letter I have not met with.

201

MARGARET PASTON TO JOHN PASTON[250.1]

_To my rygth worshypfull hosbond Jon Paston, be this delyverd in hast._

[Sidenote: 1451 / JULY 1]

Rygth worchypfull hosbond, I recommawnd me to yow, desyryng hertyly to her of yowr wellfar, preying yow to wete that I have spoke with my Lady Felbrygg[250.2] of that ye bad me speke to her of, and she seyd pleynly to me that she wold not, ne nevyr was avysyd, neyther to lete the Lord Moleyns ne non other to have ther intents as for that mater, whyll yet she levyth. And she was rygth evyll payd with Sawtr that he shuld reporte as itt was told yow that he shuld have reportyd; and she made rygth moche of yow, and seyd that she wold nowgth that no servaunte of herys shuld reporte no thyng that shuld be ayens yow other wyse than she wolld that your servawnts shud do or seyn ayens her; and if other your servawnts dede ayens her, or any of her ayens yow, she wold that itt shuld be reformyd be twyx yow and her, and that ye mygth ben all on; for she seyd in good feyth she desyryth your frendshep; and as for the report of Sawtr, she seyd she supposyd that he wold nowgth reporte so; and if she mygth know that he dede, she wold blame hym therfor. I told her that itt was told me syth that ye reden [? yeden, i.e. went], and that itt grevyd me mor that the seyd Sawtr shuld reporte as he dede than itt had be reportyd of another, in als moche as I had awgth hym goodwyll befor; and she prayid me that I shud not beleve seche reports tyll I knewe the trowth.

I was att Toppys at dyner on Seynt Petyrs day; ther my Lady Felbrygg and other jantyll women desyryd to have hadde yow ther. They seyd they shuld all abe [_have been_] the meryer if ye hadde ben ther. My cosyn Toppys hath moche car tyll she her goode tydyngs of her brotheris mater. Sche told me that they shuld kepte a day on Monday next komyng be twyx her brother and Ser Andrew Hugard and Wyndham. I pray yow send me word how they spede, and how ye spede in yowr owyn materys also. Also I pray yow hertyly that ye woll send me a potte with treacle in hast; for I have ben rygth evyll att ese, and your dowghter bothe, syth that ye yeden hens, and on of the tallest younge men of this parysch lyth syke and hath a grete myrr’. How he shall do God knowyth. I have sent myn unkyll Berney[251.1] the potte with treacle that ye dede bey for hym. Myn awnte recommawndeth her to yow, and prayith yow to do for her as the byll maketh mencion of that I send you with this letter, and as ye thenk best for to do therinne.

Ser Henry Inglose is passyd to God this nygth, hoys sowle God asoyll, and was caryid forthe this day at ix. of the clok to Seynt Feythis, and ther shall be beryid. If ye desyer to bey any of hys stuff, I pray you send me word therof in hast, and I shall speke to Robert Inglose and to Wychyngham therof; I suppose thei ben executors. The blyssyd Trinyte have you in his kepyng. Wretyn at Norwyche in hast on the Thursday next after Seynt Peter.[251.2]

I pray yow trost nott to the sheryve[251.3] for no fayr langage.

Yours,

M. P.

[Footnote 250.1: [From Fenn, iii. 124.] The mention made of the death of Sir Harry Inglos at the end of this letter proves it to have been written in the year 1451. According to the inquisition _post mortem_ 29 Hen. VI., No. 9, he died on the 1st July 1451, which corresponds exactly with ‘the Thursday next after St. Peter,’ the day this letter was written.]

[Footnote 250.2: _See_ p. 224, Note 2.]

[Footnote 251.1: Philip Berney.]

[Footnote 251.2: St. Peter’s day was the 29th June.]

[Footnote 251.3: John Jermyn was sheriff of Norfolk and Suffolk this year.]

202

ABSTRACT[252.1]

SIR J. FASTOLF to SIR THOMAS HOWYS, Parson of Castlecombe.

[Sidenote: 1451(?) / JULY 20]

Has received his letter by Herry Hansson. Does not think he authorised Howys to have Andrews and his other adversaries noted and corrected at _oyer and determyner_; but if there was any letter to that effect, F. will bear him out. Thinks even if there was any letter to that effect sent by negligence, Howys should have taken counsel, and he would not have been sued for conspiracy. If Andrews and the others had been sued in Suffolk instead of Norfolk, they could have had no grounds of action.

London, 20 July.

[John Andrews was one of Heydon’s adherents who gave trouble to Fastolf and his friends on more than one occasion; but this letter seems to have reference to the proceedings taken against several of that faction in 1451.]

[Footnote 252.1: [From MS. Phillipps, 9735, No. 258.]]

203

ABSTRACT[252.2]

SIR JOHN FASTOLF TO JOHN BERNEY, SIR THOS. HOWYS, AND WALTER SHIPDAM.

[Sidenote: 1451 / SEPT.]

Begs them to hasten Rob. Boothe to London. Hears that the _oyer and termyner_ is to be at Norwich on Thursday[252.3] after Holyrood day, and that Will. Yelverton, justice, is to be there. Ascertain, therefore, how the substantial men of Norwich are inclined in my matter against Appulzerd, and take Paston’s advice in proceeding. Is advised to send John Bokkyng or Will. Barker to them before the time. Bids them send an indenture of Cornelys Floryson about wheat and malt. Has arrested the ship. As to the matter against Applierd, if Todenham, Heydon, Wymondham, &c., or any of them, will labour for their acquittal against me in the Lady Bardolf’s matter, you must oppose it. Trusts the present mayor and his predecessor know what he has done for the town, and Will. Jenney and his brother can testify to Applierd’s demeanour. You must get a copy of the indictment, lest he deny the presentment. Sends a lease of Lady Sterburgh’s part and Bardolf’s, made by Wichingham and Blake, and a confirmation of Sir Reynold Cobham,[253.1] and the said Lady Sterburgh his wife, &c. Commend me to my Lord of Ely[253.2] and my Lord of Oxford if they be there, and my coz. Yelverton, and ask my Lord of Norwich for tidings of Hikelyng. ‘Item, blessed be God of his visitation! I have been sore sick and am well amended, and trust to our Lord to see you hastily and other of my friends.’

(_Signature not F.’s own._)

[Footnote 252.2: [From MS. Phillipps, 9735, No. 233.] From the reference to the date of the _oyer and termyner_ mentioned in this letter, it is clear that it was written in the same year as the letter following, and probably a few days earlier.]

[Footnote 252.3: September 16th, Holy Rood day being the 14th.]

[Footnote 253.1: Sir Reginald Cobham of Sterborough in Surrey, father of the notorious Eleanor Cobham.]

[Footnote 253.2: Thomas Bourchier, afterwards Archbishop of Canterbury.]

204

ABSTRACT[253.3]

SIR JOHN FASTOLF TO JOHN A BERNEY, JOHN PASTON, AND SIR THOMAS HOWYS.

[Sidenote: 1451 / SEPT. 14]

As the _oyer and termyner_ is to be at Norwich on Thursday next,[253.4] sends John Bokkyng to wait upon his counsel there to see to his matter against Appulzerd. They are to spare no cost to bring it to a good end, especially the bill of maintenance against Appulzerd, who was the greatest cause that the inquest passed against F. so untruly.

(_Signature not F.’s own._)

London, 14 Sept. 30 Hen. VI.

[Footnote 253.3: [From MS. Phillipps, 9735, No. 251.]]

[Footnote 253.4: 16th September.]

205

SIR JOHN FASTOLF TO SIR THOMAS HOWES[253.5]

_To my trusty frendys, Sir Thomas Howys, Parson of Castellcombe, beyng at Castre._

[Sidenote: 1451 / SEPT. 23]

Ryght trusty frendys, I grete you well. Item where as the Bysshop of Norwych[253.6] makyth but delayes in my resonable desyre for an eende to be had in the xxv. marc of Hykelyng, y am uppon a appoyntement and throw wyth the heyr of Clyfford, that he shall entree in the hole maner that ys chargeable wyth my xxv. marc rent, which the Pryour and Convent have forfeted the seid hole manor to the heyers undre her Convent seele of record, because of myne nonne payment of xxv. marc; and so then the Pryour shall lese for ever iiij^xx [_four score_] marc of rent, and that wythout onye concience, for they have be fals both to the Clyffordys and to me thys vij. yeere day. And y trust to God to correct hem so by spirituell law and temporell law, that all othyr Relygyoux shall take an example to breke the covenant or wille of anye benefactor that avauncyth hem wyth londs, rents, or gode; and my confessours have exorted me gretely ther too. And Almyghty God kepe you. Wryt at London, the xxiij. day of September anno xxxº R. H. VI.

JOHN FASTOLF, Kt.

There is one Walsam wold desyre acquitaunce of pardon for the wydow of Hygham, I hafe no cause, for hyr husband left hyr whereoff to pay hyr debts suffisaunt, and for me he ferre the better. The wydow noysyth you, Sir Thomas, that ye sold a wey salt but for xx_s._ that she might hafe had xl_s._ for every wey, I pray you aunswer that for your acquytaille.

Item, sende me the value of Goold ys tenement in Drayton, wyth xx. acres lond therto, what it was worth yeerly when it stode hoole; for Sellyng seith it was worth but j. noble by yeer.

[Footnote 253.5: [From Fenn, iii. 132.]]

[Footnote 253.6: Walter Lyhart or Hart.]

206

RICHARD SOUTHWELL TO JOHN PASTON[254.1]

_To my mastir, John Paston, Esquier._

[Sidenote: 1451 / DEC. 18]

Right worshippful sir, I recomaunde me unto you. And please it you to witte of oure newe tydinges here; as this day com writing both to my Lorde[254.2] and to my Lady from London, that there be certein lettres directed to my Lorde from my Lady his moder,[255.1] and diverse other Lordes for to have Danyell[255.2] in his favour a geyne, and as it is supposed by the meanes of the Duc of Somersette,[255.3] for he hath ben right conversaunte with hym all this quarter of this yere. And also thei that sente this writing sayn playnly that the Lorde Skales is gode lorde to hym, and that he hath promysed hym to make Sir Thomas Tudenham, Heydon, and hym accorded, and other men in the cuntre, and that he shall be suffred to entre in to Brayston, and kepe it to th’entente that the cuntre shall thinke, and my Lord also, that he hathe grete favour amonge the Lordes of the Counsell, and cause men to fere hym the more. Whethir it be thus or non I can not say; never the lesse me thinketh ye shall sone knowe if Mounford will agree that he shall entre in to Brayston, and if that be trewe, all the remenant shall seme the more likly.

I pray you brenne this letter when ye have redde it. My Lorde and my Lady sayn ye shall be right welcome and ye will se theym this Crisemasse. I reporte me to your wisdom, and God have you in his keping. Writon at Framlyngham, the xviij. day of Decembre.

RIC. SOUTHWELL.

[Footnote 254.1: [From Fenn, iii. 366.] This letter must have been written in 1451. It appears from No. 119 that Daniel entered the manor of Brayston or Braydeston during the sitting of the Parliament at Leicester in the spring of 1450. He was dispossessed by Mundford and Heydon on the 7th September following, but he entered the place a second time in the 30th year of Henry VI., _i.e._ some time between the 1st September 1451 and the 31st August 1452. In this letter it is anticipated that he will be enabled to enter the place by his influence with Lord Scales and the Duke of Somerset. This cannot refer to his first entry, as Somerset was in France for a long time before.]

[Footnote 254.2: John Mobray, Duke of Norfolk, married Ellenor, daughter of William Bourchier, Earl of Ewe, in Normandy.--F.]

[Footnote 255.1: Catharine, daughter of Ralph, Earl of Westmoreland, and widow of John Mowbray, Duke of Norfolk.--F.]

[Footnote 255.2: Thomas Daniel, Esq., was Constable of Rising Castle, and married Margaret, sister of John Howard, afterwards Duke of Norfolk.--F.]

[Footnote 255.3: Edmund Beaufort.]

207

AGNES PASTON TO JOHN PASTON[255.4]

_To John Paston dwyllyng in the Tempyll at London be this letter delyverid in haste._

[Sidenote: 1451 or later / NOV.]

I gret zou well, and lete zou wete that Warne Harman on the Sonday after Hallumesday after ensong seyd oponly in the cherch zerde that he wyst wyll that and the Wall were puddoun, thou he were an hundryd myle fro Paston he wyste well that I wolde sey he ded yt and he xuld bere the blame, seying Telle yte here ho so wyll, thou it xuld coste me xx. nobyllys it xall be puddoun azen. And the seyd Warnys wyfe with a lowd vosse seyd All the deuyllys of hell drawe her sowle to hell for the weye that she hat mad. And at euyn a sertyn man suppyd with me and tolde me that the patent[256.1] grantyt to closse but a perch on bred, and that I had clossyd more than the grant of the patent is as men seyd. And John Marchall tolde me that there was a thryfty woman come forby the watteryng and fond the weye stoppyde and askyd hym ho had stoppyd the weye, and he seyd, they that had pore to zeue it, and askyd here Wat was freer than zyfte, and he seyd she sey the day that Paston men wold not asofferyd that. And God be with zou. Wretyn at Paston on Monday after Hallumys day.

Be zour modyr,

ANNES PASTON.

[Footnote 255.4: [Add. MS. 34,888, f. 76.] This letter is evidently of the same year as Nos. 194 and 196, which must be 1451 at the earliest.]

[Footnote 256.1: The patent granted to her husband in 1443 (21 Hen. VI.). _See_ Introduction.]

[[_See_ Introduction. _printed in Roman (non-Italic) type_]]

208

OSBERT MUNDFORD TO JOHN PASTON[256.2]

_To Right Worshipful sir and my gode maister Johan Paston, escuier, &c._

[Sidenote: 1452 / FEB. 9]

Right worshipful Sir, and my Right gode Maister, I Recommaunde to yow with al myne hert. Plese yow that I have understanden that Daniel hath entred in to Brayston, and put owte my servantes and dispoiled my godes, notwithstandinge I am here in the Kinges service and under his proteccion, which was shewed him; for the whiche owtrage I write to the King at this tyme and to other my gode lordes, for to be kepte in my pocession, and to be restored again to my godes. And if so be that I may not have my pocession ayene and be restored to my godes as I desire, I wol take an accion be your avis of forsable entre in my name and my wifes for owre title, &c., and an accion of trespasse for dispoiling of my godes ayenst him and al tho that were helpinge or consenting therto, &c., and assisse of a novel Disseson in my sonnes name, Johan of Berney, for to trye the title and ende debate with Goddes help and youres, &c.; for the whiche matere I write unto my fader, to myne Eme[257.1] Adam, to my Cosyn Fyncheham, to Edmond Piers, and to other divers of my frendes to be my helpers in thes mater in myne absence. For I may not come nor I wol not come, though I shulde lese al Brayston, and it were myne, considering that the enemyes drawen dailly hedirward, as it is openly said, &c. Wherfore I praye yow, as my ful trust is in yow, to tendre this matere in myne absence. And that it shal plese yow to recommaund me to my worshipful maistresse and gossip, your wif. And my maistresse recommaundes her vnto yow, and to her worshipful nece, and to al youres. Prayinge Almighty God to have yow in his kepinge and sende yow right gode lif and longe, after your awne hertes desire. And, Sir, if it plese yow to come to Calais with the king, ye shul have a stope of bere to comforte yow after your travaille of the see. And if ther be any service that ye wol commaund me to do for you here, ye shul fynde me your owne man. Written at Calais, the ix^e. day of Feveree, &c.--Your awne seruant,

OSBERNE MUNDEFORD.

[Footnote 256.2: [Add. 34,888, f. 79.] It appears by No. 119 that Daniel entered the manor of Braydeston, or Brayston, first during the time of the Parliament at Leicester, 28 Hen. VI. (_i.e._ May or June 1450), and a second time during the thirtieth year of the King, _i.e._ 1451-2. As this letter is dated February, 1452 must be the year.]

[Footnote 257.1: ‘Eme,’ _i.e._ uncle.]

209

JOHN CLOPTON TO JOHN PASTON[258.1]

_Unto myn right worshipfull sir, John Paston._

[Sidenote: 1452 / APRIL 1]

Right worshipfull Sire and myn good maister, I recomaund me unto you, thankyng you of your gentilness chewed unto me; praying you of contenuance as myn full trust is. Furthermore, and it please you to be atte aleyser un Seynt Markis day next comyng and to be at Thetford, myn brodir Tyrell and I wole awayte uppon you ther for the matere ye woet of. And I praye you to hold me excused that I myght not kepe myn day in the Passion wike, for in good feight I was so occupied I myght not. And, Sire, yif this day may be hol . . I praye you sendith me woord that I myght send warnyng to the todir party. Also, Sire, I have warned your atteynt accordyng to your comawndment. Sir, the kyng hath sent unto me by Howard to be frendly to the lord Moleyns; not with stondyng myn service shall be redy at your comawndement in that matere er any othir by the grace of God, Who preserve you, body and sowle. Wreten at Melford, the furste day of Aprill.

Be youris,

J. CLOPTON.

[Footnote 258.1: [Add. MS. 34,888, f. 60.] The date of this letter must no doubt be referred to the year when the writer was Sheriff of Norfolk and Suffolk, which he was from November 1451 to 1452.]

210

PROCLAMATION BY THE DUKE OF NORFOLK[258.2]

The Duc of Norffolk

[Sidenote: 1452 / [APRIL]]

Be hit knowen to alle the Kyngs trewe liege peple, the cause of our comynge in to this contre ys, by the comandement of the Kynge our soverayn Lorde, for to enquer of suche gret riotts, extorcyons, oryble wrongis and hurts as his Highnesse ys credybyly enformyd ben don in this contre, and to know in serteyne, by yow that knowe the trowthe, by what persone or personys the seyde gret riotts, extorcions, oryble wrongis and hurts be done. Wherfor we charge yow alle, on the Kyngs behalve our soverayne Lorde, that ze spar neyther for love, drede, ne fer that ze have to any persone of what estat, degre, or condicion he be, but that ze sey the soth by whome suche offences be done, and that ze spar no man that ze knowe gilty; and be the feyth that we owe to our soverayn Lorde, they schal be chastysid after ther desert, and hit reformyd as lawe requyrith.

Also hit ys opunly puplysschid that serteyne servaunts of the Lord Scales schulde in his name manasse and put men in feer and drede to compleyne to us at this tyme of the seide hurts and greves, seynge that we wolde abyde but a schort tyme her, and aftir our departynge he wolde have the rewle and governaunce as he hath had affore tyme. We lete yow wete that nexst the Kynge our soverayn Lord, be his good grace and lycence, we woll have the princypall rewle and governance throwh all this schir, of whishe we ber our name whyls that we be lyvynge, as ferre as reson and lawe requyrith, hoso ever will grutche or sey the [contrary[259.1]]; for we woll that the Lord Scales, Sir Thomas Tudenham, Sir Mylis Stapylton, and John Heydon have in knowleche, thowh our persone be not dayly her, they schal fynde our power her at all tymes to do the Kynge our soverayn Lord servyse, and to support and mayntene yow alle in your right that ben the Kyngs trewe lige men. For hit may non ben seyde nay, but that her hath ben the grettest riotts, orryble wrongs and offences done in thise partyes by the seide Lord Scales, Thomas Tudenham, Mylis Stapilton, John Heydon, and suche as ben confedred on to theym that evir was seen in our dayes; and most myschiffe throwh ther maliciouse purpose lyke to have fallyn amonge the Kyngs trewe liege peple now late at Norwiche, ne had we better providid therfor. And also that God fortunyd us to withstande ther seyde malicious and evill disposid purpose.

Wherfor makith billiz of your grevance, and come to us, and we schal brynge yow to the Kynges presence our selfe, whos presence wyll be her in all the hast with the mercy of God, and see the reformacion ther of his owyn persone.

[Footnote 258.2: [From Fenn, iii. 248.] The intended royal visit to Norfolk mentioned in the end of this proclamation appears to tally best with the date of April 1452, when, it will also be seen from the letters following, the Duke of Norfolk was at Framlingham, hearing complaints from the gentlemen of Norfolk.]

[Footnote 259.1: Indicated by Fenn as illegible in MS.]

[[by whome suche offences de done _text has “be done”_]]

211

SOME GENTLEMEN OF NORFOLK TO [THE SHERIFF?][260.1]

[Sidenote: 1452 / APRIL 23]

Right wurchipfull, we commawnd us to yow. Please it yow to wete that we and other jentilmen of the shyer of Norffolk hath be in purpose assewyd [_have sued_] to the hygh and myghty Prynce and owr ryght gode Lord the Duke of Norffolk to Framlyngham, to have enformyd his Highnesse of dyvers assaughtes and ryottes made be Charles Nowell and other ageyn the Kyngs lawe and peas, withowte any cause or occacion, up on John Paston and other of owre kynne, frendes and neyghborys, ne had be that dayly this x. days it hath be do us to wete that his Highnesse shuld come in to Norwych or Claxton, we not beyng in certeyn yet whedyr he shall remeve; praying yow as we trust, that ye woll tender the welfare of this shyer and of the jentylmen ther in, that ye woll lete owr seyd Lord have knowyng of owr entente in this, and after to send us answher wheder it please his Highnesse we shuld come to his presens, and in what place, or to send owr compleynt to hym if mor informacion be thowch behoffull, trostyng to his gode Lordshep of remedy in this mater; whiche do [i.e. _done_], semyth us, shall be owr seyd Lordys honur and gret rejoyng to all the jentylmen of the shyer, and cause the peas to be kept her after be the grace of God, how have yow in hys blyssed kepyng. Wretyn at Norwyche, on Seynt Georgys day.

SIR JOHN HEVENYNGHAM. JOHN FERRERS. THO. GURNAY.

