_, vol. i. f. 47, where a drawing is given of Sir John Paston’s seal, which seems to have been attached to it when the transcript was made. It has been since removed at some time or other.]

[Footnote 277.1: [From MS. Phillipps, 9735, No. 192.]]

668

THE DUKE OF NORFOLK TO SIR JOHN HOWARD[277.2]

THE DUC OF NORFFOLK.

[Sidenote: 1467 / MAY 18]

Rygth trusty and enteerly beloved cousyn I comaunde me to you with all myn herte. And lyke it you to wete that God hath vyset me with grete infirmite and dissease, wherthurgh I neyther can nor may at this season and comynge of the Bastard of Burgoyne attende to th’execucion off myn offyce, as my wyll and duete were to, in myn owne persone. Wherfor of verray necessite I must depute suche a person in all goodly hast to ocupye as my deputee and to have my full power undere me at that season as is bothe of byrthe honorable and one all other wyse lykly. How be it that of long tyme contynnuynge I have ben enured of your stedfaste and preved feythful good cosyngnage and tendyrnesse to me shewed unfeyned to my gret refute[278.1] and hertes ease at all seasons. Wiche emboldeth me to call uppon you now; and also remembrynge the honour of the offyce doynge and the neighnesse of blode that ye be of to me, I thenke no person so convenable to ocupye in myn absence as you. For myn excuse, therfore, I specyally pray you, as my feythfull truste is holy in you, to take the labour uppon you and to do theryn be your discrecion to the most honour of the kynge, the realme, and be lyke as I am asured that ye can and wyll, puttynge you in surete that I wull become tributary to your costes and charges in that behalve. And as for all suche duteis as schall belonge to me at that tyme by reason of myn offyce, I gyff theme you for parcell of your said costes; and at such tyme as ye and I and myn counsell mete next ye schal not fayle to be agreid with, to your pleasure for the residue, by Goddis grace, Wiche ever preserve you. And, cousyn, I sende you be the berer herof the double of this lettre, praying that ye will subscribe it with your owne hande and send it me a geyn be hym. Wryten under my signet the xviij. day of May.

_To my rigth trusty and rigth enteerly belovyd cousyn, Sir John Howard, knygth._

And this letter is assigned with my lordes own hande.

[Footnote 277.2: [Add. MS. 34,889, f. 59.] The famous tournament between Lord Scales and the Bastard of Burgundy took place at Smithfield on the 11th and 12th June 1467. See _Excerpta Historica_, 176. This paper is evidently a copy of the original letter.]

[Footnote 278.1: _Sic_ in MS.]

[[Footnote 277.2: ... _Excerpta Historica_, 176. _final . invisible_]]

669

SIR JOHN HOWARD[279.1]

[Sidenote: 1467 / JUNE]

This wrytenge made at London the vij^th yer of kyng Edward the iiij^th and the ----[279.2] day of June wytnessyth what Jakettes my master Sir John Howard geveth at the fytenge betwyx my Lord Scales and the Bastard of Burgoyne.

John Alpherde Brome William Noryse Herry Straunge Robert Cumberton Hastynges John Fowler John Nyter Thomas Moleyns John Waleys Robart Thorppe John Bleaunt Thomas Thorppe Davy Horell Robert Cooke Robart Clerke John Hobbes Wynche John Wady William Fernwale Raff Barlyscose Thomas Seynclew Whyttebye Kechyn John de Spayn Jenyn Saunpere John Kyngton Lytell Edmond John Coles Thomas Mershe Rechard Leder John Gylder Rechard Waleys Ravenysbye Thomas a Chambre Thomas Whytenge Thomas Grymston Roger Jewell Colson John Squyre[279.3] Scarlett[279.3] William West[279.4] John Dykynson Thomas Bowden William Denny John Starkeweder George Hardwyn Thomas Caunterbury Dyott Robart Messeden John Mynshe Richard Pulton John Wakeleyn Nicholas Shakerley Hew Flynte Thomas Newton William Clerke Robart Nosbet Herry Nudygate William Yngram John Brodebryge Aleyn Cowper Rechard Roger Herry Cooke Edward Holman Rechard Halbroke[280.1] Robart Sleper John Cheynour John Hylle

[Footnote 279.1: [Add. MS. 34,889, f. 61.]]

[Footnote 279.2: Blank in MS.]

[Footnote 279.3: These two names, John Squyre and Scarlett, are bracketed together, and the name ‘Alford’ written opposite.]

[Footnote 279.4: Opposite this name is written ‘Wal’ in the margin.]

[Footnote 280.1: Opposite this name is written ‘chad’ in the margin.]

670

JAMES GRESHAM TO SIMON DAMME[280.2]

_To my worshipfull cosyn, Symond Damme, [at] Lyncoln Inne, at London, [be] this delyvered._

[Sidenote: 1467(?) / JULY 2]

Right worshipfull sir, and as in my trost my veray speciall good maister, I recomande me to you with al the servyce I can and may. Lyke it you to wytte that I have do my bysynes to enquere for suyche dedes as ye wrot for on to me, and, so God me helpe, I can not wytte where I shuld spede to have ony suyche dedes. I spak to a persone that is your good lover, the whiche tolde me that ther was a gret plee bytwene my Lord of Suffolk and Sir John Fastolf for the maner of Drayton, for whiche matier William Wysetre was sent to enquere for evydencez touchyng the Pooles lyvelond in suyche places as thei were lords of in their dayes. And the seid Wysetre fonde evydencez that touched a maner called Mundham maner, sum tyme longyng to the Pooles that were owenners of Drayton, the whiche evydences eased meche Sir John Fastolf; but the seid persone that enfourmed me of this can not telle the armes, ne what evydencez tho shuld be in certeyn, savyng he thynkyth indoubted that William Worcetre shuld not be unremembred of this. Wherfore it is thought to the same persone that enfourmed me of this and by me also, that it shuld be expedyent for you to comune of this matier by your wysdam with the same William Wysetre, now beyng at London, for he by lyklyhod can telle you a certeynte. And as touchyng my maister, Sir Thomas Mongomery, I trost veryly that he nothyr hath ne shall have cause of grudger by my defaut, for I can not understond ony cause of grudger; for ever whanne my cosyn Damme[281.1] hath spoken with my seid maisters attourne to have knowelage by writyng of what thyng shuld be the cause of callyng on you, he answerith that my maister, W. Paston, hath a bille therof, but my cosyn can non gete. Wherfor I deme that the seid attourne meneth not weel. I entende noon other but in als meche as in me is to se your indempnyte with the grace of God, who ever mote be your guyde and protector. Wretyn at Norwich the ij. day of Juylle.

Your servaunt in that he can and may to his powar,

I, JAMES GRESHAM.

Cosyn, an noon after this was wretyn, had I knowelage of the massageris comyng to London berar of this, and I had thought to have wretyn the letter above wretyn newe, by cause of the foule wrytyng and interlynyeng, but now I lakke leyser. Wherfor I pray you understond the pyth of my seid wrytyng, and enfourme my seid maister Sir John P. of the same, for I wold fayne do that shulde please hym, &c. And the persone that enfourmed me dar not be a knowe of his name, ne he wold not it shuld be understond to them that be of counsell ageyn my maister. It was the parson of Heylesdon, &c. More over, as I have wretyn to you of late, Palmer, undershireve of Norffolk, hath sent his letter to his depute to acomplyssh our entent for Chyldes matier as ye and I were accordet. This told Wykes me for verray certeyn, &c., the ij. day of Juylle.

On the back of this letter are some scribblings in another hand, viz.:--First, a partial copy of the address; second, the name ‘John Dode’; third, the following inscription, ‘Orate pro anima Johnnes (_sic_) de Boys _armenger_ de Londonn.’

[Footnote 280.2: [From Paston MSS., B.M.] As this letter has reference to the disputes between the Duke of Suffolk and the Paston family about Drayton, it might be supposed to have been written about the year 1464, but that the entire absence of any mention of John Paston the father makes it probable that the true date is after his death. It is therefore not unlikely to be of the same year as No. 671, in which Margaret Paston mentions the probability of Hellesdon being taken again out of their hands, and also desires an answer to a letter that she had sent to her son, Sir John, ‘by James Gresham’s man.’]

[Footnote 281.1: As it appears by the postscript that this letter was hurriedly despatched, we may perhaps presume that it was intended in the first instance for Sir John Paston, but that as ‘my cousin Damme’ required to be informed of the same particulars, it was afterwards addressed to him, with instructions to communicate the contents to Sir John.]

