viii. 42) as alive in 1446, and if it be his executors who are

referred to, the date would appear to be later.]

[Footnote 69.1: The name ‘John Mowbray’ is represented by a curious monogram, in which every letter both of the Christian and the surname can be traced.]

59

JOHN PASTON’S PETITION[69.2]

_To the Kyng our Soverayn Lord._

[Sidenote: After 1444]

Ples your Hyghnes of your abundante grace, an consyderacion of the servys and plesure that your Hyghnes knowyth to yow don by William Paston, late one of your judgys, and old servaunt to that nobyll Prinse your fadyr, to graunte onto John Paston, Esquyer, sonn and heyir of the seyd Wylliam, your lettrys patents under the seel of yowr Duche of Lancastre, being in the keping of Thomas Chesham, aftyr affecte of note folowyng; and he schall pray to God for yow.

* * *

Rex, etc. Sciatis, quod de gracia nostra speciali et ex mero motu nostro, ac pro bono et laudabyli servicio quod dilectus et fidelis nobis Willelmus Paston, nuper unus Justiciariorum nostrorum, defunctus, nobis in vita sua inpendydit, consessimus et hac presenti carta nostra confirmavimus, in quantum in nobis est, Johanni Paston armigero, filio et heredi dicti Willelmi, viginti tria mesuagia, quingintas triginta et iiij. acras pasture, bruere et marissy in villis de Paston, Edythorp, et Bakton, in comitatu nostro Norff. quas diversi tenentes nostri ibidem de nobis separatim native tenent ad voluntatem nostram per virgam sive copiam et per serta redditus et servissia, nativa annualia inde nobis reddend., que ad valorem novem librarum annuatim exeunt vel infra. Concessimus eciam eidem Johanni curiam lete, seu visus franciplegii nostri, in villis de Paston et Edithorp predictis, que est annui valoris viij. solidorum per estimacionem; ad quatuor libratas, quatuor solidatas et octo denariatas redditus. Redditum octo boschellorum avenarum et trium caponum cum pertinentiis in villis predictis, ac in villis Wytton et Easewyk in comitatu predicto, percipiendum anuatim de omnibus et singulis liberys tenentibus nostris ibidem pro tenementis suis qui de nobis separatim tenent in eisdem villis, una cum fidelitatibus et aliis serviciis eorundem tenentium et eorum cujuslibet, de, seu pro, tenementis illis et eorum qualibet parcella nobis debitis sive pertinentibus. Concessimus etiam eidem Johanni et heredibus suis officium parcarie ac costidie[70.1] parci nostri de Grymygham in com. nostro predicto, una cum proficuo agistamenti bestiarum ejusdem parci pro vadiis suis pro officio predicto annuatim percipiend: salvis no . . et hodierna sufficienti pastura ferarum nostrarum ibidem ut tempore nostro prius usitatum fuit; quod quidem proficuum agistamenti ad valorem x. marcarum extendit per annum. Habenda, tenenda et percipienda predicta messuagia, terram, pasturam, brueram, mariscum, curiam lete, et visus franciplegii, redditus, et servissia, officium et agistament’ proficu’ cum pertinentiis, prefato Johanni et heredibus suis de nobis et heredibus nostris, per fidelitatem et redditum unius rose rubie ad Festum Nativitatis Sancti Johannis Baptiste annuatim nobis solvendum, si petatur, pro omnibus serviciis, exaccionibus et demandis. Eo quod messuagia, terra, pastura, bruera, mariscus, curia lete, redditus, servicia predicta, officium et agistament’ profic’, valorem supra specificatum excedant, vel valorem illum non attingant, aut aliquo actu, restriccione seu mandato facto, edito aut proviso non obstante. Volumus etiam et assignavimus quod omnes illi qui per nos seu ad usum nostrum, jus, titulum, seu statum in premissis, seu aliquo premissorum habuerunt seu habent, nobis antehac non relaxatum, jus, titulum et statum illa prefato Johanni et heredibus suis dimittent et relaxent. In cujus . . .