JOHN GROOS. W. ROKEWODE. JOHN BAKON, Senior. JOHN BAKON, Junior.[261.1]

J. PAGRAVE. ROBT. MORTIMER. NICHOLAUS APPILYARD.

[Footnote 260.1: [From Paston MSS., B.M.] There are two copies of this paper, besides a draft written on the back of that which follows. The date both of this and of the two following letters will be seen by comparing them with No. 217 following.]

[Footnote 261.1: The names subscribed thus far are in the same handwriting as the document. Those below may perhaps be autograph signatures, although the names of Pagrave and Mortimer are in a hand much like that of John Paston.]

212

JOHN PASTON TO [THE SHERIFF OF NORFOLK?][261.2]

[Sidenote: 1452 / APRIL 23]

Reverent and ryth wurshepfull sir, and my god maister, I recommaund me to yow. Plese yow to wete that Charles Nowell with odir hath in this cuntre mad many riot and sautes; and, among othir, he and v. of his felachip set upon me and mo (?) of my servants at the Chathedrall chirch of Norwich, he smyting at me, whilis on of his felawis held myn armes at my bak, as the berer herof shall mor playnly inform yow. Whech was to me strawnge cas, thinking in my conseyth that I was my Lords man and his homagier, or Charlis knew hys Lordschipe, that my Lord was my god Lord, and that I had be with my Lord at London within viij. [days?][261.3] bey for Lent, at which tyme he grantyd my his god lordship, so lagerly [_largely_] that it must cause me ever to be his trew servant to myn pow[er]. I thowt also that I had never geff cawse to non of my Lords hous to ow me evill will, ne that ther was non of the hows but I wold have do fore as I cow (_sic_) desir anioone (?) to do for me, and yet will except my adversare; and thus I and my frendes haff miusid of this and thowt he was hard to do thus. And this notwithstanding, assone as knolech was had of my Lords coming to Framlingham, I never attemptid to precede ageyns hym as justis and law wuld, but to trust to my seyd Lord that his Hyghnes wold se this punischichid (_sic_), and desirid my master (?) H. . . . . . mi cosin (?) Tymperle, the dene and odir to (?)[262.1] and dayly hath be redy with such jentilmen as dwelle here abought that can record the trought to have come (_sic_) compleyn to my Lord; but we have had contynually tydynges of my Lordes comyng heder that causid us for to abide ther up un, besechyng your gode maystershep that ye wull lete my Lord have knowlech of my compleynt. And that ye wull tender the gode spede of the entente of the letteris wretyn to you fro jentilmen of this shire. Prayng yow that ye woll yeve credens to the berer herof, and be his gode mayster in cas any man make any qwarell to hym. And what that I may do be your comaundment shall be redi with the grace of God, how have in his blissid kepyng. Wretyn at Norwhich, un Seynt Georges day.

[Footnote 261.2: [From Paston MSS., B.M.] This is printed from a rough draft in John Paston’s handwriting, on the back of which is a draft of the preceding letter. The date of both letters is the same. The reading of particular words in this draft is very uncertain, owing to the cramped handwriting used in corrections and interlineations, and the manner in which several of the words are abbreviated.]

[Footnote 261.3: Word omitted.]

[Footnote 262.1: The preceding words from ‘and desirid’ are a peculiarly illegible interlineation, and do not appear to form a consecutive sense along with the passage following. Perhaps the words ‘and daily hath’ should have been erased, which would make the connection intelligible.]

213

JOHN PASTON TO ----[262.2]

[Sidenote: 1452 / APRIL]

Ryth worchepfull sir and cosyn, I recommaund me to yow, [and] pray yow that ye will in mi behalf inform my Lord of the domag of Charlis Nowell to meward, withow occacion gef on min part, as the berer herof knoweth (?).[262.3] I am and was my Lords man and homagier, or the seyd Charlis knew my Lord, and will do my Lord sech servis as I can, and that ye will tendre the god sped of the mater of the letter direct to you from serteyn jentilmen of thes shir, with whech jentilmen or odir to bere recor of this thowt, I have bene dayly toward my Lord to compleyne to his Lorship, but the continuall tydings of my seyd Lords coming heder hath cawsid us to awayt ther opon. Beseching yow, cosine, as my trust is in yow, that ye will help to kepe the god rewll of thes shir, and my por honeste, and geff credens to the berer herof, and be his god master if any querel be mad to him. And what I may do for you, I am and ever shall be redi to do it be the grace of God, hoo ----

[Footnote 262.2: [From Paston MSS., B.M.] This letter, like the preceding, is from a rough draft in Paston’s handwriting. It is clearly of the same date as the two last, or perhaps a day or two later. There is nothing to show with certainty who was the person addressed; but we should think it was probably Sir John Fastolf.]

[Footnote 262.3: The reading is very uncertain, being partly interlined in a very cramped hand, partly corrected in the text.]

214

THE SHERIFF OF NORFOLK TO THE KING AND COUNCIL[263.1]

_To the Kyng and the Lordes of his Councell._

[Sidenote: 1452 / [APRIL 30]]

I John Clopton, Shereffe of Norffolk, certifie that wher oon John Falyate and othre were take within the hundred of Blofeld in the seid shire, and led to the castell of Framlyngham in the counte of Suffolk, I, the forseid Shereffe, be the comaundement of my Lord of Norffolk, the last day of Aprill receyved at the seid castell a bille of divers knowlech and confessyons which were enformyd me shuld have be mad in the presens of my seid Lords Councell be Roger Chirch and othre, which the seid John Falyate, as it was enformed me, shuld have confessid to have be trewe. After which bille receyved and be me red and understand, callyng befor me the seid John Falyate and alle othre that where examyned, except the seyd Roger Chirch, in the presens of divers of my Lords Councell there, I red to the seid John Falyate the tale comprised in the seid bille seid be the seid Roger Chirch, demawndyng hym of the trought her of; wherto he answered, and seid that he wust wele ther was no wey with hym but deth, and therfore, as he wuld answer afore God, he wuld sey the trought, and seid that the substaunce of the tale told be the seid Roger Chirch was untrewe, and feyned and imagyned be the same Chirch, and that he never had knowleched that the tale to be trewe. Neverthelesse he seid that he was with a felesshep gadered undre Possewykwode be the prokeryng of the seid Chirch, which feleshep, whan thei were all togeder, passid not the nombre of xv. persones. And that the seid Chirch wast the furst that ever mevid hym for to come theder, seying that he shuld have feleshep i nowe and do goode, for he was balyffe of the hundred, and be colour of his office he shuld send in men i now, and that he knew a gode name for her capteyn, that shuld be John Amend Alle. More over I the seid Shereffe asked the seid Falyate if thei whan thei wer to geder spoke of Paston and othre gentilmen named in the seid bille to have assisted hem; and he seid pleynly nay, but that thei and othre thryfty men were noysid be the seid Chirch and be his councellores sith the tyme of the gaderyng of the seid feleshep, and never was spokyn of ther. In like wyse seid othre that were examyned in the seid bille.

[Footnote 263.1: [From Paston MSS., B.M.] John Clopton was Sheriff of Norfolk from Michaelmas 1451 to Michaelmas 1452.]

215

JOHN OSBERN TO JOHN PASTON[264.1]

_To my right reverent and worchepful maister John Paston in the Iner In of the Temple be this delyverid in hast._

[Sidenote: 1452 / MAY 14]

Please it your maisterchep to weete that John Reyner and Nicholas Strecok of Sparham have gete a respyte of Nicholas Byschop for the distresse that the seid Byschop had take, as ye knowe wele, tyl seche tyme as ye may speke wyth Symond Blake for the trought of the mater; not wythstandyng this respite myght never be gete tyll that Byschop had a reward of mony; it is told me he toke viij_d._ for hese reward. The dryvers ought of the catell fro Sparham ground to Lyng grownd were Hugo Sadde of Baldeswell, Byschoppis man, Nicholas Gatesend, Roberd Joye, Jacobis Baxter of Lyng. James Gloys hath a bill of the tyme and day. I pray your maisterchep to know that on Fryday in the afftyr none I spak with my lord of Norwiche in hese chamber more than the space of j. owre and ther I dede to hym myn erand that ye commaunded me for to a do to chalanches, and when my lord woost that ye were to London he was right sory that he had not a spoke wyth yow or that ye reden; he told me that he had iij. letters fro my lord of Norffolk the day before. Alle I wet wel were they not for yowre mater of Charlys Nowell. Aftyer that he had told me of these letteris he askid me how ye dede. I sayde wel, for I trostid to my lord of Norffolkis lordchep and ritewesnesse that he wold see that Charles shuld be sharply correctyd for hese trespasse and mysrewle, or ellis the jentelmen of the shire must to giddyer purvey anodyer meane; and he seid it wold never odyerwyse be, but if he had spoke wyth yow or ye redyn to London he hopid be your avys he shuld a perveyd a meane to a set that in correccion, and also the trobyl for the maner of Brayston, for that was cause of all. For he seide he had spoke wyth my lord Skales and he is wel disposid to yow and vn the best wyse and wel do . . . yow that he can, so that he wold forsake Danyell. This was seyde in a diswere, savyng he told me he must . . . . pleayne he told me many more thyngges and tales I pray you of your maistechep (_sic_) hold me excusid that I wryte hem [not], but they were not alle of gret substans, &c. I had gret cher, he comaunded me to be had into the seler, and for to drynk wyne and ale bothe; and so I had and goode chere. My mastras recomendith her to yow and pray yow that ye wol do the cost vn my mastras Margery for to do make her a new gyrdyl a yens Witsontyde, for she shal never have, my mastras seith, till she hath nede; and my mastras prayith yow to send her tydyngges, as hastely as ye may, how ye do in your maters. The Holy Trenyte have yow in hese kepyng. Wrete at Norwiche the xiiij. day of Maii.

Be your seruaunt,

JOHN OSBERN.

[Footnote 264.1: [Add. MS. 34,888, f. 83.] The reference to the outrages of Charles Nowell, the bailiff of Bradeston, and the trouble about that manor, show that this letter must be of the year 1452.]

216

MARGARET PASTON TO JOHN PASTON[266.1]

_To my rygth wirchipfel hosbond, John Paston, be this delyverid in hast._

[Sidenote: 1452 / JULY 4]

Ryth worshipfull hosbond, I recommawnd me to yow, desyryng hertyly to her of your welfar, praying yow that ye woll send me word in hast how ye be agreid with Wychyngham and Inglose[266.2] for that mater that ye spake to me of at your departyng; for if I shuld purvey other wood or hey, it shuld be bowgth best chepe be twixt this and Seynt Margretys messe,[266.3] as itt is told me. As for Applyard, he com not yett to this town syn he com from London. I have sent to Sir Bryse to lete me have knowleche when he comyth to town, and he hath promysid that I shall have knowleche, and when he comyth I shall do your commawndement. My moder bad me send yow word that Waron Herman hath dayly fyshid hyre water all this yer, and therfor she prayith yow to do therfor while ye be att London as ye thynk best.

Chyrche[266.4] of Byrlyngham was toke and browte to the castell yisterday be the Beshopys men, and all his godys ben seysid for that he owyth to the Boshop. And the seid Chirche seyth as for that he hath seyd of hem that he hath appelyd befor this tyme, he woll awow itt and abyd therby; and seyth that he woll appele one that hath mor nobelys than they have all that he hath spoke of yett, and that shall avayll the King more than they have all that he hath speke of yett; but what he is, he woll not name tyll he know mor. I trow but if that be the grett labour made ayens hym, he is lyke to have grett favour of hem that have be his supportors. Men thenk that have spoke with hym that he hopeth to have good helpe. I pray God that the trewth mote be knowyn.

I pray yow that ye woll vouchesaff to send me an other sugor loff, for my old is do; and also that ye well do make a gyrdill for your dowgter, for she hath nede therof. The blyssid Trinyte have yow in his kepyng. Wretyn at Norwyche in hast, on the Tewysday next befor Seynt Thomas day.[267.1]

Paper is deynty.[267.2]

Yours,

M. P.

[Footnote 266.1: [From Fenn, iv. 14.] What is said in this letter about Church of Burlingham clearly shows that it belongs to the same year as the last and the letters following.]

[Footnote 266.2: _See_ p. 251.]

[Footnote 266.3: 20th July.]

[Footnote 266.4: Roger Church. --_See_ p. 263.]

[Footnote 267.1: Translation of St. Thomas, Apostle, 7th July.]

[Footnote 267.2: Fenn says that the letter is written upon a piece of paper nearly square, out of which a quarter had been cut before the letter was written.]

217

INFORMATION OF OUTRAGES[267.3]

[Sidenote: 1452]

Charlys Nowel, Otywell Nowell, Robert Ledeham, John the sone of Hogge Ratkleff, Robert Dallyng, Herry Bangge, Roger Cherche, Nicholas Goldsmyth, Robert Taylor, Christofer Grenescheve, ----[267.4] Dunmowe, Elis Dokworth, Christofer Bradle, Jon Cokkow, assemblyng and gadderyng to hem gret multitude of mysrewled people, kepe a frunture and a forslet at the hows of the seid Robert Ledeham, and issu ought at her pleser, sumtyme vj., sumtyme xij., sumtyme xxx^ti and mo, armed, jakked, and salattyd with bowis, arwys, speris, and bylles, and over ride the contre and oppresse the people, and do many orible and abhomynable dedis lyke to be distruccion of the shire of Norffolk, wythoute the Kyng owre Sovereyn Lord seth it redressid.

Un Mydlent Soneday[267.5] certeyn of the seid felechep in the chirche of Byrlyngham made a fray upon tweyne of the servauntes of the reverent fadyr in Godde, Byschop of Norwiche,[267.6] the seid servaunts at that tyme knelyng to see the usyng of the Masse; and there and than the seid felechep wold have kelled the seid two servauntes at the prestis bakke, ne had they be lettyd, as it semed.

[268.1][Item, un the Moneday[268.2] next before Esterne daye, sex of the seid persones made a saute upon John Paston and hese two servauntes at the dore of the cathedrall cherche of Norweche, wyth swerdes, bokeler, and dagareis drawe smet at the seid Paston, on of them holdyng the seid Paston be bothe armes at hese bakke, as it semyth purposyng there to have morderid the seid Paston and they had not a be lettyd; and also smet on of the servaunts of the seid Paston upon the naked hed wyth a swerd, and poluted the seyntewary.]

Item, on the Monday[268.2] next before Esterne day, x. of the seid persones lay in awayte in the hey weye undyr Thorp Woode up on Phelep Berney, Esquier, and hese man, and shet at hem and smet her hors wyth arwes, and then over rede hym and brake a bowe on the said Phelippis hed and toke hym presoner, callyng hym traytor. And when they had kepte hym as long as thei lyst, thei led hym to the seyd Byshop of Norwiche and askid of hym swerte of the peas, and forwyth relessid her suerte and went her way.

Item, iij. of the seid felechep lay unawayte upon Emond Brome, jentelman, and with nakid swerds fawte wyth hym be the space of a quarter of a owre and toke hym presoner; and when they had kepte hym as long as they lyst, lete hym goo.

Item, xl^ti of the same felechep come rydyng to Norwiche jakked, and salettyd, with bowys and arwys, byllys, gleves, un Maundy Thursday,[268.3] and that day aftyr none, when service was doo, they, in lyke wyse arrayid, wold have brake up the Whyte Freris dores, where,[268.4] seying that they came to here evesong; howbeit that they made her avaunt in towne they shuld have sum men owt of town (?), qwhyke or deede; and there made a gret rumor, where the mayre and the aldermen, with gret multitude of peple, assembled, and therupon the seyd felischep departid.

Item, dyvers tymes serteyn of the seid felechep have take fro John Wylton, wythoute any cause, hese net, hese shep, and odyr cattell, and summe there of have saltyd and eten, sume thereof have aloyned,[269.1] so that the seid Wylton wot not where for to seke hese bestes; and un the morwe[269.2] next aftyr Esterne day last past, they toke fro hym xj. bestis, and kepte hem two dayis wythowte any cause.

Item, in lyke wyse they have do to John Coke and Kateryn Wylton.

Item, in lyke wyse they have take the goodys and catelles of Thomas Baret and many odyr.

Item, certeyn of the seid felechep late made a sawte upon John Wylton in Plumsted cherche yerd, and there beete hym so the [_that_] he was [in] dowth of his liff.

Item, in lyke wyse upon John Coke of Wytton, brekyng up hese dores at xj. of the clok in the nyght, and with her swerdis maymed hym and gaf hym vij. grete woyndis. Item, smet the modyr of the seid Coke, a woman of iiij^xx [_four score_] yeres of age, upon the crowne of the heed wyth a swerd, wheche wownde was never hol to the daye of her deth.

Item, the seyd Dunmowe, on of the seid feleche[p], now lete beet the parson of Hasyngham, and brake hese hed in hese owne chauncell.

[269.3][Item iii^xx [_three score_] of the seid felechep, arayid as men of werre, now late enterd with fors upon Phelep Berney and dissesid hym of the maner of Rokelandtoftys, wheche darnot, for feer of mordyr, reentre hese owne londe; how be it, he and hese aunseters have be pesibely possessid therof many yeris.]

Item, Alredis sone of Erll Some, fast be Framyngham, un the Saterday[269.4] next before Palme Soneday last past was pullid ought of a hows and kyllid. Whedyr any of the seid felechep were there or not men kan not sey, there be of hem so many of wheche many be unknowe people.

Item, the seid felechep make seche affrayis in the contre abowte the seid Ledehams place, and so frayith the people that dyvers persones for feer of mordyr darnot abyde in her howses, ne ride, ne walke abowte ther ocupacions, wyth owte they take gretter people abowte hem then acordith to her degre, wheche they wol not do in evel exaumple gevyng.

Item, the seid felechep of a fer cast maleys and purpose now late toke Roger Cherche, on of ther owne felechep, be hese owne assent, wheche Roger Cherche be her assent had movid and sterid a rising in the hundred of Blofeld, and hath confessed hym self to be at that arysyng, and hath enbylled, as it is seid, divers jentelmen and the most part of the trysty yomen and husbondis and men of good name and fame of the hundred abowte the seid Ledehams place, where the seid felechep is abydyng, and nameth hem wyth odyr suspecious people for risers, to the entent to hide and cover her awn gylt, and to holde them that be trw men and innosent in that mater in a dawnger and feer that they shuld not gader peopell, ner atempte to resiste ther riotows governauns of the seid reotows felechep.

[270.1][Item, it is conceyved that if the seyd riotows felechep, and they that drawe to them were dewly examyned, it shuld be knowe that if there were any seche rysyng, it was conjectyd, don, imagened, and labored be the seid reotows felechep and be ther meanes; for aswele the seid Cherche, as dyvers of the most suspeciows persones be the seid Cherche enbelled for rysers, as it is seid, be and have be of long tyme dayly in compeny wyth the seid reotows felechep.

Item, on of the seid felechep of late tyme, as it is seide, to encresse her maliciows purpose, hath proferid rewardis and goode to anodyr persone for to take upon hym to apele certeyn persones, and afferme the seying of the seid Roger Cherche.]

In wytnesse of these premesses, dyvers knytes and esquieres, and jentelmen whos names folwen, wheche knowe this mater be seying, heryng, or credible reporte, to this wrytyng have set her seall, besechyng your Lordcheppis to be meanes to the Kyng owre sovereyn Lord for remedy in this behalve. Wrete, &c.

On the lower margin of this paper, and on the back are scrawled a few additional memoranda, of which the following are the most important. One paragraph, which is in the handwriting of John Paston, is so carelessly written that the names contained in it are quite uncertain.

Memorandum, that Jon, sone of Roger Ratkliff, bet T. Baret, and Beston and Robyn Taylor tok and imprysonyd Thomas Byrdon of Ly[n]gwode. Item, Robert Dalling bet Nicholas Chirch at Stromsaw Chirch. Memorandum of manassing of the quest at Hengham. Item, Robert Dallyng bete Thomas Dallyng.

Roger att Chirche, Robert Dallyng and Herry Bang with other went with fors and armys, and fechid William Clippisby oute of his faders hous, and brought hym to the town of Walsham, and kept hym there ij. days and ij. nytys, and fro thens had hym to Romgey (?), and there inpresonyd hym and made hym [give] to Eusdale (?) an oblygacion of C. libr. made after her owyn desyr.]

[Footnote 267.3: [From Paston MSS., B.M.] The misdemeanours of Roger Church, who is here complained of among other malefactors, must refer to the same period as Letter 214. The date is rendered even more certain by a comparison with the letter following.]

[Footnote 267.4: Blank in MS.]

[Footnote 267.5: Midlent Sunday fell on the 19th March in 1452.]

[Footnote 267.6: Walter Lyhart or Hart.]

[Footnote 268.1: This paragraph is crossed in the MS.]

[Footnote 268.2: April 3, Easter day being the 9th April in 1452.]

[Footnote 268.3: April 6.]

[Footnote 268.4: After the word ‘where’ the original text had ‘the seid Paston dwellith,’ but these words have been struck out, and other alterations made in the paragraph.]

[Footnote 269.1: Eloined (French _éloigne_), removed to a distance.]

[Footnote 269.2: April 10.]

[Footnote 269.3: This paragraph is crossed out.]

[Footnote 269.4: April 1.]

[Footnote 270.1: These paragraphs are crossed through.]