671

MARGARET PASTON TO SIR JOHN PASTON[282.1]

_To Sir John Paston, Knyght, be this delivered in hast._

[Sidenote: 1467 / JULY 11]

I grete you wele, and send you Godds blissyng and myn, letyng you wete that Blykklyng of Heylesdon came fro London this weke, and he is right mery, and maketh his bost that with in this fourtnyght at Heylesdon shuld be bothe new lords and new officers. And also this day was brought me word fro Caystr that Rysyng of Freton shuld have herd seid in diverse places, ther as he was in Suffolk, that Fastolf of Coughawe maketh all the strenght that he may, and proposith hym to assaught Caystr, and to entre ther if he may, in samych that it is seyd that he hath a v. score men redy, and sendyth dayly aspies to understand what felesshep kepe the place. Be whos power, or favour, or supportacion that he wull do this, I knowe not; but ye wote wele that I have ben affrayd ther befor this tyme, whan that I had other comfort than I have now, and I can not wele gide ner rewle sodyours, and also thei set not be a woman as thei shuld set be a man. Therfor I wold ye shuld send home your brothers, or ell[es] Dawbenye, to have a rewle, and to takyn in such men as wer necessary for the saffegard of the place; for if I wer ther withought I had the mor sadder or wurchepfull persones abought me, and ther comyn a meny of knavys, and prevaylled in ther entent, it shuld be to me but a vylney. And I have ben abought my liffelode to set a rewle ther in, as I have wretyn to you, which is not yet all performed after myn desyre, and I wuld not goo to Caystr till I had don. I wull no mor days make ther abowtyn if I may; therfor in any wyse send sume body home to kepe the place, and whan that I have do and performed that I have be gunne, I shall purpose me thederward if I shuld do ther any good, and ell[es] I had lever be thens.

I have sent to Nicholas, and such as kepe the place, that thei shuld takyn in sume feles [_fellows_] to assiste and strengh them till ye send hame sume other word, or sume other man to governe them that ben therin, &c.

I marvayll gretly that ye send me no word how that ye do, for your elmyse [_enemies_] begynne to wax right bold, and that puttith your frends bothyn in grete fere and dought. Therfor purvey that thei may have sume comfort, that thei be no more discoraged; for if we lese our frends, it shall hard in this troubelous werd [_world_] to kete them ageyn.

The blissid Trynyte spede you in your mater, and send you the victory of your elmyse, to your herts eas and ther confusyon. Wretyn at Norwich, the Saterday next befor Relyke Sonday,[283.1] in hast.

I pray you remembre wele the maters that I wrote to you for in the letter that ye had be James Greshames man, and send me an answer ther of be the next man that comyth, &c.

Be your moder,

M. P.

[Footnote 282.1: [From Fenn, iv. 294.] This letter must have been written some time after Sir John Paston had obtained possession of Caister by virtue of the King’s warrant of the 17th July 1466 (No. 641), and before the Duke of Norfolk laid claim to it again in 1469. Thus the date is certainly either 1467 or 1468. But in the latter year Sir John Paston and his brother were both in Flanders at the marriage of the Princess Margaret to the Duke of Burgundy; and Daubeney could not have been with them, as he was when this letter was written, for John Paston the younger says he had sent him five shillings by Calle’s man. Thus 1467 appears to be the only year possible.]

[Footnote 283.1: Relic Sunday (the third Sunday after Midsummer Day) was the 12th July in 1467.]

672

DECLARATION OF SIR THOMAS HOWYS[284.1]

[Sidenote: 1467 / JULY 21]

Be it knowen to all men that this present wrytyng shall rede, see, or hyre. Forasmoche as I understande nowe late ther ys a newe contryved processe concernyng the variaunce uppon my maister Sir John Fastolf is testament and last will, whos soule God assoyle, made by Sir John Paston, Knyght, and his counsell in the seyd Pastons name and myne, ayenste Sir William Yelverton, Knyght, and William Worcetter, that is exhibited and putte in my lordys courte of Audience be fore his auditoure, me unwetyng or assentyng, in the vigille of Seint John Baptiste; in wheche processe ys surmyttyd and made mencion that William Worcetter in his owne persone, and by others in his name, hathe promysed and gevyn money to corupte certayne wytnesse to depose untreuly in a processe exhibit in John Pastons lyf tyme by Sir William Yelverton, Knyght, the sayd William Wissetter ayenste John Paston decesed and me; and wheche witnesse were Stephan Scrope, Squier, Richard Fastolf, gentilman, Thomas Neve, gentilman, William Boswell, clerk, John Monke, Nicholas Churche, John Rugge, John Daunson, Richard Horne, Thomas Pykeryng, Harry Clerk, John Tobye, Thomas Hart, Thomas Neuton, John Gyrdyng, Thomas Spycer, and others, frome the moneth of August into the moneth of March, the yere of Cryst M^{il.}CCCClxv., yn Yermouthe, Castre, Fretenham, Bloofeld, Thetford, Brundale, Wroxham, Borough, Southetoune, Yermouthe, Gorleston, Suthewerk, Norwych, and London; so they to be corupted in all the forseyd named tounes wyth prayer, price, and money to hem promised and gevyn, be syd har expences, her costs, and her labours, to be conducted to depose with Sir William Yelverton and William Worcetter partye ayenste the seyd John Paston and mee: I the sayd Thomas Howys so made partye, and unwetyng and assentyng, a yenste the [said][284.2] Sir William Yelverton and William Worcestre, sey and afferme for trouth in this matyer to be knowen, that for declaracion of trouth in this processe and mater, and for the discharge of my conscience and the trewe acquietall to my sayd Master Fastolf that putte me in grettyst charge of hys testament, and for grete remorse I have in my soule of the untrewe forgyng and contryvyng certayne testamentes and last wyll by naked wordes in my sayd Maister Fastolf name aftyr he was desesyd; y, in the name of the seyd Sir William Yelverton and William Worcetter, required and prayed the sayd above named witnesse and alle other wytnesse produced in Sir William Yelverton and William Wyssetter name before that tyme, excepte the forsayd Stephan Scrope, Esquier, and Richard Fastolf, to come to London, and appere in my lords house of audience before his auditour, and there to say, depose, and witnesse the trouthe as they knewe in especiall, in the absense of John Russe, Sir Robert Cotiler, late vycar of Castre, Robert Botyler beyng oute of the chamber of Sir John Fastolf, Knyght, there he lay seke in his maner of Castre, the Saterdaye next before the seid Sir John Fastolf discesyd, namely, from viij. tylle xj. atte belle affore mydday, and present in other placez, where diverse of the sayd named wytnesse and diverse other witnesse sawe ham. And the sayd Worcestre nother promysed ne yave hem gode, money, nother reward, neyther relessed no debtes, not soo nought payed not for har costes, nother dispenses by the wey comyng to London, taryeng, ne returnyng a yen, that lawe and reson wold understonde the sayd witnesse ought have for har costes and labours, weche was payed by my handes, I beyng present dayly and tymely diverse tymes most conversaunt at Jermuth wyth hem; and in especiall whan they taryed more than xxiiij. dayes in London or they coude be examyned; and I knowe well the sayd Sir William Yelverton, nouther the seyd William Worcestre promysed ne payed no maner money ne godes worth, nouther relessyng har dutes, yf any they axed they knowe yt not, as the seyd named witnesse wylle sey and certyfye the trouth. And as for ij. witnesse called Bunch and Shave, lete hem be examynyd, yf the seyd Sir William or William Worcestre fyrst procured, moved, or excited hem at Yermouth, or any other place, to come to London to depose in the said maters, or promysed or payed hem ony money, or any man for ham promysed or payed; and yf they be of trewe disposicion, they woll discharge the seyd Sir William Yelverton and William Worcestre, for ther was none in especiall but I, that labored hem alle to come to London to my lordis audience yn the seyd Yelvertons and Worcestre names; but I pryncipally required them to depose treuly as they knewe, be the owte promyse, mede, rewarde, or money, yn the discharge of my conscience, and for the trouthe of the mater to be knowen to all the worlde, as I am redy to preve, whyle God lendeth me lyffe, and yn the same quarell to dye. And I evyr seth that I understode the seyd John Paston is untrewe demenyng in the contryvynge of my Maister Fastolf testament and last wille, and was compellyd to appere before my lord ys auditour at Lambyth, to be sworn atte my ffree will to declar the trouth of my seyd maister trewe testament and last wyll befor my seyd Lord of Canturbury is auditur of his courte of audience, I nevyr varyed ne held aftyr wyth John Paston, but alwey have ben stedfast wyth the processe that I have enfourmed my Lord of Canterbury, and divers others astates also in like wyse have declared to the sayd Sir William Yelverton and William Worcestre to precede, and soo evyr woll be stedfaste. And in witness for trouth, I sele this declaracion wyth my signet, and subscrybe it wyth my hand and name, in presence of Maister John Prentyse, Sir Edmond Hall, John Smyth, John Robynson, Thomas Hoore, John Bullok, and Richard Batilmewe, the xxj^th day of Jule the yer of Crist M^{il.}CCCC^mo lxvijº.