[Footnote 69.2: [From Tanner MS. 95, f. 82.] This is a draft in the handwriting of William Worcester, very illegible from the number of the corrections, and also from the ink being very much faded. Of its date I cannot tell except that it was clearly written in the reign of Henry VI. and after the death of Judge Paston in 1444.]

[Footnote 70.1: _Sic_, _pro_ custodiæ.]

60

CATHERINE, DUCHESS OF NORFOLK, TO JOHN PASTON[71.1]

_To our right trusty and hertily welbeloved John Paston, Squier._

{_Kateryn, Duchesse_} {_of Norff._ }

[Sidenote: After 1444 (?)]

Right trusty and entierly welbeloved, we grete you wel hertily as we kan. And for as moche as we purpose with grace of Jesu to be at London within bryff tyme, we pray you that your place ther may be redy for us, for we wole sende our stuff thedir to for [_tofore_, _i.e._ before] our comyng; and siche agrement as we toke with you for the same, we shall duely performe yt with the myght of Jesu, who haff you in his blissed keping.

Wretyn at Eppeworth, ij^de day of Octobre.

[Footnote 71.1: [From Fenn, iii. 16.] The writer of this letter was the widow of John Mowbray, second Duke of Norfolk, who died in 1432. After the Duke’s death, she married again no less than three times; and Fenn thinks this letter, which is dated from Epworth in Lincolnshire, a seat of the Duke of Norfolk’s, was probably written during her first widowhood. It must be remarked, however, that in 1432 John Paston was only twelve years old at the utmost, so that this letter could hardly have been written till at least ten years after. It is, besides, hardly probable that John Paston would have been addressed as the owner of a ‘place’ in London, before his father’s death in 1444. The exact year, however, is quite uncertain.]

61

ABSTRACT[72.1]

ROBERT, LORD WYLUGHBY [of Eresby], TO JOHN PASTON.

[Sidenote: Between 1444 and 1451]

Desires him to favour Reginald Balden who ‘hath ado with you for certain lyflode which was his father’s, wherein your father was enfeoffed.’ Boston, 16th December.

[The date of this letter is probably after the death of William Paston in 1444, and cannot be later than 1451, as the writer died on St. James’s day (25th July) 1452.]

[Footnote 72.1: [From Paston MSS., B.M.]]

62

AGNES PASTON TO EDMUND PASTON[72.2]

_To Edmond Paston of Clyffordis Inn, in London, be this Lettre take._

[Sidenote: 1445 / FEB. 4]

To myn welbelovid sone, I grete yow wel, and avyse yow to thynkk onis of the daie of youre fadris counseyle to lerne the lawe, for he seyde manie tymis that ho so ever schuld dwelle at Paston, schulde have nede to conne defende hym selfe.

The Vikare[72.3] of Paston and yowre fadre,[72.4] in Lenttyn last was, wher [_were_] thorwe and acordidde, and doolis[72.5] sette howe broode the weye schulde ben,[72.6] and nowe he hath pullid uppe the doolis, and seithe he wolle makyn a dyche fro the corner of his walle, ryght over the weye to the newe diche of the grete cloose. And there is a man in Truntche, hyzht Palmer to, that hadde of yowre fadre certein londe in Truntche over vij. yere or viij. yere agoone for corn, and trewli hathe paide all the yers; and now he hathe suffrid the corne to ben with sette for viij_s._ of rentte to Gymmyngham, wich yowre fadre paide nevere. Geffreie axid Palmere why the rentte was notte axid in myn husbonddis tyme; and Palmere seyde, for he was a grete man, and a wyse man of the law, and that was the cawse men wolde not axe hym the rentte.

I sende yow the namis of the men that kaste down the pittis, that was Gynnis Close, wretyn in a bille closid in this lettre.