[[had movid and sterid _text has “and and”_]]

218

A PETITION TO THE LORD CHANCELLOR[271.1]

_To the right reverent fader in God, Cardynale Archebusshop of York[271.2] and Chaunceler of Inglond._

Please it yowre gode Lordeshep to know that oon Roger Cherche, other wyse callyd Roger Bylaugh, Roger Wryte, and Roger Baly, late[271.3] was at a gaderyng and assemble of xv. persones in a feleshep under a wode in the town of Possewyke, in the counte of Norffolk, which feleshep, as it is seid be hem, was procured and gaderyd be the seid Roger Cherche and be his councelores, the same Roger seyng to summe of the same feleshep,[271.4] he had remembred a gode name for her capteyn, that shuld be John Amend Alle; and the seyd Roger aftyr the seyd gaderyng aggreyd hym self to be take and examyned be persones of his own covyne, and be color of his seid feleshep of xv. persones be hym gaderyd, enbilled divers gentilmen, and many thrifty and substanciall yomen, and thryfty husbondes, and men of gode name and fame, noysyng and diffamyng to the Kyng and his Councell that the seid gentilmen, yomen, and thryfty husbondes, with other, to the nombre of ccc. persones, shuld have mad a gaderyng and a risyng ageyn the Kynges peas under the seid wode, contrary to the trought; which is veryly conceyved to be don of malyce to put the seid gentilmen and yomen in feer and trobill that thei as wele as alle the contre shuld not be hardy to attempt, ne lette the purposyd malyce of the seid Cherche and his councellores in divers riottes, extorciouns, forsibil entreys and unlawfull disherytauns of gentilmen and other of the Kynges liege peple in the seid shire that thei dayly use, which riottes, extorcions, aswele as the seid untrewe diffamacions, causyth gret grudgyng, trobill, and comocyon in the seid shire. Please it yowre gode grace, these premysses considered, not to suffre the seid Cherche to have no pardon of the comune grace graunted be the Kyng owre soverayn Lord un Gode Fryday last past,[272.1] un to the tyme that he hath fownde sufficient suerte of wel namyd persones of the seid shire of his gode beryng; and to direct a comyssion un to such notabill persones in the seid shire as please you, to take and examyn the seid Roger Cherche, as wele as othre that them semyth necessary to examyn in this behalf, so that thei that be giltles in this may be so declared, and that thei that be gilty may be ponysshed acordyng to her demerytes; and to beseche the Kyng owre soverayn Lord in the behalf of the gentilmen of the seid shire that his Hignesse wull not take hem, ne any of hem, in conceyt to be of such rewle and disposicion up un enformacion of such a mysse rewled and encredibill man as the seid Roger. And thei shall pray to God for you.

[Footnote 271.1: [Add. Charter 17,241, B.M.] The date of this petition will be seen by a footnote.]

[Footnote 271.2: Cardinal Kemp.]

[Footnote 271.3: Here the words ‘before Crystmasse last past’ originally stood in the text, but are crossed out.]

[Footnote 271.4: Here occurs a caret referring to some illegible words in the margin.]

[Footnote 272.1: On Good Friday the 7th April 1452, Henry VI. offered general pardons for offences against himself to all who would sue them out of Chancery. --_See_ Whethamstede, 317, 319.]

219

PARTIES IN NORFOLK[273.1]

[Sidenote: 1452]

Itt is to remembre under hos rule that the gode lord[273.2] is at this day, and whiche be of his new cownseyll.

Item, that Debenham, Lee, Tymperle, and his old cownseyl and attendans, as well as the gode ladijs servawntys, be avoydyd, and Tymperle of malys apelyd of treson.

Item, that the sescionys of the pees wyth owte cause was warnyd in the myddys of hervest, to grette trobill of the contre, whiche was never se in Norffolk at seche tym of the yere; and itt was unlawfully warnyd to appere with inne iiij. or v. days after the warnyng. Howbeitt the contre was before warnyd at the shyer day to have had the sescionys the Tewysday befor Michelmes.

Item, that at the seid sescionys was non other cawse of settyng thereof declaryd but a commysyon beryng date before Estern, &c., to arest, take, and expungne traytorys and rebellys, of whiche, be Goddis grace, is no nede in this contre at this tyme, &c.

Item, be the demenyng of the seyd sescionys was verily conseyvid be the jantylmen of the shyer that it was set of purpose to have, be indytements, defowlyd seche personys as wer of the old counseyl with the seid Lord, and seche as kepe Wodhows lond, or seche as help or confort Osbern Munford, marchale of Kalys, in his rygth of the maner of Brayston, of whiche he is now late wrongfully dyssesyd,[273.3] and generally to have hurt all other that wold not folwe the oppynyons of the seyd new cownseyll; whiche malysiows purposid oppynyon the jantylmen of the seyd shyer that wer sworyn att the seyd sescions kowd not fynde in her conciens to observe, but dede the contrarye as it apperyth be here verdyte if itt be shewyd, &c. Remembre the verdyt of Brayston, &c.

And where on Roger Chirche, wyth on Robert Ledham, Charlys Nowell, John son of Hodge Ratcleff, and on Robert Dallyng had the rewle and kepyng of the seid maner of Brayston to the use of Thomas Danyell after the dyssesing of the seyd Osbern Monford, the seyd Roger be the comon ascent of his seyd felashep, be the colowre of xv. personys gadderid be the exitation of the seyd Roger Chyrche and his felashep, accusid many notable and thryfty men that were well willid to the seyd Munford for the seid maner of Brayston, to be ryseris, wher as the seyd thrifty men, as well as all that contre, hath at all tymys be pesyble and of no seche disposicion: It was purposid after the seid sescions, whan the intents of the seyd new cownseyl mygth not be executyd be indytements, than to have had the seyd Roger Chirche owte of the Kyngs gayle, seying that he shuld appele for the Kyng, and wold have do the sheryff delyverid hym owt of prison, howbeit he was comyttyd thidder be the justyse of assyse and gayle delyvere be cawse he was indyted of fellonye, and that ther apperid not suffycient inquest to delyver hym.

Item, day seth thei labour feynid materis to hurt jentilman and odir be soch acusements, &c.

Memorandum, as itt semyth be the confescion of dyvers of the seid xv. personys that thei were innocent and knew not whi thei assemelyd but only be the excitacion of the seyd Chirche and his menys, and after the tyme of that they conseyvid itt was do to no good intent, thei never medillid forther in the mater. Item, to remembre how suttely the seyd Chirche was, be his owyn assent, led to my Lord of Norffolk be his owyn felashep to the entent to accuse and defame seche as they lovyd not.

Memorandum, of the sescion at Norwich. Memorandum, of my Lord of Somerset and of the Blak frers.

Memorandum, that Charlys Nowell is baly of Brayston, and hath ther ij_d._ on the day, and of that mater growyth his malys.

Item, memorandum of them that for fer of disclosid of her falsenes acusid odyr that they shuld not be thowth gilti hemself, and labour to have the mater handlid be her frends that the trowth shuld not be triid owt.

[Footnote 273.1: [From Paston MSS., B.M.] This paper bears upon the same matters as the last, and must be attributed to the same date. The MS. is a draft, with corrections in John Paston’s handwriting.]

[Footnote 273.2: The Duke of Norfolk.]

[Footnote 273.3: Mountford was disseised of Brayston by Daniel in the spring of 1450, but recovered possession on the 23rd September. I find no note of his having been disseised again, but I should think he must have been, as this paper is certainly two years later.]

[[the gode lord[273.2] is at _footnote marker [2] invisible_]]

220

EDMUND WYCHYNGHAM TO JOHN PASTON[275.1]

_To my ryth trusty Cosyn, John Paston, escwier._

[Sidenote: 1452-3 / OCT.]

Ryth reverent and trusty Cosyn, I recomande me to zow, thankyng zow of zour good wil and counseill. Like zow to wete, I cam hom be myn Lord of Oxeford and told hym of the greet labour of Sir Thomas Tudenham and Heydon for schirevez of owr schire, and namyd the personez quom thei laboryd fore, and myn Lord agreeyth not to tweyne of hem; to the knyth he seyd not moch to, but I felt my lord he wold labore for William Dorward, myn neview.[275.2] And thanne I answerd, Sir, he may not profite me in myn matere for he hath weddyd myn nece. Also I felt myn Lord that myn Lord Crumwell laboryth for Stonham of Huntyngton schire, Sir John Tirell howe [_who_] weddyd hese modir, hese sone executour to my Lady Clyfton, with Heydon and othir memento, &c. And to fore I cam to Framyngham myn lord of Norffolk hadde wrytyn for Sir Robert Conyers, takyng promys of hym to be rewlyd in alle matterez as myn Lord of Norffolk wil avyse hym, and as an undirschireve ze schall be acounseill therof. And as touchyng Lee, as I am enformyd, ther ys no man that he wil do lesse for thanne for Sir Thomas Tudenham. And as touchyng myn seyd Lord of Norffolk, he hath wrytyn, or I cam, be Debenham, as he may not wel returne, and the personez ben Sir Robert Conyers, Henry Gray, Thomas Brews. And I suppose as for Thomas Brews he schall be translate in to myn brothir John Blake, but myn seyd Lord of Norffolk hath previly (?) wrytyn to the Kyng for Sir Robert Conyers promisyd[276.1] be the seyd Sir Robert that he schall non undirshireve, ne non othir officer make, but be the avyse of myn seyd Lord of Norffolk counseill, to qwhom ze schall be prevy to And I have no dowte zour owyn materez schall ben speed aftir zour entent myn seyd Lord of Norffolk wil with alle hese herte that Blake schuld be it, or ellez the seyd Sir Robert with alle hese herte. And yf myn Lord of Norffolk, to for myn comyng, hadde be a vertysyd, he wold a do hese trew parte ther to, as I suppose he schall have vere knalich from myn Lord. I preye zow remembre William Bury for myn _venire facias_. And yf it likyd myn brothir Blake to remembre my welbelovyd mayster Sir John Bawryte (?) of myn mater I trust he wold remembre the Kyng ther of atte hese leyser; for he knowyth the matere, and that Debenham hath greet charge to labore myn seyd Lordys materez of Norffolk, levying the favour of Sir Thomas Tudenham. Aftir I here I schall send zow be wrytyn. I preye zow in like forme. God preserve zow to Hese grace. Wrytyn atte Framyngham the Fryday next to fore the feste of Simon and Jude.

E. WYCHYNGHAM.

[Footnote 275.1: [Add. MS. 33,597, f. 1.] The year when this letter was written is not exactly certain, but seems to have been either 1452 or 1453. It might be 1450, except that one would have expected in October of that year to hear something about the parliamentary election, as well as the election of sheriffs.]

[Footnote 275.2: William Dorward, according to Blomefield (_Hist. of Norf._ vi. 519), married Margaret, daughter of Nicholas Wichingham, who thus appears to have been a brother of Edmund the writer of this letter.]

[Footnote 276.1: The sentence here is a little confused, and we forbear to supply punctuation.]

221

MARGARET PASTON TO JOHN PASTON[276.2]

_To my right worchepful husbond, John Paston, be this delyverid in hast._

[Sidenote: 1452(?) / NOV. 5]

Right worchepful husbond, I comaund me to yow. I pray yow that ye wol do bye ij. doseyn trenchors, for I can none gete in this town. Also I pray yow that ye wol send me a booke wyth chardeqweyns[276.3] that I may have of in the monynggs, for the eyeres be nat holsom in this town; therfor I pray yow hertely lete John Suffeld bryng it hom wyth hym.

No more but the blyssid Ternyte have yow in Hese kepyng, and send yow good sped in all yowre maters. Wrete on Sent Leonard even.

My uncle Phelyppe[277.1] commaund hym to yow, and he hath be so seke sith that I come to Redham, that I wend he shuld never a askapid it, nor not is leke to do but if he have redy help; and therfore he shal into Suffolk this next weke to myn aunt, for there is a good fesician, and he shal loke to hym.

My Lady Hastyngs[277.2] told me that Heydon hath spoke to Geffrey Boleyn[277.3] of London, and is a greid wytht hym that he shuld bargeyn wyth Sir John Fastolff to bye the manor of Blyklyng as it were for hymselff, and if Boleyn byet in trowght Heydon shal have it.

Yowr,

M. P.

I cam to Norwiche on Sowlemesday.

[Footnote 276.2: [From Fenn, iii. 168.] This letter was written during the life of Philip Berney, most probably in 1452, while he lay sick of the wounds, of which he afterwards died. _See_ No. 227 further on.]

[Footnote 276.3: A preserve made of quinces. --_See_ Index to Furnivall’s _Manners and Meals in Olden Times_. In the ordinances of the household of George, Duke of Clarence, ‘charequynses’ occur under the head of spices, their price being five shillings ‘the boke,’ or £2, 10s. for 10 lbs.--See _The Society of Antiquaries’ Collection of Ordinances for the Royal Household_, p. 103. The word also occurs pp. 455, 471 of same volume.] [[_Early English Meals and Manners_, Project Gutenberg ebook 24790.]]

[Footnote 277.1: Philip Berney.]

[Footnote 277.2: Margery, widow of Sir Edward Hastings of Elsing, Norfolk, who styled himself Lord Hastings and Stutvill. --_See_ Blomefield, viii. 112, and ix. 513, 514.]

[Footnote 277.3: An ancestor of Anne Boleyn and Queen Elizabeth. He was Mayor of London in 1457.]

222

AGNES PASTON TO JOHN PASTON[278.1]

_This lettre be delyvered to John Paston, beynge at London, in the Innere In of the Temple._

[Sidenote: 1452(?) / NOV. 16]

I grete you well, and sende you Goddes blissyng and myn. And as touchyng the mater wheche ye desyryd my cosyn Clere shulde write fore, she hath doo, and I sende you the copy closed in this lettre. As for the enquerre I have sent by Pynchemore to enquere and sent myn owen men to William Bakton, and don hem enquered in dyverse placs, and I can here no woord of noon suych enquerans; I wot not what it menyth. Roberd Hill was at Paston thys wyke, and the man that dwelled in Bowres place is oute ther of, and seid to Roberd he durst no lenger abyde ther in, for Waryn Herman seyth to him it is his place. As for Cokets mater, my doughter your wyf told me yester even the man that suyth him will not stonde to your awarde.

Bertilmow White is condemnyd in Forrenecet Court in xl. marc, as it is seid.

Item, as for Talfas, the Sherevis hav be hest to do all the favour thei may. I sente the Parson of Seynt Edmundes to Gilberd, and he seide ther was come a newe writ for to have him up by the xv. day of Seynt Martyn, and how Caly hadde ben at hem,[278.2] and desired to carye up Talfas on his owen cost, and yeve hem goode wages.

Item, John Osbern seide to me this day that he supposed thei will not have him up be forn Estern, and Margerete Talfas seide to me the same day that men tolde hire that he shulde never have ende till he wer at London, and asked me counsell wheder she myte yeve the Sherevys sylver or non; and I tolde hire if she dede, I supposed she shulde fynde hem the more frendly.

Item, as for Horwelbur, I sende you a bill of all the rescyts syn the deth of your fader, and a copy wrete on the bak how your fader lete it to ferme to the seide Gurnay. I wulde ye shulde write Gurnay, and charge him to mete with you fro London warde, and at the lest weye lete him purveye x_li._ for [he] owyth be my reknyng at My helmesse last passed, be syde your faddes dette, xviij_li._ xiiij_s._ viij_d._ If ye wolde write to him to brynge suerte for your fadyrs dette and myn, and pay be dayes, so that the man myte leven and paye us, I wolde for yeve him of the olde arrerags x_li._; and he myte be mad to paye xx. marc be yer, on that condicion I wolde for yeve him x_li._, and so thynketh me he shulde hav cause to praye for your fader and me, and was it leten in my fadres tyme. I fele by Roberd, his wif is right loth to gon thens, she seide that sche had lever I shulde have all her gode after her day, than thei schulde go out ther of.

Item, John Dam teld me that the Lady Boys[279.1] will selle a place called Halys,[279.2] but he seith sehe speketh it privyly, and seith it is not tayled, as John Dam kno, wech will she hath seide as largely of other thyngs that hath not be so.

Item, he tolde me, as he herd seyn, Ser John Fastolf hath sold Heylysdon to Boleyn[279.3] of London; and yf it be so, it semeth he will selle more. Wherfor I praye you, as ye will have my love and my blissyng, that ye will helpe and do your devoir that sumthyng were purchased for your ij. bretheren. I suppose Ser John Fastolf, and he wer spake to, wold be glader to lete his kensemen have parte than straunge men. Asay him in my name of suych placs as ye suppose is most cler.

It is seid in this contre that my Lord of Norfolk seith Ser John Fastolf hath yoven him Castr, and he will hav [it] pleynly. I sende you a bill of Osbern hand, whech was the ansuer of the Sheref and John of Dam.

Jon, brynge me my lettre hom with you, and my cosyn Cler is copy of her lettre, and the copy of the reseyth of Horwelbury; and recomaunde me to Lomnor, and tell him his best be loved fareth well, but sche is not yet come to Norwich, for thei deye yet, but not so sor as thei dede. And God be wyth you. Wreten at Norwych, in right gret hast, the xvj. day of Novembr.

By your moder,

ANNEYS PASTON.

[Footnote 278.1: [From Fenn, iii. 162.] This letter is certainly not earlier than 1451 or later than 1453; for it was written some time after Lady Boys became a widow, which was in December 1450 (_see_ p. 198), and before Sir John Fastolf’s removal from London into Norfolk, which, as will be seen hereafter, was in the autumn of 1454. Probably the true date is 1452, for in the summer following, owing to Gurney’s utter inability to pay his rent, we find Agnes Paston urging her son seriously to look out for another tenant for Orwellbury.]

[Footnote 278.2: The modernised version in Fenn reads ‘at home.’]

[Footnote 279.1: _See_ p. 248, Note 2.]

[Footnote 279.2: Holm Hale. --_See_ p. 248.]

[Footnote 279.3: Geoffrey Boleyn. --_See_ p. 277, Note 3.]

223

THE DUKE OF YORK AND SIR JOHN FASTOLF[280.1]

[Sidenote: 1452 / DEC. 18]

This endenture witnesseth that where Richard, Duc of York, by his lettre of saal [_sale_] bering date the xv. day of the monneth of Decembre, the xxxj^ti yere of the regne of oure soverain Lord Kyng Henry the Sext, hath bargaigned, aliened, solde, graunted, and confermed unto John Fastolf, Knyght, the jowelles undrewriten:--That is to wite, a nowche of gold with a greet poynted diamand sette up on a roose enameled white; a nowche of gold in facion of a ragged staf, with ij. ymages of man and woman garnysshed with a ruby, a diamande, and a greet peerle; and a floure of gold, garnysshed with ij. rubyes, a diamande, and iij. hanging peerles. To have, holde, and rejoyce the same jowelles to the saide John, his executors and assignees, frely, quietly, and pesibly for evere more, like as in the saide lettre of saal more openly is conteened. Nevertheles the saide John wolle and graunteth herby that yif the saide Duc paie or doo paie to the same John or to his attornee, his heires or to his executors, in the Fest of the Nativitee of Sainte John Baptist next commyng, iiij^c xxxvij_li._ [£437] sterlinges withouten delay, that than the saide letter of saal to bee hold for notht; but he to delivere ayein unto the saide Duc, or to his attornee paieng the saide iiij^c xxxvij_li._ sterlinges in the saide Fest, the saide jowelles. And yif defaulte bee made in the paiement of the saide iiij^c xxxvij_li._ in partie or in all ayenst the fourme aforesaide, than wolle and graunteth the saide Duc herby that the forsaide lettre of saal, by him as is abouve saide made, stande in ful strengh and vertu, this endenture notwithstanding. In witnesse wherof, to the parte of this saide endenture remaynyng towards the saide John the saide Duc hath sette his seel. Yeven at Fodringey, the xviij^e day of the saide monneth of Decembre, the xxxj^ti yere of the regne of oure saide souverain Lord King Henry the Sext.

R. YORK.

Seal attached mutilated.

[Footnote 280.1: [Add. Charter 17,242, B.M.]]

224

MARGARET PASTON TO JOHN PASTON[281.1]

_To my right worchippfull hosbond, John Paston, be thys delyveryd in hast._

[Sidenote: 1453 / JAN. 30]

Right worchipfull hosbond, I recommand me to yow, desyring to here of your welfar; praying yow to wete that Sir Thomas Howes hath purveyed iiij. dormants[281.2] for the drawte chamer,[281.3] and the malthouse, and the browere, wherof he hath bought iij., and the forte, that shall be the lengest and grettest of all, he shall have from Heylesdon, whiche he seyth my Mayster Fastolf shall geve me, be cause my chamer shall be made ther with. As for the laying of the seyd dormants, they shall be leyd this next weke, be cause of the malthous, and as for the remenant, I trow it shall abyde tyll ye come hom, be cause I can nother be purveyed of pysts [_posts?_], ne of bords not yette.

I have take the mesure in the draute chamer, ther as ye wold your cofors and cowntewery[281.4] shuld be sette for the whyle; and ther is no space besyde the bedd, thow the bedd wer remevyd to the dore, for to sette bothe your bord and your kofors ther, and to have space to go and sitte be syde. Wherfor I have purveyd that ye shall have the same drawte chamer that ye had befor ther, as ye shall ly to your self; and whan your gerr is remevod owte of your lytil hous, the dore shall be lokkyd, and your baggs leyd in on of the grete koforis, so that they shall be sauff, I trost.

Richard Charles and John Dow have fetched hom the chyld[282.1] from Rokelond Toftes, and it is apraty boy; and it is told me that Wyll is att Blyklyng with a pore man of this town. A yonge woman that was sometyme with Burton of this town sent me word therof; I pray yow send me word if ye woll that any thyng that ye woll be do to hym or ye com hom. Richard Charles sendeth yow word that Wylles hath be at hym here, and offerd hym to make hym astate in all thyngs according to ther in dentur, and if he do the contrary ye shall sone have word.

My moder prayith yow to remembr my suster, and to do your parte feythfully or ye com hom to help to gette her agode mariage. It semyth be my moders langage that she wold never so fayn to have be delyveryd of her as she woll now.