T. HOWYS.

[Footnote 284.1: [From a MS. in the tower of Magd. Coll., Oxford.]]

[Footnote 284.2: Omitted in MS.]

673

JOHN PASTON TO HIS MOTHER[287.1]

[Sidenote: 1467(?)]

Ryght worchepfull modyr, I recomand me onto you, lowly besechyng yow of your blyssyng. Plesyt yow to we [_sic_] that my brodyr and I be in good hele, blyssyd be God, and all our felawshep; and as for me I tryst to God to . . . yow by Halowmes or within iiij. dayes aftyr at the ferthest; at whyche tyme I tryst to fynd the menys . . . dyscharge yow of syche folk as ye kepe of my brodyrs, and that must I do by myn owne menys; for as for my brodyr, by my trowthe he is not of power to do it; for this I ensure yow, so God help me, he hathe at thys season not a peny in hys purs, nor wotys not wher to get eny. And as for Bekham I warant, and ye wyll send the plate whych ye and I comond of for to helpe to paye hys dettis, and for to swe forthe for hys jwgement thys terme, it sholl neythyr be morgagyd nor sold. Wherfor, modyr, I and he bothe beseche yow that ye wyll send hym the plate by Jwde; or ellys, so God help me, I wot not how he shall do; for by the feythe that I ow to God he lokyth every day to be arestyd, and so I wene he sholl, so God helpe me. Jwde had ned to be sped hastyly lest syche arestys falle in the tyme. And as for my Lord of Norffolk, it is promysed me to have hys good lordshep, but I must tery a whylle, as my Lady told yow, for the maners sake. And as for tydynges her, so God help, neythyr the Kyng nor the Lordis can as yet undyrstand no serteynte, whedyr they shall go togedyr ayen by the werre or not. When I here the serteynte I shall send yow word. Ye may send mony by Jwde for my sustyr Annys hood and for the tepet of sersenet, viij_s._ a yerd of damask and v_s._ for sarsenet; hyr hood wyll take iij. quarters. No mor for lak of leyser, but I pray God send yow your hertis desyir and othyr pore folys thers.

Your sone and humbyll servant,

J. PASTON.

[Footnote 287.1: [Add. MS. 34,889, f. 196.] The date of this letter is difficult to fix, but from the two brothers being together (which was rather a rare occurrence), and both in good health, the summer of 1467 seems not improbable. (_See_ No. 671.) The date must at least be earlier than Nov. 1469, when Sir John Paston, as we shall hereafter find, actually executed an indenture for the sale of East Beckham. It seems quite impossible, moreover, that this letter can be of the year 1469.]

674

SIR JOHN PASTON TO LORD BEAUCHAMP[288.1]

_To the Lord Bechampe_[288.2]

And forasmuch as I am credibly enformed that my lord of Winchestre hath sent to you desiring that ye shold ensele dyvers writinges of graunt and relesse of your estat in alle such maners, londes and tenementes as late wer of J. Fastolf knyght, and wheryn ye togider with other be jointly enfeffed to th’ use of the seid J. Fastolf, I, considering the honorable disposition and great sadnesse of my seid lord of Winchestre which[288.3] hath now taken upon [him][288.4] th’ administracion of testament of the seid J. F., trusting veryly that my seid lord wol as conscience requireth consider my title and interest in that behalf, praie you right hertely that not withstonding any labour or mocion on my part or for me in tyme passed made to you to ensele any writyng of graunt or relesse of your seid estat to me or to myn use, that ye wol now ensele and perfourme the entent and desir of my seid lord of Winchestre now made unto you.

SIR JOHN PASTON, K.

_Indorsed:_ Dominus de Bewchamp.

[Footnote 288.1: [Add. MS. 35,251, f. 25, B.M.] This letter apparently was written in 1467, probably in August, just before No. 675. The original is a corrected draft.]

[Footnote 288.2: This address is written in the margin, with a note a little way below: ‘To myn oncle Wylliam in lyke forme.’]

[Footnote 288.3: Here occurs an interlineation of an incomplete clause: ‘is feffe of the seid---- (_word crossed out_) and also therein and----.’]

[Footnote 288.4: Omitted in MS.]

675

NOTE

The following is an extract from ‘An Index to Deeds and Writings in the Tower, Magdalen College, Oxford’:--

_Documents relating to Norf. and Suffolk, No. 47._

[Sidenote: 1467 / AUG. 28]

‘Thomas Archiep. Cant., Willielmus Episcopus Winton., et Johannes Beauchamp dominus de Beauchamp, juxta formam barganiæ et effectum ultimæ voluntatis Johannis Fastolf in curia Audientiæ, &c., concedunt Johanni Paston militi totum jus in maneriis de Castre vocatis Vaux, Bosoms, et Redhams, Spensers in Heringby, Reggisley, Reps, cum aliis terris in diversis villis; necnon in manerio de Guton cum advocatione ecclesiæ de Heinford in Saxthorp vocat. Loundhall, cum aliis terris in diversis villis, et in manerio de Caldecots et Akethorp, Spitlings, Habeland, &c., habit, ex feoffamento Rad. dom. de Sudley et aliorum.

Aug. 28. Edw. IV. 7.’

676

ABSTRACT[289.1]

[Sidenote: 1467 / AUG. 31]

A small slip of paper close written on both sides with accounts of wages. In the margin on one side is the name John Braham, with the memorandum, ‘Thys wrytynge, made the iiij^th yere of Kynge Edward the iiij^th, and in the monyth of Novembre, wytnessez of the wagez that my master payith to his men.’ A blank seems to have been left below this at first, but it was afterwards filled up in a different hand: ‘Memorandum that the v^e yer of Kyng Edward the iiij^e I rekenyd wyth my master at Stoke; and on the v. day of Aprylle for the yerys that I have be wyth my mastyr, whesche shal be at Hocke Monday next cumyng v^e yer and an halfe; for the whesche yerys I have reseyvyd at sondery tymeys v_li._ and iiij_s._, and thys seyd v. day I reseyvyd of my master v. marcs.’

On the other side, in the first hand, is an account extending from the 11th April, 5 Edw. IV. (1465) to the last day of August, 7 Edw. IV. (1467), of payments to a female named Rose,[289.2] for wages by ‘my master,’ Braham and Thorpe. These sums vary from 3_s._ 4_d._ to 8_s._ 4_d._, at a time; but there are also two items for presents made to her, viz. for 4 ells of Holland cloth at 8½_d._ the ell, 2_s._ 10½_d._, and for a pair of hosen, 12_d._ On the 7th Oct. 6 Edw. IV. (1466) it is said, ‘My master toke her for wages at Stoke, 5_s._’

[Footnote 289.1: [From Paston MSS., B.M.]]

[Footnote 289.2: It appears by other letters that she was a servant ‘dwelling before Mrs. Paston’s gate.’]

677

NOTE

The following is another extract from the Index referred to in No. 675:--

[Sidenote: 1467 / OCT. 2]

‘12. Concessio Joh. Paston militis Johanni Duci Norfolk et aliis manerii sui vocati Hemnales in Cotton in Com.’ Suff., ac manerii sui de Haynford, et advocationis ecclesiæ ejusdem in Com.’ Norff., habit’ ex dono Th. Archiepisc. Cant. et Willielmi Episc. Wynton., cum littera attor. ad deliberandum seisinam. Oct. 2. Edw. IV. 7.’

678

ABSTRACT[290.1]

PETITION OF JOHN HERLYNG OF BASYNGHAM TO ‘LADY’ PASTON

[Sidenote: 1467 or later]

Requests ‘her Highness’ to confirm some grants of her late husband to him of land at Basyngham. William Swan claims, and has taken from him 2 perches of ground in breadth near his (Swan’s) gate, which has always been parcel of Herlyng’s tenement of Greyve’s during his and his father’s time. John Pykerell, too, has made mean to the Abbot of St. Benet’s to remove a boundary stone which has stood there sixty years. Pykerell also took the writer’s horse and used it in his field without leave, on Friday before the Exaltation of the Holy Cross, 6 Edw. IV., which made the beast unserviceable till Fastegong next following. Pykerell has also done him other injuries.

[As this petition refers to the ‘Fastegong’ or Shrovetide after Holy-Rood Day 6 Edw. IV. as a past date, it cannot have been drawn up earlier than the year 1467. The manor of Basingham, in Norfolk, belonged to the Mauteby family, and came to John Paston by marriage. This paper, therefore, was addressed to his widow Margaret.]