I sendde yow not this lettre to make yow wery of Paston; for I leve in hoope, and ye wolle lern that they schulle be made werye of her werke, for in good feyth I dar welseyne it was yowr fadris laste wille to have do ryzht wel to that plase, and that can I schewe of good profe, thowe men wolde seye naye. God make yow ryzht a good man, and sende Goddis blessyng and myn.

Wrettyn in haste, at Norwich, the Thorsdaie aftir Candelmasse daie.

Wetith of yowre brothere John now manie gystis [_joists_] wolle serve the parler and the chapelle at Paston, and what lenghthe they moste be, and what brede and thykknesse thei moste be; for yowre fadris wille was, as I weene veryli, that thei schuld be ix. enchis on wey, and vij. another weye. And porveythe therfor that thei mow be squarid there, and sentte hedre, for here can non soche be hadde in this conttre. And seye to yowre brothir John it weer wel don to thinkke on Stansted Chirche;[73.1] and I praye yow to sende me tydynggs[73.2] from be yond see, for here thei arn a ferde to telle soche as be reportid.

By yowr Modre,

AUGNEIS PASTON.

[Footnote 72.2: [From Fenn, iii. 32.] This letter must have been written in February 1445, as it appears from the contents that William Paston was dead, but had been alive in the preceding Lent.]

[Footnote 72.3: John Partrick of Swathfield was Vicar of Paston, from 1442 to 1447.--F.]

[Footnote 72.4: William Paston, the Judge.]

[Footnote 72.5: Landmarks. ‘Dolestones’ are still spoken of in Norfolk in this sense. --_See_ Latham’s Edition of Johnson’s _Dictionary_.]

[Footnote 72.6: On the 6th July 1443 a licence was granted to William Paston to enclose a portion of the highway at Paston, and another at Oxnead, on his making two other highways in place thereof.--_Patent Roll_, 21 Henry VI. p. 1, m. 10.]

[Footnote 73.1: Stansted Church in Suffolk.--Dame Agnes had possessions in that parish.--F.]

[Footnote 73.2: These tidings relate to our foreign transactions, the giving up of Maine, Truces, &c. &c. on the King’s marriage, which had taken place in November.--F.]

63

JOHN HAWTEYN TO THE ARCHBISHOP OF CANTERBURY[74.1]

_To the most reverent Fader in God the Archebisshop of Caunterbury, Chanceler of Englond._

[Sidenote: 1444-9]

Besecheth mekely zour gracious Lordship, zour owne servant and oratour John Hauteyn, chapeleyn, that wher he hath dyvers seutees and accions in lawe to be sewed a zent A., that was the wife of W. Paston, of the maner of Oxenedes, in the countee of Northfolk; and for as meche as zour seid besecher can gete no counsell of men of court to be with hym in the seid matiers, by cause that the seid W. P. was one of the Kynges Justices, and John P., son and heir to the seid W. P., is al so a mon of court; that hit plese zour good Lordship to assigne, and most streytly to comaund John Heydon,[74.2] Thomas Lyttylton,[74.3] and John Oelston to be of counsell with zour seid besecher in the seid matiers, and oder that he hath to do azenst the seid Anneys and oder; and zour said besecher shal contente hem well for their labour. And that this be doo in the reverence of God, and wey of charite.

JOHN HAUTEYN, Chapeleyn.

[Footnote 74.1: [From Fenn, iii. 36.] This is a petition addressed to John Stafford, Archbishop of Canterbury, as Chancellor, after the death of William Paston in 1444. Stafford was made Archbishop in 1443. His appointment as Chancellor was even earlier, and he held the office till the 31st of January 1450.]

[Footnote 74.2: A lawyer and recorder of Norwich.--F.]

[Footnote 74.3: Afterwards the famous Judge Lyttelton.--F.]