It was told here that Knyvet the heyer is for to mary; bothe his wyff and child be dede, as it was told here. Wherfor she wold that ye shuld inquyr whedder it be so or no, and what hys lyvelode is, and if ye thynke that it be for to do, to lete hym be spoke with therof.

I pray yow that ye be not strange of wryting of letters to me be twix this and that ye come hom. If I myght I wold have every day on from yow. The blyssed Trinyte have yow in his kepyng. Wrete att Norwyche, on the Tesday next after the Convercion [of] Seynt Poull.

Be yours,

M. P.

[Footnote 281.1: [From Fenn, iii. 324.] The beginning of this letter refers to building operations, which I presume to be the same as those to which the next letter relates, and therefore of the same date. They were probably at Caister Castle.]

[Footnote 281.2: Large beams.]

[Footnote 281.3: Draught chamber. A withdrawing-room.--Halliwell.]

[Footnote 281.4: Cowntewery must mean his counter, desk, or board to sit and write, etc., at.--F.]

[Footnote 282.1: Probably a member of the Berney family (_see_ Sir John Fastolf’s letter of the 28th January 1451). Philip Berney, as will be seen by No. 217, was disseised of the manor of Rockland Tofts during the year 1452.]

225

JOHN PASTON TO JOHN NORWODE[283.1]

_To John Norwode._

[Sidenote: 1453]

I lete you wete that Hache hath do no werk of myn wherfore he aught to have receyvid any mony, savyng only for the makyng of the litill hous above the halle wyndownes, for the remenaunte was that fell down in his diffaute. And as for the makyng of that litill hous, he toke that in a comenaunte [_covenant_], with makyng of too chymnyes of Sir Thomas Howys for xl_s._, which comenaunte may not hold, be cause that I must have thre chymnyes and in a nother place.

Item, the seid litill hows drawyth not v. thowsand tyle, which after xvj_d._ the thowsand shuld drawe vj_s._ viij_d._ Notwithstandyng, if Sir Thomas thynk that he shuld be alowyd mo, he shall be. And ye must remembre how that he hath receyvid vj_s._ viij_d._ of you, and of Robert Tolle before Halwemesse, as apperith in his accompt, viij_s._ And he hath receyvid of Tolle sith Halwemesse v_s._ iiij_d._ And than be this rekenyng he shuld be xiij_s._ iiij_d._ a fore hand, which I wold ye shuld gader up in this newe werk aswele as ye myght, for I am be hold to do hym but litill favour.

Item, be war ther leve no firsis in the deke that ye reparre, and that the wode be mad of fagot and leyd up forthwoth as it is fellid for taking away. I wold ye wer her on Satirday at evyn thow ye yed ageyn on Moneday.

JON PASTON.

_The following memoranda occur on the back of this letter:--_

Rec’ W. Hach. Rec’ de Joh’e Paston, anno xxxº, vj_s._ viij_d._ Item, de Roberto Telte, xiij_s._ iiij_d._ De Thoma Howis, xx_d._ Item, de Joh’e Norwod, anno xxxj. pro camino l_s._ Summa, lxxj_s._ viij_d._ Will’ Hach fecit quandam kaminam v. mark, et pro le closet x_s._ Summa, lxxvj_s._ viij_d._

Sic debentur dicto Hach, per Joh’em Paston, v_s._; et dedit ei xv_s._ in recompensationem cujusdam billæ ibe (?) et omne jus ipsum et Mo (?) Unde tradidi ei xiiij_s._ iiij_d._ per plegios Thomæ Howis qui manusepit (_sic_) quod dictus Will’ perimplot [_perimpleret?_] barganium suum et in fine operis haberet de me vj_s._ viij_d._ residuum.

[Footnote 283.1: [From Paston MSS., B.M.] From the memoranda on the back of this letter, it would appear to belong to the 31st year of Henry VI.]

226

MARGARET PASTON TO JOHN PASTON[284.1]

_To my right wurshipfull Mayster, Jon Paston, be this delyveryd in hast._

[Sidenote: 1453 / APRIL 20]

Right wurshipfull hosbond, I recommand me to yow, preying yow to wete, &c.[284.2] . . .

As for tydyngs, the Quene[284.3] come in to this town on Tewysday last past after none, and abode here tyll itt was Thursday, iij. after none; and she sent after my cos. Elysabeth Clere[284.4] by Sharynborn, to come to her; and she durst not dysabey her commandment, and come to her. And when she come in the Quenys presens, the Quene made ryght meche of her, and desyrid here to have an hosbond, the which ye shall know of here after. But as for that, he is never nerrer than he was befor.

The Quene was right well pleasid with her answer, and reportyht of her in the best wyse, and seyth, be her trowth, she sey no jantylwoman syn she come into Norffolk that she lykit better than she doth her.

Blake, the bayle[285.1] of Swaffham, was here with the Kyngs brother,[285.2] and he come to me, wenyng that ye had be at hom, and seyd that the Kyngs brother desyrid hym that he shuld pray yow in his name to come to hym, for he wold right fayn that ye had come to hym, if ye had ben at home; and he told me that he west wele that he shuld send for yow when he come to London, bothe for Cossey and other thyngs.

I pray yow that ye woll do your cost on me ayens Witsontyd, that I may have somme thyng for my nekke. When the Quene was here, I borowd my coseyn Elysabeth Cleris devys, for I durst not for shame go with my beds among so many fresch jantylwomen as here were at that tym. The blissid Trinyte have yow in his kepyng.

Wretyn at Norwych on the Fryday next befor Seynt George.

Be yowrs,

M. PASTON.

[Footnote 284.1: [From Fenn, i. 68.] According to Blomefield (_Hist. of Norf._ iii. 158), Margaret of Anjou, Queen of Henry VI., visited Norwich in the spring of 1452; but by the same authority, it would appear that she had returned to Westminster before the 17th of March in that year, which would not suit the date of this letter. Besides, John Paston was at Norwich in April 1452, and dates a letter at Norwich on St. George’s day, complaining of the assault made upon him at the door of Norwich Cathedral on Monday before Easter. It is impossible, therefore, that Margaret Paston could have written to him from Norwich two days before St. George’s day in that year. From an undated entry in the Norwich city records, which bears internal evidence of having been made in the year 1453, it would appear that the King’s half-brothers, Edmund, Earl of Richmond, and Jasper, Earl of Pembroke, visited Norwich in that year.--(_See_ fol. 19 of a volume, entitled _An Old Free Book_, in the Norwich city archives.) As to the Queen’s visit I find no direct evidence, but I think it possible she may have come with _one_ of the King’s brothers, and that the other may have come a little later.]

[Footnote 284.2: Here (says Fenn) follows some account of money received, etc.]

[Footnote 284.3: Margaret of Anjou.]

[Footnote 284.4: Widow of Robert Clere, Esq. of Ormesby, who died in 1446. Fenn says his daughter, but no notice is found of a daughter of that name, while the widow occurs frequently in this correspondence.]

[Footnote 285.1: Bailiff.]

[Footnote 285.2: Either Edmund Tudor, who was created Earl of Richmond about November 1452, or Jasper, who was created Earl of Pembroke at the same time. They were half-brothers to the King, being sons of his mother, Catherine, Queen of Henry V., by her subsequent marriage to Sir Owen Tudor.]

227

AGNES PASTON TO JOHN PASTON[285.3]

_To my welbelovyd Son, John Paston._

[Sidenote: 1453 / JULY 6]

Sone I grete yow well and send you Godys blessyng and myn, and lete you wete that Robert Hyll cam homward by Horwelle bery, and Gurney tellyd hym he had byn at London for mony and kowd nat spedyng, and behestyd Robert that he shuld send me mony be you. I pray for getyt not as ze com homward, and speke sadly for i. nothyr fermor.

And as for tydyngs, Phylyppe Berney[286.1] is passyd to God on Munday[286.2] last past wyt the grettes peyn that evyr I sey man; and on Tuysday Ser Jon Henyngham zede to hys chyrche and herd iij. massys, and cam hom agayn nevyr meryer, and seyd to hese wyf that he wuld go sey a lytyll devocion in hese gardeyn and than he wuld dyne; and forthwyth he felt a feyntyng in hese legge and syyd don. This was at ix. of the clok, and he was ded or none.

Myn cosyn Cler[286.3] preyt you that ze lete no man se her letter, wheche is in selyd undir my selle. I pray you that ze wyl pay your brothir William for iiij. unces and j. half of sylke as he payd, wheche he sende me by William Tavyrner, and bryng wyt yow j. quarter of j. unce evyn leke of the same that I send you closyd in thys letter; and sey your brothyr William that hese hors hath j. farseyn and grete rennyng sorys in hese leggis. God have you in kepyng. Wretyn at Norwyche on Sent Thomas evyn in grete hast.[286.4]

Be your modyr,

A. PASTON.

[Footnote 285.3: [From Fenn, iii. 182.] Sir John Heveningham, whose death is mentioned in this letter, was found, by an inquisition taken on the 29th September 32 Henry VI., to have died on the 3rd of July preceding, which was in the year 1453.--(Inquis. _post mortem_, 31 Hen. VI., No. 7.) He left a son named John, over twenty-three years old, who was afterwards knighted.]

[Footnote 286.1: Third son of John Berney, Esq. of Reedham, who was the father of Margaret Paston’s mother.]

[Footnote 286.2: July 2.]

[Footnote 286.3: Elizabeth, widow of Robert Clere, Esq. of Ormesby.]

[Footnote 286.4: The Translation of St. Thomas the Martyr (Becket) was celebrated on the 7th July.]

228

MARGARET PASTON TO JOHN PASTON[286.5]

_To my ritht worchipfull Mayster John Paston, be this deliveryd in hast._

[Sidenote: 1453 / JULY 6]

Rytht worchipfull hosbond, I recommawnd me to yow, praying yow to wete that I have spoke with Newman for his place, and I am thorow with hym therfor, but he wold not lete it in no wyse lesse than v. marc. I told hym that sekyrly ye shuld not know but that I hyrid it of hym for iij_li._ I seyd as for the noble,[287.1] I shuld payt of myn owyn purse, that ye shuld no knowlech have therof. And this day I have had inne ij. cartfull of hey, and your stabyl shall be made I hope this next weke. I kowd not gette no grawnt of hym to have the warehows; he seyth if he may in any wyse forber itt her after, ye shall have itt, but he wull not grawnt itt in no convawt [_covenant_]. He hath grawntyd me the hows be twix the vowte and the warehows, and that he seyd he grawntyd not yow.

And as for the chamer that ye assygnyd to myn unkyl,[287.2] God hath purveyd for hym as hys will is; he passyd to God on Monday last past, at xj. of the clok befor none, and Sir John Hevenyngham passyd to God on Tewysday last past; hois sowlys both God assoyle. His sekenesse toke hym on Tewysday, at ix. of the clok befor none, and be too after none he was dedd.

I have begonne your inventare that shuld have be made or this tym, if I had ben well at ease. I hope to make an ende therof, and of other thyngs both this next weke, and ben in that other place, if God send me helth. I must do purvey for meche stuff or I come ther, for ther is nother bords ne other stuff that must neds be had or we come there. And Richard hath gadderid butt lytill mony syth he come from yow. I have sent John Norwod this day to Gresham, Besigham, and Matelask to gete als meche mony as he may. The blissid Trinyte have yow in his keping. Wretyn at Norwych, on the Utas day of Peter and Powll.[287.3]

Yowrs,

M. P.

[Footnote 286.5: [From Fenn, iii. 186.] This letter chronicles the same two deaths as the preceding, and is therefore of the same date.]

[Footnote 287.1: A noble was a coin of the value of 6s. 8d. A mark was 13s. 4d. Five marks therefore were equal to £3, 6s. 8d.; but Margaret said she would pay the odd noble, or 6s. 8d., out of her own purse, and not let Paston know but that he had the place for £3. A little artifice for accepting terms which she had doubtless told Newman her husband could never agree to.]

[Footnote 287.2: Philip Berney. --_See_ p. 251, Note 1.]

[Footnote 287.3: The day of St. Peter and Paul is the 29th of June. The _utas_ or octave of a feast is the eighth day of the feast--that is to say, the seventh day after, which in this case is the 6th of July.]

229

MARGARET PASTON TO JOHN PASTON[288.1]

[Sidenote: 1453 / SEPT. (?)]

Ryth worchepfull howsbonde, I recomende me on to yow. Plesyt yow to wete that I sent Tomas Bon to Edwarde Coteler to have one ansuer of the mater that ye spak to hym of, and he sent me worde that he hade spok to hys man therof, and he tolde hym that he hade no wrytynge nor evidens of no swyche thyng as ye spak to hym of, ner not wyst were he scholde have cnowlage of no swyche thyng, save that he tolde hym that he receyvyd onys j.c._s._ [100_s._] of the same rent; but and he may have cnowlage of ony man that havyth ony wrytyng or ony thyng that may out prevayle, he schal late yow have cnoulage therof.

As for Wylliam Yellverton, he come here never syn ye yede. As for my Lady Stapullton, att the wrytyng of thys letter sche was not come home. Wyndhamys[288.2] erand to my Lady of Southefolk[288.3] was to desiyr hyr gode Ladychep and to beseche hyr that sche wold spek to my cosyn Evenyngham[288.4] that he myt have hys gode wyll, for he levith in hope to have hys modyr, and he hath made menys to have her by John Gros and hys wyf, and by Bokynham and by odyr dyvers, and profuryth hyr to find suerte to acquitt hyr housbondys dettes, the qwyche is CCC. marc, and to payit doune on j. day. And by thys mene, as he seyth, he hathe bargeynid with j. marchande of London, and hath solde to hym the manage of hys son, for the qwyche he scal have vij. C. [700] marc, and of that the iij. C. [300] marc schoulde be payd for the forseyd dettes; and also he proforyth to yeve hyr the maner of Felbryg to hyr joyntour, and odyr la[r]ge profors as ye schal here eraffter. As for the good wyll of my cosyn Hevenyngham, he seyth Wyndh[am][289.1] he schall never have hytt, nott for to have hyr gode konyth he [abydyth][289.2] hys soull hevy therof, for he is aferde that and if the large profors may be perfor[m]yd, that sche wyll have hym. My seyd cosyn preyith yow, att the reverens of Gode, that ye wyll do yowyr [devoir][289.3] therin to brec it and ye can. He schall be here ayen on Mychaell mas evyn. He was full sory that ye wer outt att this tyme, for he hopyd that ye schoulde have do myche goode att this tyme. He hathe seyde as myche ther ageyns as he dar do to have hyr gode modyrchep. My Lady of Southfolce sent j. letter to hyr yesterday by Stanle, the qwyche is callyd j. well cherysyd man with my seyd Lady, and desyiryng hyr in the letter that sche wolde owe hyr godde wyll and favor to Wyndham in that that he desyiryd of hyr, and of more matterys that ye schall here er after, for I suppose sche wyll schew yow the same letter and mak yow of hyr counsel in many thyngys, and I schall do my part as feythfully as I can to lett Wyndhamys porpose tyl ye come home. I pray yow sende me a copy of hys petygre, that I may schew to hyr how worchepphull it is, for in goode feythe sche is informyd bi hyr gentyll son Gros and Bokenham that he is mor worcheppfull in berthe and in lyvelode therto than they or ony odyr can preve, as I suppose. I pray yow lett nott thys mater be discuyryd tyl ye her more therof or after, for my cosyn Hevenyngham tolde myche here of in secret wyse, and of odyr thyngis qwyche ye schall have cnoulage of qwan ye come home, &c.

In hast, all in hast.

[Footnote 288.1: [From Paston MSS., B.M.] There is neither signature nor address to this letter, but it is undoubtedly from Margaret Paston to her husband. The handwriting is the same as that of her other letters. The date seems to be after the death of Sir John Heveningham in 1453, and is not likely to have been a later year, as the Duchess of Suffolk’s influence must have been diminished when the Duke of York came into power, though it may possibly have been powerful again in 1456.]

[Footnote 288.2: John Wyndham, Esq. of Felbrigg.]

[Footnote 288.3: Alice, widow of William de la Pole, Duke of Suffolk.]

[Footnote 288.4: John, son of Sir John Heveningham. --_See_ p. 227, Note 3.] [[_error for p. 285, n. 3 (Letter 227)_]]

[Footnote 289.1: Mutilated.]

[Footnote 289.2: Erased in MS. Apparently some further correction should have been made.]

[Footnote 289.3: Omitted in MS. ‘Do your devoir,’ _i.e._ endeavour, seems to have been the phrase intended.]

230

THE DUKE OF NORFOLK’S PETITION[290.1]

[Sidenote: 1453]

My Lordes, ye know well ynough the grete peynes, labours, and diligences that before thys tyme y have doon, to th’entent that the over greete dishonneurs and losses that ben come to thys full noble royaume of England by the fals menes of som persones that have take on theym over grete autoritee in thys royaume shulde be knowen, and that the persones lyvyng that have doon theym shulde be corrected aftyr the merites of her desertes. And to that entent y have denounced and delyverd to you in wrytyng certeyn articles ayenst the Duc of Somerset, whych ys one of theym that ys gylty thereoff, whertoo the Duc of Somerset have aunsuerd; and to that that he hath aunsuerd y have replyed yn such wyse that y trowe to be sure ynough that there shall no vayllable thyng be seyd to the contrarie of my seyd replicacion, and asmoch as he woold sey shall be but falsnesse and lesyngs, as be the probacions that shall be made thereuppon shall mow appiere; how be it that to alle people of gode entendement, knowyng how justice owyth to be ministred, it ys full apparaunt that the denunciacions ayenst hym made ben sufficiently preved by the dedes that have folowed thereoff; whereuppon y have requyred to have ouverture of justice by yow, whych ye have not yhyt doon to me, whereoff y am so hevy that y may no lenger beere it, speciallie seth the mater by me pursued ys so worshipfull for all the royaume, and for you, and so greable to God, and to alle the subgettys of thys royaume, that it may be no gretter. And it ys such that for anye favour of lignage, ne for anye othyr cause there shulde be no dissimulacion, for doubt lest that othyr yn tyme comyng take example thereoff, and lest that the full noble vertue of justice, that of God ys so greetly recommaunded, be extinct or quenched by the fals oppinions of som, that for the grete bribes that the seyd Duc of Somerset hath promysed and yoven them, have turned theyr hertys from the wey of trouth and of justice; some seyeng that the cases by hym committed ben but cases of trespasse, and othyr takyng a colour to make an universell peas. Whereoff every man that ys trewe to the seyd Coroune auyth gretely to marveylle, that anye man wold sey that the losse of ij. so noble duchees as Normandie and Guyen, that ben well worth a greet royaume, comyng by successions of fadres and modres to the seyd Coroune, ys but trespasse; where as it hath be seen in manye royaumes and lordshyps that, for the losse of tounes and castells wythoute sege, the capitaynes that hav lost theym han be deede and beheded, and her godes lost; as in Fraunce one that lost Chyrborough; and also a knyght that fledd for dred of bataille shulde be byheded, soo that alle these thyngs may be founden in the lawes wryten, and also yn the boke cleped _L’arbre de Bataille_. Wherfor, for to abbregge my langage, y requyre you that forasmech as the more partie of the dedes committed by the seyd Duc of Somerset ben committed yn the royaume of Fraunce, that by the lawes of Fraunce processe be made thereuppon; and that all thyng that y have delyvered and shall delyvere be seen and understand by people havyng knoulige theroff, and that the dedes committed by hym in thys royaume bee yn lyke wyse seen and understand by people lerned yn the lawes of thys land; and for preffe thereoff to graunt commissions to inquere thereoff, as by reason and of custom it owyth to be doon, callyng God and you all my Lordes to wytnesse of the devoirs by me doon in thys seyd matere; and requyeyng you that thys my bille and alle othyr my devoirs may be enacted before you. And that y may have it exemplified undre the Kyngs grete seele for my discharge and acquytaille of my trouth, makyng protestacion that in case ye make not to me ouverture of justice upon the seyd caas, y shall for my discharge do my peyn that my seyd devoirs and the seyd lak of justice shall be knowen through all the royaume.

_Einsi signé_,

J. M. NORFF.

[Footnote 290.1: [From Fenn, iii. 108.] This paper is headed ‘Copia’ in the MS. It is entitled by Fenn, ‘The Speech of John Mowbray, Duke of Norfolk, against Edmund Beaufort, Duke of Somerset, in the House of Lords.’ This title, however, is clearly no part of the original document, which has much more the character of a petition to the Privy Council than of a speech in Parliament. The paper itself professes to be a ‘bill’ signed by its author, who demands that the conduct of the Duke of Somerset in France and in England should be made the subject of investigation by separate tribunals according to the laws of either country. Now the House of Lords, being only a branch of the English Legislature, would have had no right to authorise a judicial investigation in France. The date of this petition must have been in the end of the year 1453, after the loss of Guienne. The Duke of Somerset appears to have been committed to the Tower a little before Christmas in that year; for, after his liberation on the 4th March 1455, he declared before the Council that he had been confined there ‘one whole year, ten weeks, and more.’ --_See_ Rymer, xi. 362.]