[Footnote 290.1: [From Paston MSS., B.M.]]

679

CECILY DAWNE TO SIR JOHN PASTON[291.1]

_To the right worshipfull, and with my faithful hert and service full entyerly beloved gode maister, Sir John Paston._

[Sidenote: 1463-7 / NOV. 3]

Right worshipfull Sir, and with my faithfull herte and service full entierly beloved gode maister, in my moste humble wyse I recommaund me unto your goode maistreship. Pleace it the same to wite that I thenke right longe to I have veerey knolege of your welfare, the which undrestande wil be to me right grete comfort. And that causeth me to write unto you as nowe. And also to late you wite that I herde reperte ye shuld be wedded unto a Doughter of the Duchez of Somerset, which mater, and I spake with you, I couth enforme your maistership that were to longe to write as nowe. But I shal and do pray God dayly to sende you such one unto your worldes make that wil drede and faithfully unfeyned love you above alle othir erthely creatures. For that is most excellent richesse in this worlde, as I suppose. For erthely goodes bene transsitory, and wedding contynues for terme of lyfe, which with some folke is a full long terme. And therfore, Sir, savyng your displeasir, me semez wedding wolde have goode avysement. Moreover, Sir, like it your maistership to undirstond that wynter and colde weders draweth negh, and I have but fewe clothez but of your gift, God thanke you. Wherefore, Sir, and it like you, I besech your gode maisterschip that ye will vouchsafe to remembre me your servaunte with some lyverey, such as pleaseth you, ayens this wynter, to make me a gown to kepe me from the colde wedders. And that I myght have it and such answare as ye pleace in the premisses sente unto me be the bringer herof. And I schal contynuwe your oratrix and pore servaunte and hertely pray to God for your prosperite, Whom I besech have you, Right worshipful Sir, and with my faithful herte and service full entierly beloved gode maister, in His blessed governaunce. Writen at Hellowe the iii^de. Day of Novembre.

CECILE DAUNE.

[Footnote 291.1: [Add. MS. 34,889, f. 166.] This letter is of course not earlier than 1463, when Sir John Paston received his knighthood, but probably belongs to a period before his flirtations with Anne Haute, who first appears on the scene in the summer of 1468.]

680

ABSTRACT[292.1]

[Sidenote: 1468 / JAN. 11]

Release by William, Bishop of Winchester, John, Lord Beauchamp, Sir John Howard, Sir William Yelverton, Justice of the King’s Bench, Thomas Lytelton, Justice of the Common Pleas, William Jenney, Serjeant-at-Law, William Paston, Esq., Thomas Howys, clerk, and William Grene, to Sir John Paston, Knight, of the manors of Castre, in Flegge, called Vaux and Bosoms, and the lands in Castre called Redham, the manors or tenements in Heryngby called Spensers and Fennes, a third part of the manor of Runham, the manor of Wynterton, called Begvyles, with a windmill, the manor of Reppes in Bastewyk, and messuages, &c., in Yarmouth; the lands called Billes in Stokesby and Cattes in Heryngby, &c.; the manors of Guton in Brandeston, Heynford, the manor of Saxthorp, called Loundhalle, with a watermill, the manor of Lincolnhalle, in Boyton, &c., in Norfolk; and the manor called Caldecotes in Freton, Suff.; the manors of Akethorp in Lowestoft and Spitlyngges in Gorleston, and lands called Havelound in Bradwell, &c.; also in the manor of Tichewell, &c., in the hundred of Smethedon, Norf.; and the manor of Hempnales in Cotton, and Burnevyles in Naketon, Suff.; all which the said Bishop and the others had, _inter alia_, of the gift of Ralph, Lord Sudeley, Sir William Oldhall, Richard Waller, Esq., Thomas West, Esq., William Wangford, and Nicholas Girlyngton.

Dated 11th Jan. 7 Edw. IV.

[Footnote 292.1: [MS. in Bodleian Library.]]

681

WILLIAM WORCESTER TO MARGARET PASTON[293.1]

_To my ryght worshypfull maistras, Margyt Paston, wedowe._

[Sidenote: 1468(?)]

Ryght worchypfull maistras, aftyr dew recomendacion, please your gode maistrasshyp to wete that I comyned late wyth your entier welbelovyd son, Sir John Paston, of the fundacion of my Maister Fastolf Collage myght ben at Cambrygge, yn case hyt shall nat bee at Castre, nether at Seynt Benetts, because that Universyte lyeth neere the cuntree of Norffolk and Suffolk; for albe it my Lord of Wynchestr ys disposed to found a Collage yn Oxford for my seyd maister to be prayd for, yhyt wyth moch lesse cost he myght make som othyr memorialle also yn Cambrygge, and yt weere of ij. clerkys, iij. or iiij. scolers, founded at leest wyth the value of gode benefices and ryche parsonages, that myght be purschased the advowsons, wyth moch lesse goodes then lordshyppes or maners may; and I fonde your son well disposed to meofe and excyte my seyd Lord. Also now the Cristmasse weke next before the feest att London, my Lord Wynchester called me to hym yn presence of Sir John, and desyrid hym effectually to be my gode wyller; and maister wold hafe no wordes rehersed on my behalf, and he seyd full welle. Wold Jesu, Maistras, that my gode maister that was som tyme your husbond, yn my seyd Maister Fastolf lyfe dayes, as he shewed to me, their coude hafe founded yn hys hert to hafe trusted and lovyd me as my Maister Fastolf dyd, and that he wold not hafe geven credence to the malyciouse contryved talys that Frere Brakley, W. Barker, and othyrs ymagyned ontruly, savyng your reverence, of me. And now ye may opynly ondrestand the sothe, and your son Sir John also; and yhyt for all that I put nevyr my Maister Fastolf lyfelode yn trouble, for alle the unkyndnesse and covetuse that was shewed me, as I hafe declared to the berer heroff, that I know ye trust welle, to whom yn thys ye may gefe credence at thys tyme.

God amend J. Russe. I wold he had ben at Irland for one day ys sake.

Your,

W. W.

And I thank you hertly for my pore woman, she shuld com to you at your commaundment late or rathe, but for gelosye and mysdemyng of peple that hafe me yn greete awayt; and ye know welle, maistras, better ys afrende unknow then knowen; the world ys to mysdemyng and redy to make dyvysyon and debate that comyth of an envyouse disposicion. And I am ryght glad that Castr ys and shall be at your comaundment, and yowres yn especialle. A ryche juelle yt ys at neede for all the cuntre yn tyme of werre; and my Maister F. wold rather he had nevyr bylded yt then hyt shuld be yn the gouvernaunce of eny sovereyn that wole oppresse the cuntree. And I fynde the relygyoux of Seynt Benetts full unkynde toke away a chambre, the elder Abbot had put me yn possessyon for my solace, when I myzt com thedr and desport me, and toke that chambre to Maister John Smyth, that Sir Thomas Howys seyd to me, was none holsom counceller yn the reformacion of the last testament made but ij. executors to hafe the rule allone. I wold he had nevyr medled of yt, that councell made moch trouble. I pray you kepe thys letter close to your sylf, as I trust you and Sir Jamys, and also yn R. Toly that I undrestand hym close and just.

I had no tyme to speke withyn now late, when I was but one day at Norwych. W. Barker sclaundred me yn certeyn maters of gode to the some of v^c. mark that Reynold Harneys shuld kepe and take me half. Wold Jesu B[a]rker had seyd true, hyt myzt hafe do me moch gode! And, Maistras, as I dar desyre you, I pray you recomaund me to my best maistras, your moder Agnes, for she favorued me and dyd me grete cherytee, to be the better disposed to hyr son, Maister John, and by my soule yt made me the hertyer to safe the lyfelode fro trouble or from claymes, as I support me to alle the world, I put nevyr maner ne lyfelode of my Maister Fastolf yn trouble, ne entitled no crettur to na place, and ye may speke wyth hyr herof when ye be allone.

[Footnote 293.1: [From Fenn, iv. 280.] It seems probable that this letter was written about the beginning of the year 1468. As to the time of year, we may judge by one expression that it was not very long after Christmas; and as the writer congratulates Margaret Paston that Caister is to be at her command, we may with great probability suppose the date to be about the same as that of the preceding document.]