64

SIR ROGER CHAMBERLAIN TO AGNES PASTON[75.1]

_To my right worchepfull Cosyn, Agnes Paston._

[Sidenote: After 1444]

Right worchepfull cosyn, I comand me to you. And as for the mater that ye sent to me fore, touchyng the maner callid Walshams, in Walsham, the trouth is, youre husbond soldyt to my moder upon condition that she shuld never sel it but to youre sones, John or William; and for the suerte of the seid condition, youre seid husbond, as I conseyve, ded the seid maner be charged with a gret annuyte upon the same condition, or the tyme that my seid moder toke estate, of the whech I suppose ye shall fynde sufficiant evydens, if ye serge youre evydences therfor. And I be seche almyty God kepe you.

Wretyn at Geddyng, the xv. day of September.

Your Cosyn,

SIR ROGER CHAMBERLEYN.

[Footnote 75.1: [From Fenn, iii. 38.] Nothing can be said as to the date of this letter, except that it is evidently after the death of William Paston.]

65

THE DUKE OF BUCKINGHAM TO THE VISCOUNT BEAUMONT[75.2]

_To the right worshipful, and with all myn herte right entirely belovid brother, the Viscounte Beaumont._

[Sidenote: Between 1442 and 1455]

Right worshipful, and with all myn herte right entierly beloved brother, I recomaunde me to you, thenking right hertili youre good brotherhode for your gode and gentill letters, the whiche it hath liked you to sende unto me nowe late; and like it you to knowe I perseeve by the tenor of the seid lettre, your gode desire of certein dubete that I owe unto you. In gode faith, brother, it is so with me at this tyme, I have but easy stuffe of money withinne me, for so meche as the seison of the yer is not yet growen, so that I may not plese youre seide gode brotherhode, as God knoweth my will and entent were to do, and I had it.

Nevertheless, and it like you, I sende you, bi my sonne Stafford,[76.1] an obligacion wherof, of late tyme, I have rescevid part of the dubete therinne comprisid; the residue of whiche I prai you to resceve bi the seid obligacion, and that I may have an acquitance therof, and to yeve credence unto my seid sonne in such thing as he shall say unto your gode brotherhode on my behalve.

Right worshipfull, and with all myn herte right entirely belovid brother, I beseche the blissed Trinite, preserve you in honor and prosperite.

Writen at my Castell of Makestok,[76.2] the xvij. day of Marche.

Yowre trew and fethfull broder,

H. BUKINGHAM.

[Footnote 75.2: [From Fenn, i. 16.] There appear to be no means of ascertaining the exact year when this letter was written; but as the writer was created Duke of Buckingham on the 14th September 1441, and his son, the Earl of Stafford, was killed at the battle of St. Albans on the 22nd May 1455, the date must lie between these two limits.]

[Footnote 76.1: Humphrey, Earl of Stafford, the Duke’s eldest son, who was slain at St. Albans in 1455.]

[Footnote 76.2: In Warwickshire.]

66

WILLIAM YELVERTON TO JOHN PASTON[76.3]

_To my ryght wurchepfull cosyn, John Paston, Esquier._

[Sidenote: Between 1444 and 1460]

Right worchepful cosyn, I recomaunde me to yow, thankyng yow as hertyly as I kan for my selff, &c., and specially for that ye do so moche for Oure Ladyes hous at Walsyngham, which I trust veryly ye do the rather for the grete love that ye deme I have therto; for trewly if I be drawe to any worchep or wellfare, and discharge of myn enmyes daunger, I ascryve it unto Our Lady.

Preyng yow therfore that ye woln ben as frendly to Our Ladyes hous as I wote well ye have alwey ben, and in especyall now, that I myght have of yow the report certeynly be your letter of that, that Naunton your cosyn informyd yow, and told yow be mouth of all maters towchyng Oure Ladyes hous of Walsyngham.

For me thynkyth be that I have herde be Oure Ladys prest of Walsyngham, if I understode weel that mater, that it shuld do moch to the gode spede of the mater; and dought yow not our Lady shall quyte it yow and here poer priour here aftyr, as he may, &c.