231

WILLIAM REYNOLDS, OF CROMER, TO AGNES PASTON[292.1]

_To my ryght reverent and wourchipfull mastras, my Mastras Paston, the modyr of my maister John Paston, be this delyvered._

Ryght reverent and wourchipful Mastras, with most humble and louly servyce in moste goodly wice I recomaund me to your contynuell supportacion. Please it your good grace to have notycion that I have late a place of yours in quiche John Rycheman dvellyd, for it stode at a grete dyspeyr and I have late it for xv_s._, but up your good grace, for the lockis of the dores arn pulled of and born a waye, and the wyndowes ben broken and gone and other bordys ben nayled on in the stede of the sayd wyndowes. Also, the swynysty ys doun, and all the tymbyr and the thatche born a way; also the hedge ys broken or born a wey, quiche closed the gardeyn; querthorgh the place ys evyl apeyred to the tenaunt. On Sent Marckes daye I entred the seid place and lete it to your be hove, and on the day after cam Henry Goneld and seyd my latyng schald not stond, and went and seled the dores; querfor I beseche your graciows favor that my latyng may stond, for I have late alle your londis everychone. I know not oon rode unlate, but alle ocupyed to your profyghte. The tenaunt quich by your lycens schuld have youre place to ferme by my latyng ys gretely be hated with oon Johane, the wyfe of Robert Iclyngham, chapman, quich ys voysed for amysse governyd woman of hyr body by the most parte of owr town wel recordyth the same, and sche dvellyth al by your seyd place; and by cause this seid tenaunt ys gretely ayens hir for hir ungoodly governaunce, therfor sche mad menys to one Abraham Whal, quiche ys one of hir supportores, and he hath spoke with the seyd Henry Gonelde that he myght seke a remedye to cause this seyd tenaunt to be a voydyd and kept oute your seid place and not come ther inne.

He that is bryngger of this bylle ys the man to quich I have late to ferme by the licens of you; therfore I beseche your gracaus favor to be schewed onto hym, and mekeli I beseche your contynuell supportacion that ye wuld send me wrytyng under your seele how I schal be demened. Nomor, &c. Wrytin at Crowmer the nest day after Sent Marc.--Be your servaunt at alle tymes,

WILLIAM REYNOLDES of Crowmer.

_The following memoranda are written on the back:--_

Firmale terræ ten’ Roperes in Crowmer Anno xxxjº.

In primis Gylmin (?) tenet ad firmam ij. acras ad terminum ---- [293.1] annorum et reddit per annum xx_d._

Item, Johannes Parnell tenet iij. rodas ad terminum xij. annorum et reddit per annum xij_d._

Item, Willelmus Reynoldes pro iij. rodis in ij. peciis ad terminum x. annorum et reddit per annum ix_d._

Item, Thomas tenet pars (_sic_) terræ et reddit per annum ij_d._ _ob._

Item, Ricardus Child pro prato et j. inclausura vocata Longclos ad terminum annorum et reddit per annum iij_s._ iiij_d._

Item, Rogerus Caryour pro j. orto per annum x_d._

[Footnote 292.1: [Add. MS. 34,889, f. 225.] This letter is shown by the memoranda on the back to be of the year 1453, _i.e._ 31 Henry VI. Agnes Paston had tenants at Cromer, and her property there descended to her grandchildren, as she outlived her son John.]

[Footnote 293.1: Blank in MS.]

232

THE COUNTESS OF OXFORD TO JOHN PASTON[294.1]

[_To my_] _right trusty and welbeloved Jon Paston, Esquier._

[Sidenote: About 1454]

Right trusty and intierly welbelovyd, I grete you wele. Prayng you as I specially trust you that ye wole be good frend to James Arblaster in his mater touchyng the maner of Smalbergh, as I wote wele ye haf ever be to hym ryght especiall frend; and thogh it so be that the sayd James had gret trebles, losses, and adversite herbeforn, neverthelesse he shall not be so bare of frendys ner goodes but that I wole se hym holpyn with the mercy of God. In performmyng wherof the berer of this shal enforme you of myn inten and disposicion more largely than I wole put in wrytyng. And the Trinite have you in hys kepyng. Wretyn at Wefnow,[294.2] the vij. day of August.

ELIZABETH VER, Countes of Oxenford.

[Footnote 294.1: [From Paston MSS., B.M.] At the bottom of the letter is a contemporary note which appears to show that it was filed along with others of various dates before Michaelmas 1454:-- ‘Literæ de diversis annis ante Michaelem xxxiij.’ More precise evidence of its date does not seem to be attainable.]

[Footnote 294.2: Wivenhoe, near Colchester, in Essex.]

233

THE COUNTESS OF OXFORD TO JOHN PASTON[294.3]

_To John Paston, Sqwyer, dwellyng in Norwich._

[Sidenote: Year uncertain]

Ryght entierly welbeloved, I grete yow well, and pray yow that ye woll be good frende un to Arblaster in suche matiers as he shal enfo[rme] yow, and I thanke yow for the good frendship that ye have shewed to hym. And I sent a letter to Margaret Gurnay byfore Cristemesse of certeyn langage that I herd, wich plesed me nowght, and so I prayed my Lord to gif me leve to wrytte to hir; and therfore and ye here any thyng, answere, as my trust is in yow. Right entierly welbeloved, the Holy Gost have yow in his kepyng. Wretyn in hast the first day of February.

OXENFORD, } } ELYZABETH DE VEER. }

[Footnote 294.3: [From Paston MSS., B.M.] This and the letter immediately following are inserted here merely on account of their similarity to the last. Their dates are quite uncertain.]

234

THE COUNTESS OF OXFORD TO JOHN PASTON[295.1]

_To my right, entierly welbeloved John Paston of Norwich, Squyer._

Right entierly welbeloved, I grete yow well, thankyng yow of the gret jentylnesse that ye have shewed un to my right welbeloved James Arblaster, prayng yow of contynuaunse; and if ther be any thyng that I may doo for yow or any of yowres, here or in any other place, I pray yow let me wete and I shall be redy to do it, with the grace of God, ho have yow in his kepyng. And I pray yow to be frendly unto my right welbeloved Agneys Arblaster, wich is to me gret plesier and hertes ease and ye so be. Wretyn at Wevenho the xiij^e day of Aprill.

OXENFORD.

ELYZABETH.

[Footnote 295.1: [Douce MS. 393, f. 82.]]

235

NEWSLETTER OF JOHN STODELEY[295.2]

[Sidenote: 1454 / JAN. 19]

As touchyng tythynges, please it you to wite that at the Princes[295.3] comyng to Wyndesore, the Duc of Buk’ toke hym in his armes and presented hym to the Kyng in godely wise, besechyng the Kyng to blisse hym; and the Kyng yave no maner answere. Natheless the Duk abode stille with the Prince by the Kyng; and whan he coude no maner answere have, the Queene come in, and toke the Prince in hir armes and presented hym in like forme as the Duke had done, desiryng that he shuld blisse it; but alle their labour was in veyne, for they departed thens without any answere or countenaunce savyng only that ones he loked on the Prince and caste doune his eyene ayen, without any more.

Item, the Cardinalle[296.1] hathe charged and commaunded alle his servauntz to be redy with bowe and arwes, swerd and bokeler, crossebowes, and alle other habillementes of werre, suche as thei kun medle with to awaite upon the saufgarde of his persone.

Item, th’erle of Wiltshire[296.2] and the Lord Bonvile have done to be cryed at Taunton in Somerset shire, that every man that is likly and wole go with theym and serve theym, shalle have vj_d._ every day as long as he abidethe with theym.

Item, the Duk of Excestre[296.3] in his owne persone hathe ben at Tuxforthe beside Dancastre, in the north contree, and there the Lord Egremond[296.4] mette hym, and thei ij. ben sworne togider, and the Duke is come home agein.

Item, th’erle of Wiltshire, the Lord Beaumont, Ponynges, Clyfford, Egremond, and Bonvyle, maken all the puissance they kan and may to come hider with theym.

Item, Thorpe[296.5] of th’escheker articuleth fast ayenst the Duke of York, but what his articles ben it is yit unknowen.

Item, Tresham,[296.6] Josep,[296.7] Danyelle,[296.8] and Trevilian[296.9] have made a bille to the Lordes, desiryng to have a garisone kept at Wyndesore for the saufgarde of the Kyng and of the Prince, and that they may have money for wages of theym and other that shulle kepe the garyson.

Item, the Duc of Buk’ hathe do to be made M^{l}. M^{l}. [2000] bendes with knottes, to what entent men may construe as their wittes wole yeve theym.

Item, the Duke of Somersetes herbergeour hath taken up all the loggyng that may be goten nere the Toure, in Thamystrete, Martlane, Seint Katerines, Tourehille, and there aboute.

Item, the Queene hathe made a bille of five articles, desiryng those articles to be graunted; wherof the first is that she desireth to have the hole reule of this land; the second is that she may make the Chaunceller, the Tresorere, the Prive Seelle, and alle other officers of this land, with shireves and alle other officers that the Kyng shuld make; the third is, that she may yeve alle the bisshopriches of this land, and alle other benefices longyng to the Kynges yift; the iiij^th is that she may have suffisant lyvelode assigned hir for the Kyng and the Prince and hir self. But as for the v^th article, I kan nat yit knowe what it is.

Item, the Duke of York wole be at Londone justly on Fryday next comyng[297.1] at night, as his owne men tellen for certain, and he wole come with his houshold meynee, clenly beseen and likly men. And th’erle of Marche[297.2] cometh with hym, but he will have a nother feliship of gode men that shall be at Londone before hym . . . that he is come; and suche jakkes, salettes, and other herneys as his meyne shulle have, shalle come to Londone with hem, or before hem in cartes. The Erle of Salesbury[297.3] wille be at Lon[don] on Monday[297.4] or Tywesday next comyng with seven score knyghtes and squyers, beside other meynee. The Erles of Warwyk,[297.5] Richemond,[297.6] and Pembroke[298.1] comen with the Duke of Yorke, as it is seide, everych of theym with a godely feliship. And natheles th’erle of Warwyk wole have M^{l}. men awaityng on hym beside the feliship that cometh with hym, as ferre as I can knowe. And as Geffrey Poole seithe, the Kynges bretherne ben like to be arrested at their comyng to Londone, yf thei come. Wherfore it is thought by my Lordes[298.2] servauntz and welwillers here that my Lord, at his comyng hider, shalle come with a gode and clenly feliship, suche as is likly and accordyng to his estate to have aboute hym; and their harneys to come in cartes, as my Lord of Yorkes mennes harneys did the last terme, and shalle at this tyme also. And over that, that my Lord have a nother gode feliship to awaite on hym and to be here afore hym, or els sone after hym, in like wise as other Lordes of his blode wole have.

And for the more redynesse of suche feliship to be hade redy, that my Lord send sadde and wise messagers to his servauntz and tenauntz in Sussex and elswhere, that they be redy at London ayenst his comyng, to awaite on my Lord; but lete my Lord beware of writyng of lettres for theym, lest the lettres be delivered to the Cardynalle and Lordes, as one of my Lordes lettres was nowe late, for perill that myght falle, for that lettre hathe done moche harme and no gode.

And as for suche tydynges as ben contened in the lettre sent home by John Sumpterman, I can nat hiderto here the contrarie of any of theym, but that every man that is of th’opynion of the Duke of Somerset[298.3] makethe hym redy to be as stronge as he kan make hym. Wherfore it is necessarie that my Lord loke wele to hym self and kepe hym amonge his meyne, and departe nat from theym, for it is to drede lest busshementes shuld be leide for hym. And yf that happed, and my Lord came hiderward, as he hathe ben used for to come, he myght lightly be deceyved and betrapped, that God defende. And therfore lete my Lord make gode wacche and be sure.

The Duke of Somerset hathe espies goyng in every Lordes hous of this land; some gone as freres, som as shipmen taken on the sea, and som in other wise; whiche reporte unto hym all that thei kun see or here touchyng the seid Duke. And therfore make gode wacche, and beware of suche espies.

And as touchyng the privee scale and my Lordes seurtee, it is necessarie that my Lord be advertised that yf the Chaunceller,[299.1] or any other, make any question to my Lord of his comyng contrarie to the teneur of the seid privee seall, that my Lord by his grete wisdom make answere that he was credibly enformed that aswele the Duke of Somerset beyng prisoner, as other beyng at large, holdyng his opynyon ayenst the wele of the Kyng and of the land, made grete assemblees and gaderyngs of people, to mayntene th’opinion of the seid Duke of Somerset and to distrusse my Lord; and that the comyng of my Lord in suche forme as he shalle come is onely for the saufgarde of his owne persone, and to none other entent, as my Lord hym self can sey moche better than any that is here kan advertise hym.

Thise thinges aforseid ben espied and gadred by my Lord Chaun ,[299.2] John Leventhorpe, Laurence Leventhorpe, Maister Adam, William Medwe, Robert Alman, John Colvyle, Richard of Warderobe, and me, John Stodeley. And as sone as we kun knowe any more in substance we shull send home word. Writen at London, the xix. day of Janyvere.

* * *

The meire and merchauntz of London, and the mair and merchauntz of the staple of Caleys, were with the Chaunceller on Monday last passed[299.3] at Lamhithe, and compleyned on the Lord Bonvile for takyng of the shippes and godes of the Flemmynges and other of the Duke of Burgoynes Lordships, and the Chaunceller yeve theym none answere to their plesyng; wherfore the substaunce of theym with one voys cryed alowde, ‘Justice, justice, justice!’ wherof the Chaunceller was so dismayed that he coude ne myght no more sey to theym for fere.

[Footnote 295.2: [Egerton MS. 914, B.M.] There is no evidence that this letter had anything to do with the Paston correspondence, but as a very interesting political letter of the period we have thought it right to give it a place in the collection. The date is quite certain, being after the birth of Prince Edward in October 1453, and before the death of Cardinal Kemp in March 1454.]

[Footnote 295.3: Edward, only son of Henry VI., born 13th October 1453.]

[Footnote 296.1: John Kemp, Cardinal Archbishop of Canterbury.]

[Footnote 296.2: James Butler, Earl of Wiltshire and Ormond.]

[Footnote 296.3: Henry Holland.]

[Footnote 296.4: Thomas Percy, third son of Henry, Earl of Northumberland.]

[Footnote 296.5: Thomas Thorpe, one of the Barons of the Exchequer, who was also Speaker of the House of Commons, but was at this time imprisoned in the Fleet in consequence of an action brought against him by the Duke of York.--(See _Rolls of Parl._ v. 239.)]

[Footnote 296.6: Thomas Tresham, who as ‘Sir Thomas Tresham, Knight,’ was attainted under Edward IV. for fighting on the Lancastrian side at Towton, but his attainder was afterwards reversed in Parliament 7 and 8 Edw. IV., on the ground that he was a household servant of Henry VI. and had been brought up in his service from a child.--_Rolls of Parl._ v. 616-617.]

[Footnote 296.7: William Joseph, who, with Thorpe, was frequently accused by the Yorkists of misleading the King.--_Rolls of Parl._ v. 280, 282, 332, 342.]

[Footnote 296.8: Thomas Daniel, Esq. --_See_ p. 255, Note 2.]

[Footnote 296.9: John Trevilian.]

[Footnote 297.1: 25th January.]

[Footnote 297.2: Afterwards Edward IV., the Duke of York’s eldest son.]

[Footnote 297.3: Richard Nevill, Earl of Salisbury, father of Warwick the King-maker.]

[Footnote 297.4: 21st January.]

[Footnote 297.5: Richard Nevill, Earl of Warwick, afterwards known as ‘the King-maker.’]

[Footnote 297.6: Edmund Tudor, the King’s half-brother. He was the father of King Henry VII.]

[Footnote 298.1: Jasper Tudor, brother of the Earl of Richmond, and half-brother to the King.]

[Footnote 298.2: Probably the Duke of Norfolk.]

[Footnote 298.3: _See_ p. 255, Note 3.]

[Footnote 299.1: Cardinal Kemp was at this time Chancellor. --_See_ p. 296, Note 1.]

[Footnote 299.2: So in MS.]

[Footnote 299.3: 14th January.]

236

MARGARET PASTON TO JOHN PASTON[300.1]

_To my right wurshipfull hosbond, John Paston, be this delyveryd in hast._

[Sidenote: 1454(?) / JAN. 29]

Right worshipfull hosbond, I recommawnd me to yow, praying yow to wete that I spak yistirday with my suster,[300.2] and she told me that she was sory that she myght not speke with yow or ye yede; and she desyrith if itt pleased yow, that ye shuld yeve the jantylman, that ye know of, seche langage as he myght fele by yow that ye wull be wele willyng to the mater that ye know of; for she told me that he hath seyd befor this tym that he conseyvid that ye have sett but lytil therby, wherefor she prayth yow that ye woll be here gode brother, and that ye myght have a full answer at this tym whedder it shall be ya or nay. For her moder hath seyd to her syth that ye redyn hens, that she hath no fantesy therinne, but that it shall com to a jape; and seyth to her that ther is gode crafte in dawbyng; and hath seche langage to her that she thynkyt right strange, and so that she is right wery therof, wherefor she desyrith the rather to have a full conclusyon therinne. She seyth her full trost is in yow, and as ye do therinne, she woll agre her therto.

Mayster Braklee[300.3] be her yisterday to have spoke with yow; I spak with hym, but he wold not tell me what his erond was.

It is seyd her that the cescions shall be at Thetford on Saterday next komyng, and ther shall be my Lord of Norffolk and other with grette pupill [_people_], as it is seyd.

Other tydyngs have we none yett. The blissefull Trynyte have yow in his kepyng. Wretyn at Norwyche, on the Tewysday next befor Candelmasse.

I pray yow that ye woll vowchesawf to remembr to purvey a thing for my nekke, and to do make my gyrdill.

Yowris,

M. P.

My cosyn Crane recommawndeth her to yow, and praytth yow to remembr her mater, &c., for she may not slepe on nyghtys for hym.

[Footnote 300.1: [From Fenn, iii. 170.] The request made at the end of this letter that John Paston would procure his wife an ornament for her neck, is noted by Fenn as one that she had made in April 1452, and of which this was probably a repetition nine months afterwards. There seems no better evidence of date to go by, so we follow the same mode of inference; but as we have placed the letter containing the first petition for the necklace in 1453 instead of 1452, we must attribute this letter to the year 1454.]

[Footnote 300.2: Elizabeth Paston.]

[Footnote 300.3: John Bracklee or Brackley was a brother of the Convent of Grey Friars, or Friars Minors, in Norwich. He took a Doctor of Divinity’s degree, and was a famous preacher.--F.]

237

AGNES PASTON TO JOHN PASTON[301.1]

_Thys letter be delyverd to John Paston, dwellyn in the Inder In of the Tempyll at London, in hast._

[Sidenote: About 1454]

I grete yow well, and lete yow wete that thys day I was with my doughtyr yor wyfe, and che was in good hele att the makyn of thys letter, thankyd be God! and sche lete yor sustyr and me wete of a letter wheche ye sent hyr, that ye have be laboryd to for Ser William Oldhall to have your sustyr, and desyryng in the seyd letter to have an answer in schort tyme, who [_how_] sche wyll be demenyd in thys mater.

Yor suster recomaundyt hyr to yow, and thankyt yow hertyly that ye wyll remembyr hyr, and lete hyr have knowleche ther of, and prayt yow that ye wyll do your dever to bryng it to a good conclusyon; for sche seythe to me that sche trystyt that ye wyll do so, that it xall be bothe for hyr worchup and profyt. And as for me, if ye can thynke that hys lond standyt cler, in as meche as I fele your sustyr well wyllyd ther to, I hold me well content.

And as for the oblygacyon of the persen of Marlynferthe, wheche I sent yow by John Newman, I pray yow lete it be suyd; and as for the Parson and Lyndesey, they be a cordyd. And God have yow in kepyn, and send yow hys blyssyn and myn. Wretyn at Norwyche on Pulver Wedenesday.[302.1]

Be yor moder,

AUGNES PASTON.

[Footnote 301.1: [From Fenn, iii. 188.] This letter refers to a proposal for Paston’s sister which was probably in or a little before 1454, as in a letter of the 15th July in that year Paston states that several such offers had been under consideration.]

[Footnote 302.1: If in 1454, Ash-Wednesday was the 6th of March.]

238

INGHAM’S PETITION[302.2]

[Sidenote: 1454]

Ful mekely bisecheth your humble liege man, Walter Ingham of youre schire of Norffolk, gentylman, that where the seide Walter was in Goddes pees and youres at Dunston in the seid shire the xj. daye of the monthe of January, the yere of youre rengne the xxxij., oone Thomas Denyes,[302.3] of ful grete malice, prepensed ungodely soore agaynste gode feithe and concience, imagynyng utterly to destroye youre seyde besecher, contryved a lettre in the name of my Lord of Oxenforde, he not knowyng of ony soch lettre comaundyng youre seide besecher to be with the seide Lorde at Wevenho, in your shire of Essex, the xiij. day of the seide monthe of January, for divers grete maters towchyng my seide Lorde. The seide Thomas, thenkyng in his conceite that youre seid besechere wolde in noo wyse disobeye the seide wrytyng, but that he wolde putte hym in his devoyre to fulfill my seide Lords desyre, layde dyvers folks arraied in maner of werre with jakkes, saletts, langedebiefs,[302.4] and boore speres in ij. busshements for youre seide besecher in ij. places, knowyng wele that youre seide besecher must come oone of thes ij. weyes for, tho [_there_] were no moo, to that intent that they [might] murdre your seide besecher be cause he had laboured for his fadir in a wryte _sub pena_ agaynst the seide Thomas Denys and Anneys his wyf for a notable somme of money that the seide Anneys shulde have payede to the fadir of your seide besecher; the seide Thomas comaundyng the seide mysdoers in any wyse whech of theym that mette first with youre seide besecher shulde sle hym, and they shol be nota[b]ly rewardet for ther laboure, and the seide Thomas shulde kepe and save theyme harmeles. Bicause of whech comaundement oone of the seide busshements mette with the forsaide besechere the xij. day of the seide month, as he came toward my seide Lorde of Oxenforde acordyng to his lettre at Dunstone afore seide, and hym than and there grevosly bette and woundet, aswell upon his hede as uppon his leggs, and other ful grevous strokes and many gaf hym upon his bakke, so that youre seide besecher is mahaymed upon his ryght legg, and feyne to goo on crucches, and so must do al dayes of his lif to his utter undoyng; notwithstandyng the seide mysdoers and riotous peple in this conceite [lef]te youre seide besecher for dede. Uppon the whech ryot it was complayned to my Lord Chauncelere[303.1] by the frends of yowre besecher, desyryng of hym by ca[use of th]e grete ryote doone by the seide Thomas, and also for the sauf garde of youre seyde besechere, that oone of your serjantes of armes myght be comaundement [go][303.2] and areste the seide Thomas to appere before you in your Chauncerie for the seide ryot, because the seide Thomas was at that tyme at London; bi force of [whech com]aundement oone of youre serjants of armes went to Lyncolne Inne to arreste the sayde Thomas. The whech areste the seide Thomas utterly diso[beyed in] grete contempte of your highnesse; nevertheles he is now in the warde of the Wardeyne of the Flete by the comaundement of my Lorde Chaunceler. [Wher]fore plese it your highnes of youre most noble and habundante grace, by the assente of your Lordes Spirituel and Temporel, and of your Comons in this your present Par[lement assem]bled, and by auctorite of the same, to ordeyne and estabelessche that the seide Thomas Denys may abide in the seide prisone of the Flete, and not to be [admitted to bayl] nor meynprise in noo wyse in to soch tyme that the seide Thomas have answered to soch accion or accions as youre seide besecher schal take agaynst hym for the seide mahayme and betyng, and also unto soch tyme as the same accions ben folly discussed and determyned bi twene your seide besecher and the seide Thomas Denys, consideryng that if the same Thomas scholde go at large, he wolde never answere your seide besecher but hym delay by protecions and other weies, so that the same besecher schulde never be content nor agreed, for the exhorbitant offence done to hym; and also un to the tyme the seide Thomas fynde sofficient suerte of his gode beryng fro this tyme forthe. And he shal pray to God for youre moste noble astate.