682

HUGH FENN TO SIR JOHN PASTON[295.1]

_To the right worchepfull Sir John Paston, Knyght._

[Sidenote: 1468 / [APRIL 12]]

Right worchepfull sir, I recommand me to you. Like you wete a distresse was take in Caster by Thomas Pekok, I trowe your servant, a besy man, called of a full true sowle, John Hadynet of Haryngby, a pore man his plow hath loyn ever sith, he seith; I understonde it is for Catts landes. I sent my clerk to my mastresse, your moder, and the seid John with hym therfor; and my mastresse wold hym come ageyn a nother day, for Pecok was not thanne at home; so he ded, and can not have it, as he seith, but that ye wold I shuld speke with you at Castr therof, and of other maters he tolde me this day. And by cause of my moders yereday holden this day, God have hir sowle, and to morwe shal be a good day, I wol by Goddes grace dispose me to His mercy ageyns Thursday, as I have used; therfor I pray you pardon my comyng. In the weke after Ester, I entend to se you and my seid mastresse certeynly; it is loong seth I sy hir, me semeth. And if ye be not thanne at Castr, I pray you send me worde that I may come soner to you to comon with you in this mater, and in all other what ye wil, and sone departe to London fro thens; and therfor I wil abide with you a good while.

Sir, as to Catts ye be remembred what I seid to you at London at ij. tymes. I am the same man; I have sith I cam geten th’evidences in to myn handes, and I am redy to shewe them what lerned man her that ye wol assigne. The mater is cler to my thynkyng. Titleshale that solde it to Sir J. Fastolf myght as wele a solde hym your lande or myn; and if the sale be lawfull, I shal leve my hands at the first as I said at London. The distresse to be kept for that, I wisse it nede not, and it was unlawfully taken. Like it you to do delyvere the pore man his goods ageyn, I am redy to answer you for elde and new as right wol. I shal breke no day to be assigned, for to leve all other thyngs.

By the blissed Lady I beleve that ye wol dispose you wele, and so I pray God ye do, and have you in His blissed governaunce. Wretyn at the hede town of Norffolk this Tuysday.

Your owen,

H. atte FENNE.

[Footnote 295.1: [From Fenn, iv. 290.] This letter was written on the Tuesday before Easter, probably in the year 1468, _i.e._ after the other executors of Fastolf had released to Sir John Paston. The date could hardly be later than 1469, when Sir John was driven out of Caister by the Duke of Norfolk; and in 1469 he does not seem to have been residing there about Easter.]

683

EDWARD IV. TO SIR JOHN PASTON[296.1]

_To our trusty and welbeloved Sir John Paston, Knight._

BY THE KING.

[Sidenote: 1468 / APRIL 18]

Trusty and welbeloved, we greet yow well. And where it is accorded betwixt us and our cozen the Duke of Burgundye that he shall wedde our derrest sister, Margaret, and that in shorte while we intende to sende her into the parts of Flanders for the accomplishment and solempnizacion of the marriage so concluded; at the which time it behoveth her to be accompanied with great nobility of this realme, for the honour thereof, of us and our said sister: We therefore, wele understanding and remembering the good affection ye bere towards us all, our pleasure is, and our said sister, whereupon we greatly trust, desire and pray yow right effectuously that, every excuse or delaye laide aparte, ye will dispose yourselfe to the saide intent and purpose against the first day of June next cominge, according to your honour and degree, and that ye faile not so to doe, as we singularly trust yow, and as ye intend to do us justys, pleas^{s}.[297.1] Yeven under our signet at our mannor of Greenwich, the xviij. day of Aprill.

[Footnote 296.1: This letter is reprinted from Mr. Worship’s article on Sandford’s genealogy of the Paston family in the _Norfolk Archæology_. The original was transcribed by Sandford, but is not now to be found. Margaret, sister of Edward IV., was married to Charles the Bold, Duke of Burgundy, at Bruges, on the 3rd July 1468.]

[Footnote 297.1: So, as printed in the _Norfolk Archæology_.]

684

JOHN PASTON THE YOUNGER TO MARGARET PASTON[297.2]

_To my ryght reverend and worchepfull modyr, Margaret Paston, dwellyng at Caster, be thys delyveryed in hast._

[Sidenote: 1468 / JULY 8]

Ryth reverend and worchepfull modyr, I recomaund me on to you as humbylly as I can thynk, desyryng most hertly to her of your welfare and herts ese, whyche I pray God send yow as hastyly as my hert can thynk. Ples yt yow to wete, that at the makyng of thys byll, my brodyr and I, and all our felawshep, wer in good helle, blyssyd be God. As for the gydyng her in thys contre, it is as worchepfull as all the world can devyse it, and ther wer never Englyshe men had so good cher owt of Inglong that ever I herd of.

As for tydyngs her, but if it be of the fest, I can non send yow; savyng my Lady Margaret[297.3] was maryd on Sonday[297.4] last past, at a towne that is callyd the Dame, iij. myle owt of Brugys, at v. of the clok in the mornyng; and sche was browt the same day to Bruggys to hyr dener; and ther sche was receyvyd as worchepfully as all the world cowd devyse, as with presession with ladys and lordys, best beseyn of eny pepyll, that ever I sye or herd of. Many pagentys wer pleyed in hyr wey in Bryggys to hyr welcomyng, the best that ever I sye. And the same Sonday my Lord the Bastard,[298.1] took upon hym to answere xxiiij. knyts and gentylmen, with in viij. dayes at jostys of pese; and when that they wer answeryd, they xxiiij. and hym selve schold torney with othyr xxv. the next day aftyr, whyche is on Monday next comyng; and they that have jostyd with hym into thys day, have ben as rychely beseyn, and hymselve also, as clothe of gold, and sylk and sylvyr, and goldsmyths werk, myght mak hem; for of syche ger, and gold, and perle, and stanys, they of the Dwkys coort, neythyr gentylmen nor gentylwomen, they want non; for with owt that they have it by wyshys, by my trowthe, I herd nevyr of so gret plente as ther is.

Thys day my Lord Scalys[298.2] justyd with a Lord of thys contre, but not with the Bastard; for they mad promyse at London that non of them bothe shold never dele with othyr in armys; but the Bastard was one of the Lords that browt the Lord Scalys in to the feld, and of mysfortwne an horse strake my Lord Bastard on the lege, and hathe hurt hym so sore, that I can thynk he shalbe of no power to acomplyshe up hys armys; and that is gret pete, for by my trowthe I trow God mad never a mor worchepfull knyt.

And as for the Dwkys coort, as of lords, ladys and gentylwomen, knyts, sqwyers, and gentylmen, I hert never of non lyek to it, save Kyng Artourys cort. And by my trowthe, I have no wyt nor remembrans to wryte to yow, half the worchep that is her; but that lakyth, as it comyth to mynd I shall tell yow when I come home, whyche I tryst to God shal not be long to; for we depart owt of Brygys homward on Twysday next comyng, and all folk that cam with my Lady of Burgoyn owt of Inglond, except syche as shall abyd her styll with hyr, whyche I wot well shall be but fewe.

We depart the soner, for the Dwk[299.1] hathe word that the Frenshe Kyng[299.2] is purposyd to mak wer upon hym hastyly, and that he is with in iiij. or v. dayis jorney of Brugys, and the Dwk rydyth on Twysday next comyng, forward to met with hym; God geve hym good sped, and all hys; for by my trowthe they are the goodlyest felawshep the ever I cam among, and best can behave them, and most lyek gentylmen.

Othyr tydyngs have we non her, but that the Dwke of Somerset,[299.3] and all hys bands depertyd welbeseyn owt of Brugys a day befor that my Lady the Dwches cam thedyr, and they sey her, that he is to Qwen Margaret that was, and shal no more come her ayen, nor be holpyn by the Dwk. No more; but I beseche yow of your blyssyng as lowly as I can, whyche I beseche yow forget not to geve me ever day onys. And, modyr, I beseche yow that ye wolbe good mastras to my lytyll man, and to se that he go to scole.

I sent my cosyn Dawbeney v_s._ by Callys man, for to bye for hym syche ger as he nedyth; and, modyr, I pray yow thys byll may recomend me to my sustyrs bothe, and to the mastyr, my cosyn Dawbeney, Syr Jamys,[299.4] Syr John Stylle, and to pray hym to be good mastyr to lytyll Jak, and to lerne hym well; and I pray yow that thys byll may recomand me to all your folkys, and my wellwyllers. And I pray God send yow your herts desyr.

Wretyn at Bruggys the Fryday next aftyr Seynt Thomas.

Your sone and humbyll servaunt,

J. PASTON, the yonger.

[Footnote 297.2: [From Fenn, ii. 2.] As this letter gives an account of the marriage of the Princess Margaret to Charles, Duke of Burgundy, there is no doubt of the year in which it was written.]

[Footnote 297.3: Margaret, sister of King Edward IV.]

[Footnote 297.4: 3rd July.]