Preying yow also, cosyn, and avysyng for the ease of us both, and of our frendes, and of many other, that ye be at London be tymes this terme, and if we spede well now, all well all this yere aftir; for I knowe veryly ther was nevyr made gretter labour thanne shall be made now, and therfore I pray to Our Lady, help us, and her blissid Sone, which have you in His holy kepyng.

Wreten at your poer place of Bayfeld, on Sent Fraunces day,[77.1] in hast.

Your cosyn,

WILLIAM YELVERTON, Justis.

[Footnote 76.3: [From Fenn, i. 20.] The date of this letter is not earlier than 1444, when William Yelverton was appointed a Justice of the King’s Bench; and, as Fenn remarks, it is probably not later than 1460, when he was made a Knight of the Bath, otherwise he would have signed himself Knight as well as Justice.]

[Footnote 77.1: St. Francis’ day is the 4th of October.]

67

ABSTRACT[77.2]

[Sidenote: 1446 / OCT. 30]

Indenture, dated 30 Oct. 25 Henry VI., by which Agnes Paston grants a lease to John Downing, miller, and others, of the mill called Woodmill, in Paston.

[Footnote 77.2: [Add. Charter 14,819, B.M. (D. Turner’s Coll.)]]

68

THE BAILIFF AND JURATS OF JERSEY TO VISCOUNT BEAUMONT[78.1]

_A nos treshonorés et nobles Signours Visconte Beaumont, Connestable d’Engleterre et Seigneur de Sudele, grant mestre de hostel de nostre Souverayn Seigneur le Roy d’Engleterre et France._

[Sidenote: 1447]

Treshonorablez et noblez seigneurs, nous nous recommandons tant que faire le povons a voz honnorablez seignouriez. Et vous plese savoir que le samedy xv^me jour du moys de Aprille nous avons receu unez lettrez patentes de nostre Souverain Seigneur le Roy d’Engleterre et de France, contenant comme il vous a donné la guarde dez islez de Jersey et Guernesey durant le non aage de l’er de mon Seigneur de Warwyk, et unez aultrez lettrez a nous directes de par vous, presentées de par voz servitours John Morin et Robert Haxby. Et pour cause que eulx n’avoyent point de procuracions, ou feisions difficultey, et non obstant a voz ditz servitours a estey delivrée et baillie la pocession de la dicte isle de Jersey, et ont juré et promis par lours serementz de guarder le loys et coustumez et anciens usagez de la dicte isle, et nous envoier lettrez soubz lez seaulx de voz armez, comme voz promettez tenir en fermete ce que eulx ont promis, et de ce nous ont bailly plege Sire John Bernard, cappitaine desdictez islez, quer aultrement nous ne lez eussons point receus, comme il apparest par le certificat a eulx par nous donné, quer tous lez seigneurs, guardes, cappitaines, juges, et aultrez officers de audevant de cez hourez ont estey juréz a nous lois, coustumez et anciens usagez, lez queilz ont estey guardéz et seront en tempz advenir avecquez l’aide de Dieu, qui vous ayt en sa sainte guarde.

Escript en Jersey le xvij^me jour du moys de Aprill.

De par lez vostrez le Bailiff [et] Jurés de l’Isle de Gersy.

[Footnote 78.1: [From Paston MSS., B.M.] The custody of the islands of Jersey and Guernsey, &c., during the minority of Ann, daughter and heir of Henry de Beauchamp, Duke of Warwick, was granted in 25 Henry VI. to John, Viscount Beaumont, and Sir Ralph Butler, Lord Sudley. --_See_ Dugdale’s _Baronage_, ii. 54.]

[[nous nous recommandons _printed “recommandous” (the doubled “nous” is not an error)_]]

69

EDMUND PASTON TO JOHN PASTON[79.1]

_Tradatur Johanni Paston, of the Inner In in the Temple, att London._

[Sidenote: 1447(?)]