[Footnote 302.2: [From Paston MSS., B.M.] This is a petition to the King in Parliament which, supported by the influence of Cardinal Kemp, appears to have met with a favourable hearing from the House of Lords. The date will appear by the letter following.]

[Footnote 302.3: _See_ Nos. 123 and 124.]

[Footnote 302.4: The _langue-de-bœuf_ was a kind of glaive with a double edge half down the blade.]

[Footnote 303.1: John Kemp, Archbishop of Canterbury and Cardinal.]

[Footnote 303.2: Mutilated.]

239

THOMAS DENYES TO JOHN PASTON[304.1]

_To my right wurshipfull maister, John Paston._

[Sidenote: 1454 / MARCH 20]

Right wurshipfull and myn especiall good maister, I recomaund me to you with all service and prayer to my power. And like it you to wete that how be a full straunge acte is passid agayn me in the Higher House before the Lords, wherof I send you a copie. Neverthelesse I hope to God that it shal not passe in the Comon House; but me is be falle the most sorwfull infortune that ever por man had, standyng in suych case as I do, for my Lordis the Cardenale and of Oxenford haf imprisoned my wif in the countour, and how thei shal guyde hir forth, God knoweth. Which standith to nygh myn hert, if Godds will were; but wel I know that by thes vengeable malics don to hir and me thei wole [not?] be content, for Ingham lithe beside that to take awey my wyves doughter out of Westminster to make an end of my wif if he can, and also to arest my servauntz, that I drede that she nor I shal haf no creature to attend us ne help us; and suych malice haf I never herd of herbeforne. And it is told me that beside that thei wole dispoil, if any good thei can fynde of myn in Norwich or Norffolk, and imprisone my servauntz there. Wherfore I lowly beseche your maistership, for our Lords mercy, that ye vouchsauff to socour theym in this necessite; and if ony entree be made or shuld be made upon myn wifes place in Norwich, that ye vouchsauff to socour my servauntz, and do ther inne after your wisdam for Crists love and seynt charite.

Beside this, a frend and kynnesman of myn, oon Robert Clement of Betele, hath writen to me that he is arestid, and like to be imprisoned bi a writte of dette, take agayn hym upon an obligacion of C_li._ [£100] in which he and I and other wer bounde to my Lorde of Oxenford xiiij. yeer agone, wherof I haf many acquitaunces. Wherfore I pray your good maistership to send to the Shirreve that my said kynnesman may ben easid, and no retourne made ageyn hym, but that he may answer the next tyme bi attourney; for truly that writte was take oute in the end of the terme aftir I was arestid, and aftir it was aperid to.

I pray your maistership, for Godds sake, to be not displesid, ne wery to do for me in these materes of your charite, for I had lever gif the said Robert suych good, litell if it be, as I haf, than he wer undone for me, or ony man ellis that ever ded for me. And I hope, if God vouchsaf that the mater may come to reson, to sauf hym harmles, and all other with Godds mercy, ever prayng you of your maistership and socour for Godds love, who ever kepe for his mercy.

Wretyn in Flete, the Wednesday the second weke of Lent.

Mor over, in augmentyng of my sorwe, I wend my wif shuld a dyed sith, for aftir she was arestid she laboured of hir child, that she is with all, waityng either to dye or be delyvered, and she hath not gon viij. weks quykke. What shal be falle Almighti God knoweth, and shull dispose mercifully.

Aftirward my wif was sum dele easid bi the labour of the Wardeyn of Flete, for the cursed Cardenale had sent hir to Newgate. God forgif his sowle. Now she is take to baile til Tuesday. The Cardenale is dede, and the Kyng is relevid.[306.1]

[Footnote 304.1: [From Fenn, iii. 174.] This letter is without a signature, and the writer was unknown to Fenn; but a comparison with the letter which follows (now printed for the first time) leaves no doubt that it was written by Thomas Denyes, whom we have already met with as a dependant of the Earl of Oxford (_see_ Letters 123, 124, and 132). The date is fixed by the reference to the death of Cardinal Kemp in the postscript.]

[Footnote 306.1: This last sentence must have been added a few days after the date of the letter, for Cardinal Kemp died on the 22nd of March 1454. Wednesday in the second week of Lent was the 20th March.]

240

JOHN PASTON TO [THE EARL OF OXFORD][306.2]

[Sidenote: 1454 / MARCH 31]

Right wurchepfull and my right especiall Lord, I recomaund me to your gode Lordshep, besechyng your Lordshep that ye take not to displesauns thow I write you, as I here say that Agnes Denyes, be the meanes of your Lordshep and of my Lord the Cardynall,[306.3] hos sowle God assoyle and forgeve, was set in preson, beyng with child--which, and the sorough and shame there of, was nygh her deth--and yet dayly is vexed and trobled, and her servauntes in like wyse, to the uttermest distruccion of her person and godes. In which, my Lord, at the reverens of God, remembre sche was maried be you and be my meanes, be your comaundement and writyng, and draw therto full sore ageyn her entent in the begynnynge; and was worth v.^c. [500] marc and better, and shuld have had a gentilman of this contre of an C. marc of lond and wele born, ne had be your gode Lordshep and writyng to her and me. And this considered in your wise discrecion, I trost, my Lord, thow her prisonyng were of oderes labore, ye wuld helpe her; and if she be destroyd be this mariage, my conscyens thynketh I am bownd to recompense her after my pore and sympill power. My Lord, ye know I had litill cause to do for Thomas Denyes, savyng only for your gode Lordshep. Also, my Lord, I know wele that Water Ingham was bete, the mater hangyng in myn award, right fowle and shamefully; and also how the seid Thomas Denyes hath, this last terme, ageyn your nobill estat, right unwysely demened hym to his shame and grettest rebuke that ever he had in his lyve. Where fore it is right wele do his person be ponysshed as it pleaseth you. But this not withstondyng for Godds love, my Lord, remembre how the gentilwoman is accombred only for yowr sake, and help her; and if aught lyth in my power to do that that myght please yowr Lordshep, or cowde fynde any way for Water Ingham avayll and wurchep, I wull do it to my power; and the rather if your Lordshep support the jentilwoman, for I know the mater and that longe plee is litill avayll, and every thyng must have an ende. I have told my brother Mathew Drury more to enforme yowre Lordshep than I may have leyser to write for his hasty departyng. Right wurchepfull and my right especiall Lord, I besech All myghty God send you asmych joy and wurchep as ever had any of my Lords yowr aunceters, and kepe you and all yowres. Wretyn at Norwich the iiij. Sonday of Lent.

Yowre servaunte to his powr,

JOHN PASTON.

[Footnote 306.2: [From Paston MSS., B.M.] This letter was so manifestly written on the receipt of the last, that there can be no question about the date. It bears no address upon the back, so that it is probably only a copy, or, if an original, it certainly was not sent; but the person for whom it was intended was evidently the Earl of Oxford.]

[Footnote 306.3: Cardinal Kemp.]

241

INFORMATION AGAINST ROBERT LEDHAM[307.1]

[Sidenote: 1454]

Thees be the persons that enformyd the Justicez of the Kyngis Benche the last terme of suche ryottis as hath be done be Robert Ledham: The Lord Skales, Sir Thomas Todenham, Sir John Chalers, Edmond Clere, Water George, John Alyngton, Gilbert Debenham, John Denston, William Whit, William Alyngton, Reynald Rows, John Berney, Richard Suthwell, John Paston, John Henyngham, Raff Shelton, Henry Grey.

These be the names of the knyghtes and esquyers that endittyd Robert Ledham:--Thomas Todenham, knyght, Andrew Ogard, knyght, John Henygham, knyght, William Calthorp, esquyer, Bryan Stapelton, esquyer, Osbert Mondford, esquyer, John Groos, esquyer, William Rokwod, esquyer, Thomas Morle, esquyer, Thomas Scholdham, esquyer, John Wyndham, esquyer, John Berney, esquyer, William Narbow, esquyer, John Chippysby, esquyer, William White, esquyer, John Bryston, esquyer, John Paston, esquyer.

These be dyvers of the ryottis and offensis done in the hundred of Blofeld in the counte of Norffolk, and in other townys be Robert Lethum, otherwyse callyd Robert Ledham of Wytton, be Blofeld in the counte of Norffolk, and by his ryottys men and by other of his affinitez and knowleche, whos names folowyn, and that they contynually folow and resorte unto his hous, and ther be supported and maynteynet and confortid.

These be the principall menealle men of the sayd Robert Ledham ys hous be the whiche the sayd ryottys have be done, that use in substaunce non other occupacion but ryottys:--_In primis_, John Cokett, Thomas Bury, Thomas Cokowe, Cristofer Bradlee, Elys Dukworth, William Donmowe, Cristofer Grenesheve, Roger Chirche. Notwythstondyng the sayd Robert Ledham kypith dayly many mo in his house and chaungeth such as have be oppenly knowyn for riottis and takith other for hem as evill as they. And these be the most principale persons comyng and resortyng unto the house of the sayd Robert Ledham, and ther be supportid and mayntened in ryottes be whom the sayd ryottes have be don, that ys to sey: _In primis_, Robert Taillor, Henry Bang, Robert Dallyng, John Beston, Charles Navell, John, the sone of Roger Ratclyff, Robert Berton; notwythstondyng ther be money moo whos names ben unknowyn. With the which persons, and many moo unknowyn, the sayd Robert Ledham kept atte his hous in maner of a forcelet and issith ouute atte here pleaysour and atte his lust, the sayd Ledham to assigne, somtyme vj. and sometyme xij., somtyme xxx^ti and moo, armyd, jakkid, and salettyd, with bowys and arrowys, speris, billys, and over ryde the countrey and oppressid the Kyngs peple, and didde mony oryble and abhomynable dedes, like to have be destruccion of the enhabitantes in the sayd hundred, in the forme that folowyth, and warse.

_In primis_, on the Monday[309.1] next before Ester day and the shire daye, the xxx. yere of oure soverayne Lord the Kyng, x. persons of the sayd riottors, with a brother of the wyff of the sayd Robert Lethum, laye in awayte in the hyght way under Thorpe Wode upon Phillip Berney, esquyer, and his man comyng from the shire, and shette atte hym and smote the hors of the sayd Phillipp with arowes, and than over rode hym, and toke hym and bette hym and spoillid hym. And for thayr excuse of this ryot, they ledde hym to the Bysshopp of Norwiche, axyng seuerte of the peas wher they hadde never waraunt hym to areste. Which affray shorttyd the lyffdayes of the sayd Phillippe, whiche dyed withynne shorte tyme after the said affray.[309.2]

Item, iij. of the sayd riottys feloshippe the same day, yere, and place, laye on awayte uppon Edmond Broune, gentilman, and with naked swerdes and other wepyng faght wyth hym be the space of on qaurte (_sic_) of an houre, and toke and spoillyd hym, and kepte hym as long as them lyst, and after that lette hym goo.

Item, xl^ti of the sayd riottys felowshipp, be the comaundement of the same Robert Lethum, jakket and saletted, with bowes, arowys, billys, and gleyves, oppon Mauyndy Thursday,[309.3] atte iiij. of the clokke atte after nonne, the same yere, comyn to the White Freres in Norwyche, and wold have brokyn theyr yates and dorys, feynyng thaym that they wold hire thayre evesong. Where they ware aunswered suche service was non used to be there, nor withyn the sayd citee atte that tyme of the daye, and prayd them to departe; and they aunswered and sayd that affore thayre departyng they wold have somme persons ouute of that place, qwykke or dede, insomuch the sayd freris were fayn to kype thaire place with forsse. And the mayr and the sheriffe of the sayd cite were fayn to arere a power to resyst the sayd riotts, which to hem on that holy tyme was tediose and heynous, consedryng the losse and lettyng of the holy service of that holy nyght. And theroppon the sayd ryotors departid.

Item, the sayd Robert Lethum, on the Monday[310.1] nest after Esterne day, the same yere, toke from on John Wilton iiij. neet for rent arere, as he said, and killed hem and layd them in salte, and afterward ete hem.

Item, the sayd Robert Lethum, with vj. of his sayd ryottes, the same yere made assaute uppon John Wilton in Plumstede churche yerde, and theer so bete hym that he was in doute of his lyff; and also dede to hym many grete wronggys and oppressioun, unto the undoyng of the sayd John Wilton.

Item, in lyke wyse the sayd Robert Lethum and his men assauted on John Coke of Witton, in brekyng uppe his dorys atte a xi. of the cloke in the nyght, and wyth thaire swerdys maymed hym and gaff hym vij. grete wondys, and toke from hym certayn goodys and catalls, of the whiche he hadde, nor yitte hath, no remedy nor restitution.

Item, the same day and yere they bete the moder of the same John Coke, she beyng iiij^xx. [_four score_] yere of age and more, and smote hure uppon the crowne of here hed with a swerd; of the whiche hurte she myght never be helyd into the day of hure deth.

Item, John, the sone of Hodge Ratleffe, and other of the sayd felowshipp, toke on Thomas Baret of Byrlygham out of his house, and bete hym and wondid hym that he kept his bedde a month, and toke from hym certayn goodes and catells.

Item, the sayd Robert Taillor, because the sayd Thomas Baret complayned of the same betyng, lay in awayte oppon hym, with other of his feloushippe, and bete hym agayn.

Item, John Beston and the sayd Robert Taillor, and other of the sayd riottes felowshipp, toke on Thomas Byrden of Lyngewod and bete hym and prisoned hym till unto such tyme that he was delyvered by the mene of my Lord of Norwych; and for that sorow, distres, and grete payne and betyng, the sayd Thomas Byrden toke suche kynesse that he dyed.

Item, the sayd Robert Dallyng and Herry Bange, and other of the sayd felowshippe, toke and bete on Nicholas Chirche atte Strumpeshawe, beyng in the church of the same towne, that he was [in] dout of his lyff.

Item, the sayd Robert Dallyng lay on awayt uppon on Thomas Dallyng, and hym grevously bete.

Item, on Middleynt Sunday,[311.1] the xxx^ti yere of oure soveraigne Lorde the Kynge that now ys, Robert Dallyng, Robert Churche, Robert Taillor, Herry Bang, Adam atte More, with other unknowyn, be the comaundement and assent of the sayd Robert Ledham, made affray uppon Herry Smyth and Thomas Chambre atte Suthbirlyngham, the sayd Herry and Thomas and that tyme knelyng to see the usyng of the masse, and than and ther wold have kyllyd the sayd Herry and Thomas atte the prestys bakke, ne had they be lettyd.

Item, the sayd Robert Lethum, with his sayd ryottis felawshipp, the same yere dide and made so many ryottes in the hundred where he dwellyth that dyvers and many gentilmen, frankeleyns, and good men, durst not abyde in here mansyon place, ne ryde, nother walke aboute thaire occupacions without mo persons, arrayd in maner and forme of werre attendyng and waytyng uppon them than thayr lyvelode wold extende to fynde hem. And so, for savacion of thaire lyves, and in eschewyng of suche inordinat costys as never was seen in that countrey befor, many of them forsoke and leffte thaire owyn habitacion, wyff and childe, and drewe to fortresses and good townes as for that tyme.

_In primis_, Phillipp Berney, esquyer, Edmond Broom to Castre; Thomas Holler, John Wylton to Norwych; Oliver Kubyte to Seynt Benetts; Robert Spany to Aylesham; Thomas Baret, with many others, to Meche Yarmouth and to other placys of strenght.

Item, the sayd Robert Ledham, contynuyng in this wyse, callyd unto hym his sayd mysgoverned felowshipp, consydryng the absence of many of the well-rewlyd people of the sayd hundred of affere cast malice, and congected, purposed and labored to the sheriff of the shire that the sayd Roger Chirche, on of the sayd riottous felawshipp, was made bailly of the hundred; and after causid the same Roger to be begynner of arysyng and to take oppon hym to be a captayn and to excite the peple of the countrey therto. And ther oppon, be covyne of the sayd Robert Ledhaum, to appeche all these sayd well rewlyd persones, and as well other divers substanciall men of good fame and good governaunce that were hated be the sayd Robert Ledhaum, and promittyng the sayd Roger harmeles and to sew his pardon be the mene of Danyell; to the which promyse the sayd Rogger aggreed, and was arested and take be the sayd Ledham be covyne betwixt hem, and appeched suche persons as they lust, to the entente that the sayd substanciall men of the countre shuld be by that mene so trowblyd and indaungered that they shuld not be of power to lette and resist the mys rewle of the sayd Ledham and his mysgoverned felawshipp, the whiche mater ys confessid by the sayd Roger Chirch.

Item, William Breton and John Berton, and other of the sayd ryottes, come into the place of on Robert Spany of Poswyke and serched his housez, hous be hous, for to have bete hym yf they myght have founde hym.

Item, William Donmowe, servaunt of the sayd Robert Ledham, and by his comaundement, the same yere bete the parson of Hashyngham, and brake his hede in his owyn chauncell.

Item, the sayd Thomas Bery, Elys Dukworth, Thomas Cokowe, George of Chamer, the v. day of Novembre last past, with divers other onknowyn men, onto the nombre of xx. persons, and noman of reputacion among hem, comen, under color of huntyng, and brake uppe gatys and closys of Osburne Monford atte Brayston; and xij. persons of the same felowshipp, with bowys bent and arowys redy in thair handys, abode alone betwixt the maner of Brayston and the chirche, and there kept hem from vij. of the clokke on the mornyng unto iij. of the clokk after none, lyyng in awayte oppon the servauntez of the sayd Osburne Monford, lorde of the sayd maner, so that nonne durst comen ouut for doute of thair lyves.

Item, viij. of the sayd felowshipp, on the Wennesday next after, prevely in an hole layn in awayte oppon William Edworth and Robert Camplyon, servauntz to the sayd Osburn Montford, comyng from Okill[313.1] market, till that tyme that the said William Owell and Robert come uppon hem onwarre, and theruppon chasid hem so that yf they had not be well horssyd and well askapped, they had ben dede and slayne.

Item, vj. or vij. of the sayd Ledamys men dayly, boyth werkeday and haly day, use to goo aboute in the countrey with bowys and arowys, shotyng and playng in mennys closis among men catall, goyng from alhous to alhousez and manassyng suche as they hated, and soght occasion and quarels and debate.

Item, notwithstandyng that all the lyvelod that the sayd Ledham hath passith not xx_li._ [£20], be sydes the reparacion and outcharges, and that he hath no connyng ne trew mene of getyng of any good in this countre, as for as any man may conceyve, and yette xypith in his house dayly xx. men, besydes women and gret multitude of such mysgoverned peple as ben resortyng to hym, as ys above sayd, to the whiche he yevith clothyng, and yitte bysyde that he yevith to other men that be not dwellyng in his household; and of the sayd xx. men ther passith not viij. that use occupacion of husbondrye; and all they that use husbondrye, as well as other, be jakked and salettid redy for to werre, which yn this countrey ys thoght ryght straunge, and ys verely so conceyved that he may not kepe this countenance be no good menes.

Item, the sayd Ledham hath a _supersedias_ oute of the chauncerie for hym and divers of hys men, that no warant of justice of pees may be served agayn hem.

Item, please unto your Lordshipp to remembre that the sayd Ledham and his sayd mysgoverned feloushipp be endited of many of these articles and of many moo not comprehendit here, and in especiall of the sayd rysyng agayn the Kyng. Wherfore, though the sayd Ledham can prove the sayd enditement of treson voyde in the lawe for symplenesse of them that gaffe the verdit, that it lyke you, for the Kyngs availl, not redely to suffre the sayd Ledham to departe atte large unto the tyme that the mater of the sayd enditement be better enquered of for the Kyngs avayll, and that the sayd Ledham fynde surte of his good aberyng; and the inhabitauntz of the sayd hundred of Blofeld shall pray for you. And els they be lyke to be destruyd for ever.

[Footnote 307.1: [From Add. Charter 16,545, B.M.] This paper refers mainly to events of 1452 and 1453, but was probably drawn up in 1454, after the Duke of York had come into power.]

[Footnote 309.1: 3rd April 1452.]