[Footnote 298.1: Anthony, Count de la Roche, commonly called the Bastard of Burgundy, a natural son of Duke Philip the Good.]

[Footnote 298.2: Anthony Woodville, Lord Scales, afterwards Earl Rivers.]

[Footnote 299.1: Charles the Bold, Duke of Burgundy.]

[Footnote 299.2: Lewis XI.]

[Footnote 299.3: Edmund Beaufort, Duke of Somerset.]

[Footnote 299.4: Sir James Gloys, a priest.]

685

ABSTRACT[299.5]

[Sidenote: 1468 / JULY 16]

General pardon to William Paston, son of the judge, for offences committed before the 15th April last. The grantee is described by different _aliases_, as William Paston of London, of Caster, of Norwich, and of Wymondham, gentleman. Westminster, 16th July, 8 Edw. IV. _Great Seal attached._

[Footnote 299.5: [From Add. Charter 17,248, B.M.]]

686

THE EARL OF OXFORD TO SIR JOHN PASTON[300.1]

_To Sir John Paston, Knyght._

[Sidenote: 1468(?) / JULY 18]

Right worshipfull, and my especiall true hertid frende, I commaunde me un to you, preying you to ordeyne me iij. horsse harneys as godely as ye and Genyn kan devyse, as it were for yourselfe; and that I may have thyme in all hast, ordere. Also Skerne saith ye wolde ordeyne ij. standarde stavys; this I pray you to remembre, and my wife shalle deliver you silver,--and yit she most borowed it; vj. or vij_li._ I wold be stowe on a horsse harneys, and so Skerne tolde me I might have. The Lord Hastings had for the same price, but I wolde not myne were lik his; and I trust to God we shalle do right welle, who preserve you. Wreten at Canterbury in hast, the xviij. day of Juyll.

OXYNFORD.

[Footnote 300.1: [From Fenn, ii. 26.] The writer of this letter was committed to the Tower in November 1468, and though afterwards released, it was not long before he became a declared enemy of Edward IV.; so that, after the brief restoration of Henry VI. in 1470, he was obliged to leave the kingdom. The date of this letter, therefore, is not likely to be later than the present year, but it may be a year or two earlier.]

687

SIR JOHN PASTON TO MRS. ANNE[300.2]

_To Mastresse Annes._

[Sidenote: 1468 / JULY 22]

Rythe it is so that I may not, as oft as I wold, be ther as [_i.e._ where] I might do my message myselff, myn owne fayir Mastresse Annes, I prey yow to accept thys byll for my messanger to recomand me to yow in my most feythfull wyse, as he that faynest of all other desyreth to knowe of yowr welfare, whyche I prey God encresse to your most plesure.

And, mastresse, thow so be that I as yet have govyn yow bot easy [_i.e._ little] cause to remembyr me for leke of aqweyntacion, yet I beseche yow, let me not be forgotyn when ye rekyn up all yowr servaunts, to be sett in the nombyr with other.

And I prey yow, Mastresse Annes, for that servyse that I owe yow, that in as short tyme as ye goodly may that I myght be assarteynyd of yowr entent and of your best frends in syche maters as I have brokyn to yow of, whyche bothe your and myn ryght trusty frends John Lee, or ellys my mastresse hys wyff, promysyd befor yow and me at our fyrst and last being togedyr, that as sone as they or eyther of theym knewe your entent and your frendys that they shold send me woord. And if they so do, I tryst sone aftyr to se yow.

And now farewell, myn owne fayir lady, and God geve yow good rest, for in feythe I trow ye be in bed.

Wretyn in my wey homward on Mary Maudeleyn Day at mydnyght.

Your owne,

JOHN PASTON.

Mastresse Annes, I am prowd that ye can reed Inglyshe; wherfor I prey yow aqweynt yow with thys my lewd [_uncouth_] hand, for my purpose is that ye shalbe more aqweyntyd with it, or ellys it shalbe ayenst my wyll; but yet, and when ye have red thys byll, I prey yow brenne it or kepe it secret to yoursylff, as my feythefull trust is in yow.

[Footnote 300.2: [From Fenn, ii. 294.] The Mrs. Anne to whom this letter was addressed seems to have been a Mrs. Anne Haute, to whom Sir John was for a long time engaged. That it was written before the year 1469 will appear probable on referring to Margaret Paston’s letter written on Easter Monday (3rd April) in that year, in which she wishes to know for certain if he be engaged; and we have therefore little difficulty in referring it to the year 1468, when Sir John was over in Flanders at the marriage of the Princess Margaret to Charles of Burgundy. Mrs. Anne appears to have been a lady of English extraction, who was either born abroad or had passed most of her life on the Continent. She was, moreover, related to Lord Scales, and is therefore not unlikely to have been the daughter of one William Haute of Kent, who married at Calais, in 1429, the daughter of a certain Richard Wydeville. (See _Excerpta Historica_, p. 249.) But she could speak and even read English; and Sir John, who was now returning homewards to England, designed in this letter to open a correspondence with her. He appears, however, not to have despatched it, as the original remained among the papers of the Paston family; or else perhaps it was returned to him on the breaking off of the engagement.]

688

THOMAS HOWES TO CARDINAL BOURCHIER[302.1]

_To my moste honorabyl Lord Cadenall, and Archibushop of Caunterbury._

[Sidenote: 1468 / OCT. 10]

Moste reverent and my ryght good Lord, I recomaund me to your gracyous Lordshyp yn my moste humble wyse. Please your Lordshyp to wete that my Lord Norffolk councell hath now late mevyd Sir Wylliam Yelverton, Knyght, and me to be preferryd for to purchasse the maner of Castre, and certeyn other lordshypps that wer my Maystyr Fastolf, whom God pardon, owt excepted the maner of Gunton that yowr Lordshyp desyryth to purchasse, and othyr certeyn maners that my Mastyr Fastolf frendys hafe desyred to be preferryd. And be cause the pretens bargayn that John Paston yn hys lyffe surmytted, bye colour of which he entended to hafe all my Mastyr Fastolf londes in Norffolk and Suffolk for nought, savyng the hygh reverence of your astate, was not juste ne trew; and be cause that I wyth othyr of my Master Fastolf executors may have wher of to dyspospose yn cheryte full dedys to do for hys sowle; I have condescended the rather that my seide Lord of Norffolk shall be preferryd to the purchasse of the seyde maner of Castre, and othyr maners that may be sparyd to th’encresse of hys lyfelode yn thys land; and thys covenantys to be engroced upp wythynne shorth tyme, as by all Halowaunce, in case yowr Lordshyp be agreed and plesyd wyth all; wher uppon I wold beseche yowr nobyll Lordshyp to lete me wete your good plesur and avice yn thys behalfe.

And be cause my seyd Lord Norffolk ys so nere of blode to yowr hyghnesse knyghted, that meevyd me to be the more wyllyng to condescend to the forseyd purchasse, and so trustyng your Lordshyp wold be ryght well pleased wyth alle. Wretyn at Norwich the x. day of Octobyr, anno viij. R. E. iiij^{ti}.

Yowr pore chapleyn,

T. HOWYS.

[Footnote 302.1: [From Fenn, iv. 298.]]

[[anno viij. R. E. iiij^{ti}. _text has “iiij^t” alone, without punctuation: corrected from Fenn_]]

689

ABSTRACT[303.1]

[_Circa_ 1468.] Long declaration in English (on a paper roll) by Thomas Howes, ‘for the discharge of his conscience,’ impugning the authenticity of the will nuncupative, said to have been made by Sir J. Fastolf on the day of his death, and propounded by John Paston and the said Thomas in opposition to an earlier will propounded by Sir W. Yelverton and W. Worcetyr; containing details intended to prove that the alleged will was fabricated by Paston. Amongst other things, Howes says that at Paston’s desire he did, a year before Fastolf’s death, move Fastolf that Paston might buy three of his manors and live in his college, ‘and the seyd Fastolf, mevyd and passyoned gretely in his soule, seyd and swar by Cryst ys sides, “And I knewe that Paston woolde by ony of my londes or my godes he shulde nevyr be my feffe, nother myn executor.” Albeyt he seyde that he wolde suffer that the said Paston for terme of hys lyf shall have a loggyng yn a convenyent place yn the seyd maner of Castre withoute denyance of ony havyng intrest yn the seyd maner.

[Footnote 303.1: [From a MS. in Magdalen College, Oxford.] This Abstract is derived from Mr. Macray’s Report on the Muniments of Magdalen College, printed in the Fourth Report of the Historical MSS. Commission.]