Ryth worschipfull brothir, I recomaund me to yow, &c. I preye write to myn modre of your owne hed as for to consell her howh that sche kepe her prevye, and tell no body ryth nowth of her counsell; for sche woll tell persones many of her counsell this day, and to morwe sche woll sey be Goddis faste that the same men ben false. I have seen parte of the evydence, and the maner[79.2] hath be pourchasid be parcell, and certeyn feffement mad of the avowson, and certeyn pecis of lond enterlessant the maner; and I wote well ye have on collaterall rellesse wyth a warente of on of the wyffys of Hauteyn[79.3] of all the holl maner.

Steward, the chiffe constable, told me he was enpanellyd up on the assise be twex yow and Frauncesse; he axyd me counsell what he myght do ther inne, for he told me it was take in Sir Thomas Tudham name. He wold fayne be chalengyd. I concellyd him swere the trewthe of the issue that he shall be swore to, and thanne he nedyd never to drede hym of noon atteynte. I yave him this counsell, and noon othir. He enqueryd me of the rewle of myn master Danyell[80.1] and myn Lord of Suffolke,[80.2] and askyd wheche I thowte schuld rewle in this schere; and I seyd bothe, as I trowh, and he that survyvyth to hold be the vertue of the survyvyr, and he to thanke his frendes, and to aquite his enmyys. So I fele by him he wold forsake his master, and gette him a newh yf he wyste he schuld rewle; and so wene I meche of all the contre is so disposyd. The holy Trenyte kepe yow.

Wrete at Norwiche, on the Wednysday after Seynt Peter[80.3] in hast.

Your Brother,

E. PASTON.

[Footnote 79.1: [From Paston MSS., B.M.] From the conversation here reported touching the anticipated ascendancy of Daniel and the Marquis, afterwards Duke, of Suffolk, this letter may be referred to the year 1447. In April of the year following, the influence of Suffolk was paramount, and Daniel was said to be out of favour, as will be seen by Letter 75 following.]

[Footnote 79.2: The manor of Oxnead. --_See_ Blomefield, vi. 478.]

[Footnote 79.3: Probably Robert, father of John Hauteyn, the friar.]

[Footnote 80.1: Thomas Daniel.]

[Footnote 80.2: William de la Pole, at this time Marquis, afterwards Duke, of Suffolk.]

[Footnote 80.3: St. Peter’s day is the 29th June.]

[[att London _printed “Lonaon” (recurring error with italic “d”)_]]

70

ABSTRACT[80.4]

[Sidenote: 1447 / SEPT. 3]

Deed by which William Pope, perpetual Vicar of Paston, confirms to Agnes, widow of William Paston, and John Bakton, their estate in a piece of land, particularly described; and also binds himself to celebrate mass every Friday for the souls of said William and Agnes, &c. &c., exhort his parishioners to put up prayers for them every Sunday, called ‘certeynys,’ and celebrate William Paston’s obit on the 13th August.

Dated at Paston, 3rd September 26 Henry VI.

[Footnote 80.4: [Add. Charter 17,235, B.M. (Paston MSS.)]]

71

ABSTRACTS[80.5]

[Sidenote: 1447 / OCT. 21, 26]

21 Oct., at London.--Letter from Fastolf to Thomas Howys and John Grene, desiring them to procure information about one Robert Eccles, cousin and heir to John Eccles, whom the counsel for the prior of Hickling propose to call to give evidence about the rent of 25 marks.

1447, [26 Oct.] ‘Thursday byfore S. Symond and Jude,’ 26 Hen. VI. at Castre. Long letter from Thomas Howys in reply to the preceding, with the results of searches made in the Bishop’s registry for wills of the Eccles family, with particulars about various members of the family, etc.

[For these abstracts I am indebted to Mr. Macray, and also for those immediately following, which are from the same source.]