[Footnote 309.2: Philip Berney died, as we have seen, on the 2nd July 1453, fifteen months after the date assigned to the outrage.]

[Footnote 309.3: 6th April 1452.]

[Footnote 310.1: 10th April 1452.]

[Footnote 311.1: 19th March 1452.]

[Footnote 313.1: Acle.]

[[she beyng iiij^xx. ... yere of age _printed “vere” (error or broken “y”)_]]

[[toke suche kynesse that he dyed _text unchanged: error for “sykynesse” or equivalent?_]]

242

JOHN CLOPTON TO JOHN PASTON[314.1]

_Un to ryth reverent Sir, and my good mayster, John Paston._

[Sidenote: About 1454]

Ryth wurthy and wurchypfull Sir, and my ryth good mayster, I recomaunde me on to you, thankyng you evermore of your gret jentylness and good maystyrhod shewyd on to me at all tymys, and specyally now to my herthys ease, qwyche on my part can nowt be rewardyd, but my sympyll service is ever redy at your comaundement. Ferthemor, as for the mater that ye wete of, I have laboryd so to my feydr that your entent as for the jointoure xal be fulfellyd; and, Sir, I besheche you sethyn that I do my part to fullefelle your wyll, that ye wolle shew me your good maystyrhod in here chambyr, as my full trust is, in so moche that it xall nowth hurthe you nor non of youris, and the profite ther of xal be on to the avayle of my maystress your suster, and to me, and to non odyr creature.

And also my maystress, your modyr, xall nouth be charchyd the with her bourd aftyr the day of the mariage, but I to discharge her of here persone, and to ease me that hat here chambyr may be non contradiccion.

And, Sir, I am redy, and alwey wolle to performe that I have seyd on to you, &c.

Ferthemor, lykyd you to wete I was a Thursday last passyd at Cavendyshe, to dylyver an astate to Wentworth in the londe that was my brothyr Cavendyche, as I tolde you wan I was last with you. And ther I spak with Crane; and he be sowthe me that I wolde sende over to my maystress your modyr for his excuse, for he myth nowth be with here at this tyme, but on the Saterday in Esterne wyke he wolle nouth fayll to be with her. So he counsellyd me that I and my brothyr Denston xulde mete with hym there; and so, withoute your better avyse, I and my brothyr purpose us to be with you ther at that tyme; for the sonner the levyr me, for, as to my conceythe, the dayys be waxyn wondyrly longe in a scorte tyme. Qwerfor I besheche you sende me your avyse how ye wolle have me rewlyd, &c.

No more I wrythe to you at this present tyme, but be schechyng you to recomaunde in the lowlyest wyse. And the Trinite preserve you body and sowle.

Wretyn with my chauncery hand, in ryth gret haste, on the Fryday be forn Palmesoneday.

Your,

JOHN CLOPTON.

[Footnote 314.1: [From Fenn, iii. 192.] The exact year of this letter is uncertain, but from what John Paston writes to Lord Grey on the 15th of July 1454, about proposals having been recently made for his sister, it is not unlikely to be that year.]

243

JOHN CLOPTON TO JOHN PASTON[315.1]

_Maryage Artycles betwix Anneys Paston, &c. on the one partie, and William Clopton, Squyer, on the other partie._

This indenture, made betwix Anneys that was the wyfe of William Paston, John Paston hir sone, and John Dam on the one partie, and William Clopton, Squyer, on the other partie, witnesseth that accord is take attwyn the seid parties that John Clopton, sone and heir of the seid William Clopton, by the grace of God, shall wedde Elizabeth, the doughter of the seid Anneys. For which mareage the seid Anneys, &c. shall paye to the seid John Clopton CCCC^th marc in hand of lawfull mony of England; and over that, yf the seid mareage be holdyn with the seid Anneys, the seid Anneys shall bere the costages therof the day of the weddyng, with swech chaumbeyr as shall be to the plesir of the seid Anneys; and the seid William Clopton shall do his feffees make a lawfull estate to the seid William of londs, tenementz, rentz, and servysez to the yerly value of xl_li._ over all chargez born, to have and to hold to hym terme of his lyfe, withoutyn empechement of wast, the remaindr therof to the seid John and Elizabeth, and to his heirs male of hir body lawfully begotyn, withoute impechement of wast, withynne xij. dayes after the seid weddyng.

And over that, withynne the seid xij. dayes the seid John shall do lawfull estate to be made to the seid William of londs, tenementz, rentz, and servysez to the yerly value of xl. marc over all charges born; to have and hold to the seid William terme of his lyfe, withoute empechement of wast; the remayndre therof to the seid Elizabeth, to have and hold to hir terme of hir lyfe withoute empechement of wast.

Also it is accorded that the seid William shall make estate of all the residue of his londs which he is sesid of, or any other man to his use, to swech personys as the seid John shall name, to the use of the seid John.

Also the seid John Clopton shall do lawfull estate to be made to the seid Elizabeth of londs, tenementz, rentz, and servysez to the yerly value of xxx_li._ over all chargez born, to have and hold to hir duryng the lyfe of the seid William.

And moreover the seid John permytteth and ensureth be the feith of his body that he shall leve, over the xl_li._ worth lond aboveseid to his heirs and issue male of the body of the seid Elizabeth begotyn, londes in fee symple or in taill to the yerly value of xl. marc, in cas the same issue male be governyd to the seid John as the sone oweth to be to the fadir. And, &c.

[Footnote 315.1: [From Fenn, iii. 196.] The date of this draft settlement is no doubt about the same period as that of the preceding letter, whatever may have been the exact time that it was written.]

244

THOMAS DENYES TO JOHN PASTON[317.1]

_To my maister Paston._

[Sidenote: 1454 / APRIL 8]

Right Reverend and wurshipfull Sir, myn especyall good maister, I recomaund me to you. And for as moch as adversite and prosperite bothe ly in the disposicion of o [_one_] man above, I thank God, and late you wete that I stand yet in as greet troble as ever I dede or gretter; praying you ever to be my good maister and to contynue your benyvolens as I am ever bounde to you. Myn hevynes is sum whet incresid, for a fals harlot, sauf your reverens, one James Cook, a servaunt of myn, falsly and traitourously is hired bi Watte Ingham and hath accused and diffamed me and my wif of settyng up billes agayn lordis, that, Almighti God I take to record, I not am ne never was gilty therof; but the same theef and Asshcote han made an appoyntement to come and robbe me of suych littel goodis of myn as thei can gete in Norffolk or Norwich. Wherfore I beseche your maistership for charite of your help and socour to my servauntz if such case falle. For I trowe this is a troble that never man suffrid non like in such case, and therfore, gentill Sir, as God hath indued you of myght and power to socour suych troubles, shew your bounte to me in this nede, and that for Goddes love, Who Almighti preserve you. Wretyn in Flete the viij. day of Aprill.--Your wofull servant,

DENYES.

The said Asshcote can counterfete my hand and therfore I drede he wole stele by sum fals letters suych as he myght gete. I haf wretyn my servantz theraftir.

[Footnote 317.1: [Add. MS. 34,888, f. 94.] That the year in which this letter was written was 1454 is evident from its being dated from the Fleet. _See_ Nos. 239 and 245.]

245

THOMAS DENYES TO JOHN PASTON[318.1]

_To my Maister Paston._

[Sidenote: 1454 / MAY 3]

Right reverent and wurshipfull Sir, and myn especiall good maister, I recomaund me to you. And for as moche as oon Lord above giffeth and takith as hym plesith, I thank His grace of every thyng; and for the bounte that ye shew to me in this troble, I haf no spirite to thank you as I shuld. Sir, as for certeyn evidence of myn touchyng your place in Seint Andrues Parissh, my wif tellith me that she lefft thaym in a chest at Ovyes shette; the key ther of she hath sent now to Ovy also. And as for more evidence, sum is in the kepyng of Frere John Mendham, wherto I beseche your maistership that ye wole se for the sauf and secreet kepyng therof. God wote my wif delyvered all, myn unwetyng; ever therfore I doute, trustyng with such hope as is be lefft me to the best, with Godds grace.

Othre evidence of myn is at Folsham, I wote not with whome. I thank God of my conyng; but as sone as I may know, I shal write to you. Wherfore, sith it is thus, I beseche your maistershep disdeigne not, but for our Lords love ye vouchsauf to take it to you, or to se that it be sauf, if it plese you. And that ye wole send for John Maile, for I conceyve hym right feithfull to me, and I am enfourmed that he is gretly manasid for me. And that ye vouchsauf to do put hym in comfort that I lese not his good wille, and that ye shew hym your good maistership and favor that he be holpen and not hurt for me. Ferthermore, I wrote to you for such smal thynges as I had leid to plegge to you for such good as that I borwid of you. Wheryn I beseche your maistership that if my frends pay you accordyng to my writyng, that ye than vouchsaf to do the said plegges be sent hider to me by such conduyte as your wisdam like to avise, and that they myght be here by the iiij^to die of the xv^cim[319.1] of Ester, for than is my grettest jouparte touchyng myn imprisonement; for sith myn enmyes coude not avail to send me to the castel of Bristow (which was their purpose, whan thei undirstood the disposicion of the Comons Hous agayn their billes), ever sith they make a privy labor to haf me remevid, and I wote not whedir, ne wethir that tyme I shal be sent to the Kynges Bench, and abide ther, or remittyd hider agayn.

Neverthelesse, if I haf releve of such pouer godes as shuld be myn by reson, than I hope to do better, and sumwhat to aquyte, wherby I hope to put my frends in gretter corage to do for me. And if I haf no releve, than can I nomore, but all refere to God as I do daily. Wherefore, if ye be not paied, I pray you to councell my said frendes to send me suche mony as thei may gete of myn agayn that day, ever your maistership and wisdam seyng to the conduyte therof. More over, I doute lest that Richard Davy of his untrouth enfourme myn enmys wher such pouer thyng as I haf is, to that intent that thei may riffel and dispoil all. Wherof, if such case hapne, I can no ferthre, but I besech your help in every thyng. It is yours all, ther is a dede of gifft therof to you among myn evidence, as ye vouchsauff to do or do to be don in every thyng I holde me content. And Al myghti God preserve you.

Wretyn in non hertis ease at Flete, the iij. day of Maii.

WOFUL DENYES.

[Footnote 318.1: [From Paston MSS., B.M.] For the date of this letter it may be sufficient to refer the reader to Letters 238 and 239 preceding. Both Denyes and his wife are here still in prison, but he expresses himself grateful to Paston for efforts made in his behalf.]

[Footnote 319.1: The fourth day of the quinzaine of Easter.]

246

LORD SCALES TO JOHN PASTON[320.1]

_To my right and welbeloved frend, John Paston, Squier._

[Sidenote: 1454 / MAY 17]

Right trusty and welbeloved frend, I grete you wel; and for as mych as I have understande that ze have do take a distresse of certayn bestes upon certayn land, which I stande infeffed in, in the town of Pagrave, for what cause I knowe not; wherfor I pray you that ze wyll make deliverance ageyn of the said bestes, and if any thing ze can axe be dute of right, setteth a day, and lete your evydences and right be shewed, and I shall assigne conceill of myn to be there to se it; and all that reson or lawe wyll, I wyll be right glad ze have, and otherwise I trowe ze wold not desire. And if ze wyll do this, I wyll be wel paied, and elles ze constreyn me to pourveye other wise, as lawe may gyde me. Oure Lord have you in governance. Writen at Walsyngham, the xvij. day of May.

Youre frend,

THE LORD SCALES.

[Footnote 320.1: [From Fenn, iii. 200.] This letter is dated by a contemporary note at the bottom of the original, which is given thus in Fenn: ‘Li’t a͞a Mich. xxxiijº.’ But for ‘a͞a,’ according to the Errata in vol. iii., we should read ‘a͞e,’ _i.e._ ‘Litteræ _ante_ Mich. [Festum S. Michaelis] xxxiij.’ [_i.e._ anno Regis xxxiii.].]

247

BOTONER TO JOHN PASTON[320.2]

_To my Maister Paston._

[Sidenote: 1454 / JUNE 8]

Worshypfull Syr, and my gode maister, after dewe recomendacion, wyth alle my trewe servyce precedyng, lyke you wete that as to nouveltees, &c., the Prince shall be create at Wyndesour, uppon Pentecost Sonday,[321.1] the Chaunceller,[321.2] the Duc of Bokyngham, and manye othyre Lordys off astate, present wyth the Quene.

As to my Lord Yorke, he abydyth aboute Yorke tille Corpus Crist Feste[321.3] be passyd, and wyth grete worship ys there resseyved.

And certeyn Justices, Prysot,[321.4] Byngham,[321.5] Portyngton,[321.6] and &c., be thedre for execucion of justice uppon such as hafe offendended yn cause creminall.

It ys seyd the Duc of Exceter[321.7] ys here coverdtlye. God send hym gode councell hereafter.

And the Pryvee Sele[321.8] ys examynyd how, and yn whate maner, and be whate autorite prevye selys were passed forthe in that behalf, whych ys full innocent and ryght clere yn that mater, as it ys welle knowen.

The Frenshmen hafe be afore the Isles of Gersey and Gernessey, and a grete navey of hem, and v^c. [500] be taken and slayn of hem by men of the seyd trew Isles, &c.

Syr Edmond Mulso ys come from the Duc of Burgoyne;[321.9] and he seyth, by hys servaunts rapport, that he wolle not discharge the godes of the mrchaunts of thys land, but so be that justice be don uppon the Lord Bonevyle, or els that he be sent to hym to do justice by hym self, as he hath deserved, or satisfaccion be made to the value.

Yowr mater[10] is enseled as of the thyng ye wote of.

I can no more for haste and lak of leyser, but our Lord kepe you. Wryt hastly viij. of June.

I sende a lettre to Maister Berney to lete you see for the gouvernaunce yn Yorkshyr.

BOTO-H.R.-NER.[322.1]

[Footnote 320.2: [From Fenn, i. 76.]]

[Footnote 321.1: June 9 in 1454.]

[Footnote 321.2: Richard Nevill, Earl of Salisbury, was appointed Chancellor on the 2nd April 1454.]

[Footnote 321.3: June 20 in 1454.]

[Footnote 321.4: John Prisot, Chief Justice of the Common Pleas.]

[Footnote 321.5: Richard Bingham, a Justice of the King’s Bench.]

[Footnote 321.6: John Portington, a Justice of the Common Pleas.]

[Footnote 321.7: Henry Holland, Duke of Exeter. On the 11th May this year he had been ordered to appear before the Council on the following Thursday (16th May). --_See_ Nicolas’s _Privy Council Proceedings_, vi. 180.]

[Footnote 321.8: His name was Thomas Lyseux.--See _Patent Roll_, 32 Hen. VI., m. 14.]

[Footnote 321.9: Philip the Good, Duke of Burgundy.]

[Footnote 321.10: Doubtless the grant of the wardship of Thomas Fastolf of Cowhawe. --_See_ p. 322, Note 2.]

[Footnote 322.1: William Worcester, or Botoner, as he called himself indifferently, secretary to Sir John Fastolf. He frequently introduces the letters ‘H. R.’ into or above his signature, and sometimes at the top of his letter. Fenn reads the name ‘Botener,’ which is certainly wrong according to the facsimile given of the signature in this place.]

248

R. DOLLAY TO JOHN PASTON[322.2]

_Un to my ryght worshypfull Mastyr Paston, be thys byll delyveryd in haste._

[Sidenote: 1454 / JUNE 29]

Ryght trusty and well belovyd master, I recomande me un to yow, desyryng to her of your good prosperite and wellfar. And as towchyng for Ser Phylyp Wentforde, he rood on to London ward up on Seynt Jon ys day, and on the evyn afor he sent to my master for to have sum of hys men for to ryd with hym to Colchester; and for be cawse he shulde not have no suspesion to me, I rod myself and a felaw with me; and he rood with an C. [_hundred_] hors with jakks[322.3] and saletts,[322.4] and rusty habyrjons;[322.5] and ther rood with hym Gyboun of Debnem, and Tympyrle, and all the felashyp that they cowd make. And Gyboun seyde that he wolde endyte as many as he cowde understonde that wer of the toder party; and longe Bernard was ther also; and he mad Ser Phylyp Wentforde to torne ageyn, and maad every men to beende her bowys, and lyth down of her hors for to wyte and ony man wolde come ageynstem, and he seyde how he shulde not let hys wey nor for Ser John Fastolf nor for Paston, nor for noon of hem all.

And as for the ward,[323.1] he was not ther, but ther was had anoder chyld lyk hym, and he rood next hym, and whan that he was ij. myle be zonde Colchester, he sent hym hoomageyn with a cer tey[n] meyny. And Ser Phylyp Wentforde, and Gyboun of Debnem, and Tymperle, and Bernard, they took a man of Stratford, a sowter,[323.2] and hys name ys Persoun; and they enqueryd hym of every manys name of the toder party, and he tolde hem as many as he cowde; and they bad hym enquer ferther for to knowe all, for they desyryd of hym for to enquer as fer as he cowde, and he shulde have well for hys labor.

No mor to yow at thys tyme, but the Holy Gost have yow in hys kepyng.

Wretyn at Hadley, the Saturday after Seynt John ys day. And I beseeche yow hertyly recomande me to my Master Alblaster.

By yowr man,

R. DOLLAY.

[Footnote 322.2: [From Fenn, iii. 210.] This letter gives an account of certain proceedings for taking possession of the person of a minor in opposition to the claims of Paston and Sir John Fastolf as guardians. Fenn supposes the ward in question to have been Thomas Fastolf of Ipswich; but it appears, by a petition afterwards presented to Parliament (see _Rolls of Parl._ v. 371), that he was another Thomas Fastolf, viz. the son of John Fastolf, Esq. of Cowhawe, Suffolk, whose wardship was granted on the 6th June 1454 to John Paston, Esq., and Thomas Howes, clerk. The St. John’s day mentioned in this letter is therefore St. John the Baptist’s day, 24th June, not St. John the Evangelist’s, 27th December.]

[Footnote 322.3: The jack or jacket was a military vestment, calculated for the defence of the body, composed of linen stuffed with cotton, wool, or hair quilted, and commonly covered with leather.--F.]

[Footnote 322.4: A salet was a light helmet of various construction.--F.]

[Footnote 322.5: The haubergeon was a coat composed either of plate or chain-mail without sleeves. For a fuller account and view of these, the reader is referred to Mr. Grose’s accurate _Treatise on Ancient Armour and Weapons_, 4to, 1785.--F.]

[Footnote 323.1: Thomas, son of John Fastolf, Esq. of Cowhawe.]

[Footnote 323.2: A shoemaker.]

249

WILLIAM BOTONER TO JOHN PASTON[323.3]

_To my gode maister, John Paston, Escuier, in Norwich, and yn hys absence, to John Berney, at Caister, Squyer._

[Sidenote: 1454 / JULY 5]

Worshypfull Sirs, I recomaund me to yow. Lyke yow wete that as to the waraunts and copes that ye remembred to be gheten owt, it ys laboured for, &c.

And as to the assisse, it shall hald at Norwych, the Monday next com fortendayes.

The Duc of York, the Lord Cromewell, and othyr Lordys of the North that were wyth my seyd Lord York, comen hedre by Monday next, as it ys credybly seyd. The Lordys that be appoynted to kepe the see maken hem redye yn all haste; and the Tresourer also, the Lord Wyltshyre[324.1] for the west coost. And a stately vessell, only for the warre, ys made new at Brystow by the Mayr, called Sturmyn[324.2]. And the seyd toune with the west coosts wolle do her part, and [i.e. _if_] they may be supported or favoured.[324.3]

Mastere Pownyngs[324.4] hath day tille the next terme by a remayner. Manye a gode man ys hert he hath.[325.1] God comfort hym in ryght!

And justice ys don dayly uppon thevys and malefactours, and people be glad that justice may precede.

The Lord Bourchier hath a gode renomee of hys wyse demenyng at Calis, but he ys not yhyt comen.

The Soudeours be more temperat then they were. Not ell[es] for lak of leyser, but our Lord kepe you.

Wryt at L. [London], the v. day of Jullet.

Gressam qwyts hym well yn your erandys doyng to me.

Your,

W. BOTONER.

[Footnote 323.3: [From Fenn, i. 140.] The year in which this letter was written must be that of the mayoralty of Robert Sturmy at Bristol, as shown in p. 324, Note 2. It certainly could not be 1457, Fenn’s date, as Lord Cromwell died in January 1456.]

[Footnote 324.1: James Butler, Earl of Wiltshire and Ormond. He was appointed Lord Treasurer of England on the 15th March 1455 (Patent, 33 Henry VI., p. 2, m. 20), but on the 29th May following the office was taken from him, and given to Henry, Viscount Bourchier (_Ib._ m. 12). But this letter, which is dated in July, cannot be in 1455; indeed, we have positive evidence that it is in 1454. How, then, are we to explain the manner in which Wiltshire is referred to above? It is just possible--though not likely, as Wiltshire was a Lancastrian--that his appointment may have been enrolled in the wrong year, and that he was really made Lord Treasurer on the 15th March 1454. A difference in punctuation will perhaps solve the difficulty best:-- ‘The Lords that be appointed to keep the see maken hem ready yn all haste, and the Treasourer also: the Lord Wyltshyre for the west coast.’ John Tiptoft, Earl of Worcester, is mentioned as Lord Treasurer on the 11th February 1454.--See _Rolls of Parl._ v. 238.]