690

ANONYMOUS TO SIR JOHN PASTON[303.2]

_To Maistyr Syr John Paston, Knyght, at London, with my Lorde the Archebisshop of Yorke, be this letter delyverid._

[Sidenote: 1468 / OCT. 28]

I recommand me unto you. It is tolde me that the man that ye wote of cam ridyng by my Lady Suthfolk and by Cotton, which is in gret decay; and Barnay tolde him that Edward Dale tolde hem he durst no lenger serve him of ale, for it was warnid hym that my Lady Suffolk[304.1] wolde entyr, and whan she shulde enter few men shulde knowe, it shulde be do so sodenly. She taryeth but of tythynges fro London. He spak nat with hyr. I pray you speke to my Lorde of Zorke[304.2] for the subpena in the Chanceri ayen William Paston that he take noon hurte. He desyrith to write to yow for it. My Lorde of Northfolk men have warnid the tenantis to pay you no mony, and thai speke alle in the Kynges name. Ye may tell my Lorde of Yorke that it is open in every mannys mouth in this contre the language that my Lorde of Yorke and my Lord of Warwik had to my Lorde of Norfolk in the Kings chambre, and that my Lorde of Yorke saide, rathir than the londe shulde go so, he wolde com dwell ther hym sliff. Ye wolde mervaile what harts my Lords hath goten, and how this language put peeple in comforte. My Lorde of Norffolk answerde that he wolde speke to my Lady his wiff, and entret hir. And your adversarys reherce that my Lorde shall never be Chanceleer til this mateer be spede,[304.3] for ther bargans ar made condicionall, to holde and nat holde as afftir my Lorde be Chaunceler and nat. Sothwell is all the doar, and he hath saide that my Lorde of Zorke licensid hym to labour in the mateer. My Lorde of Norwich shuld by xl. marke of the same lond. Thai entende to have a man of my Lady of Suthfolks sheryve, and specially Harcort. My Lorde coude nat bileve it but if [_i.e._ unless] he harde it, how it is rejoysshid in som place that he is nat Chaunceleer. Ther cam oo man into the contre with a newe patent, saying that my Lorde was Chanceler, and at that was the first patent that was sealid sithen he was officeer. The tythandes did goode _pro tempore_. Ther are witnes labourid, as it is said, to witnes and swere ageyn you of men of c_li._ a yeer, and many oder men, som that knew never of the mateer nor never harde Sir John Faskolff speke; ye know what jure is in this contre in maters that ar favoured by them that ar now ageyn you. It is harde whan a mateer restid by jure in this contre, som of the same quest that founde you bondeman shall witnesse ayens you. Syr Thomas Howys comyth to London, and if my Lorde of Zorke wolde entret frendely my Lorde of Ely,[305.1] and get feithfully his promyse that my Lorde of Ely sende for Hawys, he shulde make Hawys to go home ageyn and leve all his fellowis post allon; and that my Lorde wolde entret my Lorde Tresaurer, my Lord Penbrok,[305.2] my Lady Bedford,[305.3] and remembre the bargan is not yit made, it may be better lettid affor than afftyr; and if the mateer spede my Lorde getith gret worshipp and gret thanke. I doute not he undirstondyth it, for it is well undirstonde what he hath saide. And pray his Lordeshipp to remembre a shereve this yeer, for ther is mych to be undirstonde in the shereve. And sende me worde if my Lorde Penbrok be go, and if my Lorde be Chaunceler. Et memorandum, Sir William Terell your testimoniall. Et memorandum, my Lorde Cardynall to sende answer to Sir Thomas Howys; and though my Lorde Cardynall be nat ther now, yit lat Townysende make it redy ageyns my Lords commyng. If Sir Thomas Howys wer handelyd by Maister Tressam and made byleve and put in hope of the moone shone in the water and I wot nat what, that such labor wer made that eythir he shulde be a pope or els in dyspeyr to be depryved _de omni beneficio ecclesiastico_ for symony, lechory, perjory, and doubble variable pevyshnesse, and for admynystryng without auctoryte; and how he promisid bi his feith to my Lord t’obey his rewle and brak it, and what he hath saide to my lords in this mateer; and if ye recur in the courte, he shall be undo, and this mateer tolde hym by my Lorde of Ely and Maister Tresham, halff in game and halff in ernest, it shulde make hym to departe, for Yelvyrton and he ar halff at variance now. And entret my Lords servaunts to speke in your maters to all such persones as nede is. And I shall be hastyly with you by the grace of God, whom have yow in kepyng. Writen on Seynt Simonde Day and Jude.

By your owne.

[Footnote 303.2: [From Paston MSS., B.M.] The reference to the Earl of Pembroke, who was only so created in 1468, and who was beheaded in July 1469, fixes the date of this letter to the former year.]

[Footnote 304.1: Alice, widow of William de la Pole, Duke of Suffolk.]

[Footnote 304.2: George Nevill, Archbishop of York.]

[Footnote 304.3: The Great Seal was taken from Archbishop Nevill on the 8th June 1467. Apparently in 1468 he was hoping to be made Chancellor again.]

[Footnote 305.1: William Grey, Bishop of Ely.]

[Footnote 305.2: William Herbert, Earl of Pembroke.]

[Footnote 305.3: _See_ page 188, Note 3.]

[[with my Lorde the Archebisshop of Yorke _text has “Lorae” (italic a for d)_]]

691

SIR JOHN PASTON TO JOHN PASTON[306.1]

_To my ryght welbelovyd brother, John Paston, Esqer, beyng at Caster, or to John Dawbeney there, be this letter delyvered._

[Sidenote: 1468 / NOV. 9]

Ryght welbelovyd brother, I comand me to yow, letyng yow wete that I have wagyd for to helpe yow and Dawbeney to kepe the place at Castr, iiij. wel assuryd and trew men to do al maner of thyng what that they be desyryd to do, in save gard or enforcyng of the seyd place; and mor ovyr they be provyd men, and connyng in the werr, and in fetys of armys, and they kan wele schote bothe gonnys and crossebowes, and amende and strynge them, and devyse bolwerkys, or any thyngs that scholde be a strenkthe to the place; and they wol, as nede is, kepe wecche and warde. They be sadde and wel advysed men, savyng on of them, whyche is ballyd, and callyd Wylliam Peny, whyche is as goode a man as gothe on the erthe, savyng a lytyll he wol, as I understand, be a lytel copschotyn [_high-crested_], but yit he is no brawler, but ful of cortesye, meche uppon James Halman; the other iij. be named Peryn Sale, John Chapman, Robert Jakys Son, savyng that as yit they have non harneyse comyn, but when it komyth it schall be sent to yow, and in the meane whyle I pray yow and Dawbeney to purvey them some.

Also a cople of beddys they most nedys have, whyche I pray yow by the help of my modre to purvey for them, tyl that I com home to yow. Ye schall fynde them gentylmanly, comfortable felawes, and that they wol and dare abyde be ther takelyng; and if ye undrestond that any assawte schold be towardys, I sende yow thes men, becawse that men of the contre ther about yow scholde be frayed for fer of losse of ther goods; wherfor if ther wer any suche thyng towards, I wolde ye take of men of the contre but few, and that they wer well assuryd men, for ellys they myght discorage alle the remenant.

And asfor any wryghtyng fro the Kyng, he hathe promysyd that there schall come non; and if ther do his unwarys [_without his knowledge_], yowr answer may be thys, how the Kyng hathe seyd, and so to delay them tyll I may have worde, and I schall sone purvey a remedy.

I understond that ye have ben with my Lorde of Norfolke now of late. What ze have done I wete not; we se that he shal be her ageyn thys daye. Mor ovyr, I trow John Alforde schall not longe abyde with my Lorde; I schall sende yow tydyng of other thyngys in haste, with the grace of God, who, &c. Wretyn on Wednysday nexte befor Seynt Martyn.

JOHN PASTON.

I fer that Dawbeney is not alther best storyd to contenew howsold longe; lete hym send me worde in hast, and I wyll releve hym to my power, and or longe to I hope to be with yow.

Roger Ree is scheryff of Norfolke, and he schall be good jnow. Th’excheter I am not yit assertaynyd of.

Also, that thes men be at the begynnyng entretyd as corteysly as ye can.

Also, I pray yow to sende me my flowr[307.1] be the next massanger that comyth.

Also, as for my Lorde Fytz Waters oblygacion, I know non suche in myn adward as yit.

Also, the obligacion of the Bisshop of Norwychys oblygacion, I never sye it that I remembre; wherfor I wolde and prey my modre to loke it up.

Also, as for the Byble[307.2] that the master hath, I wend the uttermost pryse had not passyd v. mark, and so I trowe he wyl geve it: wet, I pray yow.

Also, as for Syr Wylliam Barber and Syr Wylliam Falyate, I wolde, if they kan purvey for them selfe, folfayne be dyschargyd of them.