[Footnote 324.2: The name was printed by Fenn ‘St’myn’,’ and in the modern version on the opposite page, ‘St. Myn.’ Robert Sturmy was Mayor of Bristol in the year 1453-4. It was probably this very ship that was captured by the Genoese in 1457, of which disaster there is the following notice in the MS. Calendars of Bristol:-- ‘Mr. Robert Sturney [_alias_ Sturmey], who was Mayor in 1453, had this year a ship spoiled in the Mediterranean Sea by the Genoese, which ship had gotten much wealth as having been long forth. She had spices fit to be planted here in England, as was reported, but the men of Genoa in envy spoiled her. Which wrong, when King Henry understood, he arrested the Genoa merchants in London, seized their goods, and imprisoned their persons, until they gave security to make good the loss; so that they were charged with £6000 indebted to Mr. Sturney.’ --Seyer’s _Memoirs of Bristol_, ii. 189.]

[Footnote 324.3: ‘The said town,’ it would appear, did ‘do her part’ on the occasion; for besides this ship fitted out by the Mayor, Bristol subscribed £150 to a loan raised by the Duke of York from the seaports for the protection of trade. This sum may appear insignificant for a flourishing seaport; but London itself only subscribed £300, and Southampton, which was the next largest contributor, only £100, while Norwich and Yarmouth contributed the latter amount between them.--Seyer’s _Bristol_, ii. 188; see also _Rolls of Parl._ v. 245. We must remember, however, that these sums probably represent about fifteen times their value in modern currency. At all events, by comparison with other places, Botoner had no cause to be ashamed of his native town.]

[Footnote 324.4: Robert Poynings. --_See_ p. 154, Note 3.]

[Footnote 325.1: ‘Many a good man’s heart he hath.’ --We should have thought this explanation unnecessary, but that Fenn, in his modern version, gives the following most extraordinary rendering:-- ‘Many a good man is hurt (_that_) he hath.’]

250

EDMUND, LORD GREY OF HASTINGS TO JOHN PASTON[325.2]

_To my trusty and wele belovid John Paston, Squyer, be this lettre delivered._

[Sidenote: 1454 / JULY 11]

Trusty and welebelovid frend, I comaund me to zow, certifying zow that and zour sustyr be not zit maried, y trust to God y know that where she may be maried to a gentylman of iii. C. [300] marc of lyvelod, the which is a grete gentylman born, and of gode blode; and yf ze think that y shall labore ony ferder therynne, y pray zow send me word by the bringer of this lettre, for y have spoke with the parties, and they have granted me that they wolle precede no ferder therynne tyll y speke with hem azen; and therefore, y pray zow, send me word in hast how that ze wylle be desposed therynne; and God have zow in hys kepyng. W[r]ettin at Ampthill, the xj. day of July last past.

By EDMOND GREY, LORD OF HASTYNGES, WAIFFORD, AND OF RUTHYN.

[Footnote 325.2: [From Fenn, iii. 214.] This letter is dated by a memorandum at the bottom of the original, in the handwriting of John Paston-- ‘Liberat. per Will. Aleyn, valetum dicti domini xiiij. die Julii anno xxxijº. H. vi.’]

251

SIR JOHN FASTOLF TO THOMAS HOWYS[326.1]

_To my ryght trusty frende Sir Thomas Howys, Parson of Castelcombe._

[Sidenote: 1454 / JULY 12]

Ryght trusty frende, I grete you well, and wolle ye wete that I thynk it to greete merveylle of your trouth and wysdom that ye shuld haf, that ye hafe noysed me, and seyd to John Andreus at Yeppyswych, in presence of dyvers men, that ye have suffisaunt waraunts undre my lettre and sele to safe you harmlese, in case ye be condempned yn the somme this Andreus sewyth you for. And know for certeyn, there passed no such warauntis undre my sele; nothyr I comaunded you not for to labour ne do thyng that shuld be ayenst the law, nether unlawfully ayenst ryght and trouth. And therfor y ought not ne wolle not pay for yow. Wherfor I charge you sende me your warauntis and lettres or acomp of them, and of whoos hand wrytyng they ben; and whate evidences, instruccions and informacions ye had and by whom, as well as of my lerned councell as of othyrs. And also that ye comyn with my cosyn John Paston, &c., and take his gode avice whate remedie ys best, whethyr to sew an atteynt ayenst th’enquest a _decies tantum_ in your oune name or by the parlement; for y wolle do seke all the remedies that may be had ayenst the seyd Andreus. And kepe ye close and sure from hym in all maner wyse, for your oune welfare; for know ye for certeyn that Andreus wolle ley all the wayt and aspies of such as ye wene to take for your true frendys to arrest you; and then be ye as it were be thout remedie, for ye not be tyme to sende me the materes abofe specyfied.

Item, Robert Inglose hath spoke wyth me and hath offred me to by lond to satisfye my dewtee that lyeth in Rakhyth, and y am avysed to by it, if ye can send thedre som trusty man that can telle whate it ys worth cleerly, and off whome it ys halde, and also yf it be sure lyvelode, and your avice wythall; but beware that ye com not owt, God kepe you. Wryt at London in haste the xij. day of Julle, Aº. xxxij^do. Regni Regis Henrici VJ.

JOHN FASTOLF, ch’l’r.

[Footnote 326.1: [Add. MS. 34,888, f. 102.]]

252

JOHN PASTON TO LORD GREY[327.1]

_Dominus de Grey._

[Sidenote: 1454 / JULY 15]

Right worshipfull and my ryght gode Lord, I recomand me to yowr gode Lordship. And where as it pleasyd yowr Lordship to dyrecte yowr letter to me for amaryage for my por suster to a jantylman of yowr knowleth of CCC. marc lyflod, in cas she wer not maryd; wherfor I am bownd to do your Lordship servyse; forsothe, my Lord, she is not maryd, ne insurid to noman; ther is and hath be, dyvers tymys and late, comunycacion of seche maryages wyth dyvers jantylmen not determynyd as yett, and whedder the jantylman that yowr Lordchip menith of be on of hem or nay I dowth. And wher as your seyd letter specyfyith that I shall send yow word whedder I thowght ye shuld labour ferther in the mater or nay, in that, my Lord, I dare not preswme to wryte so to yow wythowte I knew the gentylmans name,--notwythstandyng, my Lord, I shall take uppe on me, wyth the avyse of other of here frendys, that she shall nother be maryd ner inswryd to no creatwr, ne forther prosede in no seche mater befor the fest of the Assumpcion of owr Lady next comyng, dwryng whyche tyme yowr Lordship may send me, if itt please yow, certeyn informacion of the seyd gentylmanys name, and of the place and contrey where hys lyfflod lyth, and whedder he hath any chylder, and, after, I shall demene me in the mater as yowr Lordship shall be pleasyd; for in gode feyth, my Lord, it were to me grette joy that my seyd pore suster were, according to hier pore degre, marijd be yowr avyse, trustyng thanne that ye wold be here gode Lord.

Ryght wurchipfull and my ryght gode Lord, I beseche Almyghty God to have yow in His kepyng. Wrete att Norwych, the xv. day of Jull.

[Footnote 327.1: [From Fenn, iii. 216.] This letter is the answer to No. 250, originally printed from a copy in Paston’s own handwriting, without signature.]

253

THOMAS PLAYTER TO JOHN PASTON[328.1]

_To my ryght reverent and worshipfull maister, John Paston, be this dylyverd at London, and ellys sent to hym to Norwic._

[Sidenote: 1454 / JULY 20]

Rygth worshipfull Sir, and my rygth good maister, I recomend me to you. Lyke you to wete I have spoken wyth my lord Chaunceler[328.2] and put the bylle by for hym and all the lordis upon Wednesday at after non last past, wenyng to me to have an answer upon Thursday. And my lord Chaunceler told me that they sped no partycler mater yet syn they cam, nor han no leyser to attend swych maters. I have spoken to my Lord Wylchyre,[328.3] and he promysed to help forth that he can, and my Lord Beauchamp[328.4] bothe. Fenyngley cam but on Thursday at evyn. Item, Sir, I have do made a new bylle whyche I purpose to delyver to the kyng. And, Sir, the lordes merveyle sore of the entre that was made by the straunge man or my lord entred; they thynk that was a straunge werk and a sotyll. Item, I spake to my Lord Chaunceler how my maister[328.5] and ye and your frendis were pute owte of the comyssyon of pees; neverthe les he hath not graunted yet non newe. And as for the questyon that ye wylled me to aske my lord, I fond hym yet at no good leyser. Item, Sir, after the lordys seying, the Councell schuld breke up on Monday next comyng. And as for the Archebysshop of York[329.1] is heyll and mery, &c. Wretyn the xx. day of July.

By your man and servaunt,

THOMAS PLAYTER.

[Footnote 328.1: [Add. MS. 34,889, f. 217.] The reference to Lord Wiltshire proves the date of this letter to lie between 1449 and 1460, and it would seem to be 1454 when the 20th July was a Saturday, Wednesday and Thursday being spoken of as past dates and Monday as a future one.]

[Footnote 328.2: Richard, Earl of Salisbury.]

[Footnote 328.3: James Butler, Earl of Wiltshire and Ormonde.]

[Footnote 328.4: John, Lord Beauchamp.]

[Footnote 328.5: Sir John Fastolf.]

[Footnote 329.1: William Booth was Archbishop of York from 1452 to 1464. If the letter had been earlier Cardinal Kemp would have been Archbishop of York, and would have been called ‘Cardinal of York.’]

254

WILLIAM PASTON TO JOHN PASTON[329.2]

_To his wurchypfull Brodyr, John Paston._

[Sidenote: 1454 / [JULY]]

Ryth wurchypfull broder, I recomande to yow; and as for tedyng, my Lord of Yorke hathe take my Lord of Exsater[329.3] in to hys awarde. The Duke of Somerset[329.4] is styll in prison, in warse case than he was. Syr Jon Fastolf recomande hym to yow, &c. He wyll ryde in to Norfolke ward as on Trusday, and he wyll dwelle at Caster, and Skrop[329.5] wyth hym. He saythe ye ar the hartyest kynysman and frynd that he knowyts. He wolde have yow at Mawdeby dwellyng.

I had gret cher of Byllyng be the way, and he told me in cownsayle wathe he sayd to Ledam.

Ledam wulde a do hys wyse to a mad a complent to Pryothe[329.6] in the scher-howse of yow, and Byllyng consallyd hym to leve, and tolde Ledam ye and he wer no felawys, and sayd to Ledam, ‘That is the gyse of yowr contre men, to spend alle the good they have on men and lewery gownys, and hors and harnes, and so beryt owth for j wylle [_bear it out for a while_], and at the laste they arn but beggars; and so wyll ye do. I wylde ye schull do wyll, be cause ye ar a felaw in Grays In, wer I was a felaw. As for Paston, he ys a swyr [squire] of wurchyp, and of gret lyvelode, and I wothe he wyll not spend alle hys good as [_at?_] onys, but he sparyt yerly C. mark, or j. C. _li._ [£100]; he may do his ennemy a scherewd turne and never far the warse in hys howsholde, ner the lesse men abowthe hym. Ye may not do so, but if yt be for j. [_one_] sesun. I consayll yow not to contenu long as ye do. I wulle consalle yow to seke reste wyth Paston.’

And I thankkyd Byllyng on yowr behalfe.

God have yow in hys kepyng.

Be yowr por Brodyr,

WYLLYAM PASTON.

Meche odyr thyng I can telle an I had lesur. Recomande me to my suster Margeth [and] my cosyn Elizabeth Clyr, I pray yow.

[Footnote 329.2: [From Fenn, i. 72.] The date of this letter is fixed by the fact referred to in Note 3, and by Sir John Fastolf’s going into Norfolk, which, though delayed a little later than is here projected, certainly did take place in 1454. See another letter of William Paston further on, dated 6th September.]

[Footnote 329.3: Henry Holland, Duke of Exeter. On the 24th July the Duke of York was charged by the Privy Council to convey him to Pomfret Castle. --_See_ Nicolas’s _Privy Council Proceedings_, vi. 217.]

[Footnote 329.4: Edmund Beaufort, Duke of Somerset, who was committed to the Tower in the end of the year 1453. --_See_ p. 290, Note 1.]

[Footnote 329.5: Stephen Scroope, Sir John Fastolf’s ward, son of Lady Fastolf, by her former husband.]

[Footnote 329.6: John Prisot, Chief Justice of the Common Pleas.]

255

WILLIAM PASTON TO MARGERY PASTON[330.1]

_To his rythe worchypfull and harthy wellebelovyd suster, Margere Paston, dwellyng in Norwyche._

[Sidenote: [1454] / AUG. 10]

Rythe harthely well belovyd suster, I recomand me, &c. And I have received zowre letteres. And as for my nevewes, they lerne rythe well bothe, and there gownys and there gere schall be mad for hem a cordyng the enthenthe of zowre letter, and all oder thynggis that behovyth on to here profythe harddely to my powere. And, Suster, God zelde zow for zowre labore fore me, for gaderyng of my mony. And I pray, as sone as ze receyvyth, send it heder be some trusty man; and that it plese to calle ther on, &c. My suster and my broder recomand hem to zow bothe, and I may say to zow in counsayll sche is op on poyn of mariage, so that moder and my broder sett frendely and stedfastely there on, leke as I wothe well ze wolld, and it lay in zow as it dothe in hem, &c. I pray zow do zoure parthe to kall theron. It were to long to wrythe on to zow all the maner of demenyng of this mater; and therfor I have spoke to Wyllyam Worseter and to Wethewell to tell it zow holly as it is. I wothe ryth well zow (_sic_) good labore may do moche; and send me word how ze here as hastely as ze may. Item, Howard spak of a mariage betwex his sone and my neece Margery, zowr dother: it wer well do such materes wer nawthe sclawfully laboryd; it is wurchypfull, &c. Send me word, and Gog (_sic_) have zow in His kepyng. Wretyn at London on Sent Lawrens day in hast.

Be zowre brodyre,

WYLLYAM PASTON.

Item, send zow a letter directyd to Wollysby. I pray zow lethe it be delyvered hym as hastely as ze may; and if ze come to this contre I am leke to se zow, and we schall make rythe mery I trust.

[Footnote 330.1: [Add. MS. 33,597, f. 5.] This letter is in the handwriting of William Paston, son of the judge; but the ‘Margery’ Paston to whom it is addressed seems to be his brother John’s wife, Margaret. His nephews, John Paston’s sons, were at school in London. His sister Elizabeth, who was married to Robert Poynings in 1458, is here said to be upon the point of marriage, but no doubt this refers to the negotiations of the year 1454, as the eldest of John Paston’s sons must have been sixteen in 1458. St. Laurence’s day, on which the letter was written, is the 10th August.]

256

RICHARD, DUKE OF YORK, TO JOHN PASTON[331.1]

_To our right trusty and welbeloved John Paston, Esquire._

_The Duc of York._

[Sidenote: 1454 / AUG. 19]

Right trusty and welbeloved, we grete yow hertily wel. And of your benivolence, aide, and tendre love by yow, at th’instance and at the reverence of us, to our right trusty and welbeloved in God, the prior and convent of the hows of Our Lady of Walsingham, of our patronage, in suche matres as they had adoo for certain lyvelood by tham claymed to belonge unto the seid hows, favorably and tendrely shewed,--as hertily as we can we thank yow, and desire and pray yow of your good continuance; and as far as right, lawe, and good conscience wol, to have in favorable recommendacion suche personnes as been or shal bee committed to take possession and saison, in the name and to the use of our ful worshipful nepveu, th’erl of Warrewic, in and of the manoirs and Lordeships of Boules and Walcots,[332.1] with th’appertenauntes in Litel Snoring in the countee of Norffolk, as our grete trust is unto yow. And God have yow in His keping.

Yeven undre our signet at our castel of Sandhall the xix. day of August.

R. YORK.

[Footnote 331.1: [From Fenn, i. 92.] This and the following letter could hardly have been written in any year except 1454 or 1455, when the Duke of York was in power. In the former year he is very likely to have been at his own castle of Sandal on the 19th August, seeing that on the 24th July he was commissioned to convey the Duke of Exeter to Pomfret Castle.]

[Footnote 332.1: According to Blomefield (vii. 186), Catherine, widow of John Cokerell of Albergh Wykes in Suffolk, died seised of the manors of Walcotes and Boles in 6 Henry VI., which she left, with others, to Catherine, daughter of John Cokerell, junior, her son, who died before his father. This younger Catherine died a minor in 10 Henry VI., and the jury knew not who was her heir. In 29 Henry VI. George Heath of Mildenhall released to Humphrey, Duke of Buckingham, all his rights in Walcotes and Boles; but in the 18th of Henry VII. Christopher Conyers and Alice his wife conveyed it to the Heydons. Of its having been purchased by the Earl of Warwick or having belonged to the Prior of Walsingham, as stated in the next letter, Blomefield tells us nothing except that Richard, Earl of Warwick, presented to the rectory of Snoring Parva in 1460 and 1466.]

257

THE EARL OF WARWICK TO JOHN PASTON[332.2]

_To the worshipfull and my right trusty frende John Paston, Squyer._

[Sidenote: 1454 / AUG. 23]

Worshipfull and my right trusty and welbeloved frende, I grete you well. And forasmuch as I have purchased of the worshipfull and my welbeloved frende, Priour of Walsyngham, ij. maners in Lityl Snoryng, with thappurtenants, in the Counte of Norffolk, which maners be cleped Bowles and Walcotes,--I desir and hertily praye yow, that ye woll shewe to me, and my feoffes in my name, your good will and favour, so that I may by your frendship the more peasably rejoy my forsaid purchase.

And more over I praye you to yeve credens in this mater to my welbeloved chapellayn, Syr John Suthwell, berer of this my lettre, and in the same mater to be my feithfull frende, as my gret trust is in you, wherin ye shall do to me a singular pleasir, and cause me to bee to yow right good lord, which sumtyme shall be to you available by the grace of God, who preserve you and sende you welfare.

Yeven under my signet at Midilham, the xxiij. day of August.

RICHARD, ERL OF } R. WARREWYK. WARREWIK. }

[Footnote 332.2: [From Fenn, i. 88.] See preliminary note to the last letter (p. 331, Note 1).]

258

WILLIAM WORCESTER TO JOHN PASTON[333.1]

_To my Maister Paston._

_H. R._

[Sidenote: 1454(?) / SEPT. 2]

Aftyr dewe recomendacion wyth my simple service precedyng, please your maistershyp to wete, that as to such remembraunce that ye desyre me to contynew forth to the uttermost, I shall wyth gode wille, so as my maister wille licence me, as oft as I can, th’officer to hafe leysure to be wyth me, for ye know well I can not do it alone, &c.

And where as ye of your pleasure wryte me or calle me Maister Worcestr, I pray and requyre yow foryete that name of maistershyp, for I am not amended by my maister of a ferthyng yn certeynte, but of wages of housold in comune _entaunt come nows plaira_. By Worcestr or Botoner I hafe v_s._ yerly, all costs born, to help pay for bonetts that I lose. I told so my maister thys weke, and he seyd me yerstenday he wyshed me to hafe be a preest, so I had be disposed, to hafe gofe me a lyvyng by reson of a benefice, that anothyr most gefe it, as the Byshop, but he wold; and so I endure _inter egenos ut servus ad aratrum_.

Forgefe me, I wryte to make yow laugh; and our Lord bryng my maister yn a better mode for othyrs as for me.

At Caistr, ij^d day of September.

* * *

I pray yow displeser not your servaunt be so long, for my maister lettet hym.

Your,

W. WYRCESTYR.

[Footnote 333.1: [From Fenn, iii. 318.] This and the next letter were certainly written on the same day, but the precise year may be questioned. From a comparison of the two together, with William Barker’s letter of the 3rd Nov. following (No. 265), I am inclined to think all three belong to the year 1454, when Sir John Fastolf had just come to settle for the rest of his days in Norfolk. Sir John Fenn, I think rightly, considers this first letter to have been written between jest and earnest; and this tone may be very well explained by the supposition, that on Fastolf’s settlement at Caister, Worcester expected to have had some position of importance assigned to him in his master’s household. That such would be his fortune was probably the expectation of others as well as himself, and apparently John Paston had written to him in the belief that Worcester’s influence with Sir John might occasionally be of value to him.]

259

THOMAS HOWES TO JOHN PASTON[334.1]

_To my maister, John Paston, Squier, be this delyvered._

[Sidenote: 1454(?) / SEPT. 2]

Ryght worshypfull Sir, I recommaund me to yow. And my maister hertly thankyth yow for the venyson that ye sent hym from my Lord of Oxford, and prayeth yow that he may be recommaunded to hys noble Lordshyp. And God thank yow for your speciall remembraunce of my mater that ye hafe it so tendyrly to hert, for ye may know weel the gode spede of that ys my wellfare and the contrarye ys my utter undoyngs. I hafe sent to John Porter to wete verrayly how it standyth with hym, as ye shall wete the certeynte thys weke. As for the mater wryt to Bokkyng he hath rad ys lettre, and wille remember your desyre, and also of William Geney comyng, yn case he know of it rathyr then ye.

And my maistre herd the substaunce of your lettre red, and lyked it ritz well. And as for the mater of Worcester remembraunce, he shall geve hys attendaunce therto yn that he can. And where ye calle hym maister, he ys displesed wyth that name, for he may spend v_s._ yerly more by the name of Worcestr or Botoner, and by hys maister not a ferthyng yn certeynte. He prayth yow foryete it.

I pray God kepe yow. Wryt at Castr hastly ij^d day of September.

Your oune,

T. HOWES.

Item, yn case Jankyn[335.1] be hole, my Lord of Norffolk hath graunted [him] by moyen of Robert Wyngfeld, to be yn my seyd Lord ys houshold, as my maister hath it by lettre from Wyngfeld.

[Footnote 334.1: [From Fenn, iii. 320.] With regard to the date of this letter, see the preliminary note to the last (p. 333, Note 1).]

[Footnote 335.1: This appears to be the John or Jankyn Porter above named, who will be found mentioned hereafter.]

END OF VOLUME II

Printed by T. and A. CONSTABLE, Printers to His Majesty at the Edinburgh University Press