[Footnote 306.1: [From Fenn, iv. 302.] The original of this letter, Fenn informs us, was written upon a whole sheet of paper, of which a quarter was cut away before the letter was finished, so that the bottom part of it was only half the width of the upper. Roger Ree was made Sheriff of Norfolk in 1468, which fixes the date.]

[Footnote 307.1: This may mean flour for household use; or it may signify his flower, his device or cognisance.--F.]

[Footnote 307.2: This must mean some MS. copy, for at this time there was only one printed edition of the Bible, which would have sold even then for a much greater sum than is here mentioned. I mean ‘Biblia Latina Mogunt. per J. Fust et P. Schoiffer, 1462.’ --F.]

692

ELIZABETH POYNINGS TO SIR JOHN PASTON[308.1]

_To the worshipful Sir John Paston, Knyght, be thys delveryd in hast._

[Sidenote: 1468(?) / DEC. 15]

Worshipfull and with all myn hert interly wilbeloved nevoue, I recomaunde me to yow, desyryng to here of your prosperite and wilefayr, which I pray All mighti God maynteyn and encres to His plesour and your herts desir, thankyng God of your amendyng and helth; furthermore, certefying yow that Sir Robert Fenys hath doon grete hurte in the lyvelode whiche perteyned to my husbond and me in the Shire of Kent, wherein William Kene and other persones arn enfeffid, and gretly troubleth hit, and receyveth the issuez and profitez of gret part of theym. And as of my seid husbonds lyvelode, aswell in the same shire as in other shirez, besyde myn jounter, my seid husbond, whan he departyd towarde the feld of Saint Albons, made and ordeyned his wille, that I shuld have the rewell of all his lyvelode, and of Edwarde his soon and myn, and to take the issuez and profitez of the seid lyvelode, to the fyndyng of his and myn seid son, to paie his dettez, and to kepe the right and title of the same lyvelode, which I myght nat accordyng occupie for Sir Edwarde Ponyngs, myn seid husbonds brother; and so sith myn seid husbonds departyng, I assigned that the seid Sir Edwarde for certeyn yereez shuld have and take the revenuez of the maners of Westwode, Estwell, Levelond, Horsmonden, Totyndon, Eccles, Staundon, and Combesdon, parcell of the seid lyvelode, which arn clerely yerely worth lxxvj_li._ xiij_s._ iiij_d._, to the entent that the seid Sir Edwarde shuld paye myn husbonds dettez, for he wold not suffer me to be in rest without that he myght have a rewell in the lyvelode; and after the seid assignement made, the seid Robert Fenes, contrary to trowth, and withoute cause of right, interupted me and the seid Sir Edwarde, aswell of and in the seid maners as of other maners undirwretyn; wher uppon the same Sir Edwarde suet unto the Kyngs Highnesse, and hade the Kyngez honorable lettres undir his signet, directed to the said Sir Robert Fenys, the tenour wherof I send unto yow herin inclosid; and as for residue of the lyvelode of myn seid husbonds and myn, within the same shire of Kent, wherin the said William Kene and other arn enfeffed, that is to say, the maner of Tyrlyngham, Wolverton, Halton, Newyngton, Bastram, Rokesley, and Northcray, with th’appurtenauncez, I of them, by myn seid husbonds wille, shuld have residue, and take the issuez and profitez of theym, contrarye to right and conciens, takyng away my ryght, and brekyng my said husbonds wille, the seid Robert Fenys hath doon gret wast and hurte ther, and long tym hath take upe the revenuez and profitez of the same, wher thorough I have not my ryght, and the seid wille may not be performed.

Wherfor I hertely pray yow that ze will labour unto the Kynges Highnes, at yt lyketh hym addres his honorable lettres to be directed to the seid Robert Fenys, dischargyng hym utterly of the menuraunce, occupacion, and receyt of the revenuez of the said maners of Tyrlyngham and other, accordyng to the tenour of the lettres labored by Sir Edwarde, for the maners assigned to hym from the Kyngs Highnes, directyd to the same Robert Fynes, or strayter if hit may be, and that I and myn assignez may peasseble rejoie theym; and if eny person wold attempt to do the contrarye, that a comaundement, yf it ples the Kyngs Hignes, by hym myght be yevyn to my Lorde Chaunceller to seall writtyngs sufficiaunt with his gret seall, in eydyng and assisting me and myn assignez in this same.

And as for the maners of Esthall, Faukham, Asslie, and Chelsfeld, with th’appurtenauntez in the seid schire of Kent, whereof my hysbond at his departur was seassed, and my son sethens, unto the tyme that the Erle of Kent[310.1] without eny inquission or title of right for the Kyng, by colour of the Kynges lettres patentes, entret into theym, and hym therof put owte, and now my Lorde of Essex[310.2] occupieth them in lyke maner and forme; yf eny remedy therin wilbe hade, I pray yow attempt hit.

Also, forther more, I hertely pray yow that if eny generall pardon be grauntyd, that I may have on for John Dane my servaunt, whom the said Robert Fenys of gret malice hath endyted of felonye, and that ze secretly labour this, and send me an aunswer in writtyng in as godly hast as ze may. As soon as that may ples yow to send me passels of costes and expences ze bere and pay for the said causez, I will truely content yow hit of the same, and over that rewarde yow to your plessour by the grace of Jesu, quo have yow in His blessed keping. Wrettyn in Suthwerk the xv^th daie of Decembyr.

Be your awnt,

ELIZABETH PONYNGS.

[Footnote 308.1: [From Fenn, iv. 266.] Elizabeth Paston, as we have seen (No. 374), had married Robert Poynings by the beginning of January 1459. We must, however, correct a slight inaccuracy in the preliminary note to that letter, where it is said that by the year 1470 they must have been married several years. Their union, in fact, lasted little more than two years; for Robert Poynings was slain at the second battle of St. Albans on the 17th February 1461. The inquisition _post mortem_, taken some years afterwards (9 and 10 Edw. IV., No. 49), gives that day as the date of his death. His son and heir, Edward, named in this letter (who was afterwards Lord-Deputy of Ireland in the reign of Henry VII.), was probably born towards the close of the year 1459, for he is mentioned at the date of the inquisition (31st Jan. 49 and 1 Hen. VI., _i.e._ 1471) as eleven years old and over. Elizabeth Poynings must have remained a widow some years; but before 1472 she had married Sir George Browne of Betchworth, Surrey. This letter is certainly of later date than No. 627, for the lands which she was then endeavouring to recover from the Earl of Kent were now occupied by the Earl of Essex. It may perhaps have been a year or two after 1466, but it was probably not later than 1469, as in 1470 Henry VI. was restored, and Essex, being a Yorkist, would not have been so powerful. The year 1468 must be a tolerable approximation to the true date.]

[Footnote 310.1: Edmund Grey, Lord Grey of Ruthin, and Baron Hastings, who was created Earl of Kent in 1465.]

[Footnote 310.2: Henry, Viscount Bourchier, created Earl of Essex in 1461.]

693

ABSTRACT[311.1]

THE KING TO SIR ROBERT FYNYS

[Sidenote: 1468]

Commanding him not to levy the rents of Westwode, Estwell, Levelond, Horsmonden, Totyngdon, Eccles, Stondon, and Comebesdane in Kent.

[This was evidently the copy of the writ obtained by Sir Edward Poynings referred to in the preceding letter. Below is written, ‘The copie of the lettre myssyve endossid by the Kynges awn handes.’]

[Footnote 311.1: [From Paston MSS., B.M.]]

694

SIR GEORGE BROWNE TO JOHN PASTON[311.2]

_To my trusty and welbelowyd cosyn, Jhon Paston, Esquyer, in haste._

[Sidenote: Date uncertain]

Loyawlte Ayme.

Be zowr howne

G. BROWNE.

Hyt schal newyr cum howt for me.

[Footnote 311.2: [From Fenn, iv. 100.] The writer of this brief and enigmatical letter was the second husband of Elizabeth Paston, as mentioned in the preliminary note to No. 692 preceding. If the John Paston, Esquire, to whom it is addressed be the first of that name, that is to say, Elizabeth Paston’s brother, the date is not later than 1466; but as it was certainly some years later before the writer became connected with the Pastons by marriage, the person addressed is more probably John Paston the youngest, brother of Sir John. The date of this communication, however, is unimportant. Its purport, of which Fenn has suggested rather a complicated explanation, appears to me simply a promise of secrecy on some subject: ‘_Loyauté, aimé_ (_i.e._ Honour bright, my dear friend). It shall never come out for me.’]

END OF VOLUME IV

Printed by T. and A. CONSTABLE, Printers to His Majesty at the Edinburgh University Press