[Footnote 80.5: [From MSS. Hickling, 130, 140, in Magd. Coll., Oxf.]]

72

ABSTRACTS[81.1]

THE PRIOR OF HICKLING.

_Hickling 71._

[14 . . ] At Westminster.

_Letter_ [on paper, in English] from two counsel, _William Wangeford_ and _William Jenney_, to Sir John Fastolf, giving their opinion on his claim against the prior of Hickling. Sir John cannot recover the £20 forfeit, because the condition of the obligation only extended to the heirs of Sir Hugh Clifford, and not to his assigns, and Sir John is only an assign; but the rent of 25 marks is sure to him, and he can recover it, if denied by the prior, by process of law; they will consult with justices and serjeants whether he can recover it by distraint.

_Hickling 74._

[14 . . ] Friday in the 2nd week after Easter at Lenne.

_Letter_, [in English, on paper] from _Henry Notyngham_ to Sir Henry Barton, Alderman of London. Has counselled with Paston, and finds him more friendly and ready to help in Barton’s matter than ever before; supposes that the cause is, that the prior that was obstinate is dead, and another appointed, who Paston trusts will be more easy to stir. Desires that Paston may be thanked. Sends a letter which he desires ‘a child of zours’ may carry to Mistress Jenkin Leventhorpe the younger; and ask at my lord’s inn of Doreham or of Ratclyff or some other which he may think best, if he (_i.e._ my Lord of Durham) shall be at this Parliament. Send to Thomelin Grys, spicer at Norwich, some ‘loder,’ as soon as he can goodly buy it, which comes each week to Rossamez Inn in St. Laurence’s Lane.

_Hickling 75._

[14 . . ] 14 Apr., at Norwich.

_Letter_, [in English, on paper] from _H[enry] Notyngham_ to Sir Henry Barton, alderman of London. Delivered Paston the copy of the deeds; shewed his letter to the prior and convent, but gained nothing; they said they would please Barton full fain, but all their counsel are full against their binding themselves by any such confirmation; they were bound to the former owner and his heirs, but not to his assigns. Advises him to get good counsel, and thinks nothing can be done unless he gets Paston’s assent and grant to help the matter.

_Hickling 89._

[1450 _or_ 1451?] 18 Aug. Norwich.

_Letter_ [in English, on paper] _from_ ‘_W. [Hart], Bisshope of Norwich_,’ to Sir John Fastolf. Has put himself greatly in his devoir to put an end to the controversy between Fastolf and the house of Hykelyng, and has been so importunate that Lord Scales has advised him not to meddle in the matter, because he is taken as a suspect person; if he could do him more profit, he would not spare labour or cost, on account of Fastolf’s towardness and gentleness to condescend unto right and reasonable mean, the which he conceives not in the other party. Had hoped his good and devout purpose towards the place of St. Bennett’s would have grown to some good conclusion; was there the Sunday before St. Laurence’s Day, and greatly rejoiced at such work and cost as he has done there. Heartily desires him to come here to the air of his natural birth, where he will find my Lord of Norfolk and such attendance as the Bishop and other gentles of the country may do, ready unto him at all times; his coming would be to his health and heart’s ease, and the cause of much peace in the country.

Small seal, fastened _on_ the letter; a stag; a straw round it.

_Hickling 104._

[ ]

_Letter_, [in English, on paper] from _Lord Scales_ to Sir John Fastolf, asking him to withdraw an outlawry which has been issued against John Dowebegyng, servant of the former, for a debt of £100 due to Fastolf by Thomas Danyell, Esq., for which Dowebegyng had become bound.

Signed by Lord Scales, who adds a postscript in his own hand that Fastolf has been as faithful and kind to him since he came into England as he was in France, and that there is no one of his estate for whom he would do so much.

Small seal, on the paper, with a straw round it.

[Footnote 81.1: [From MSS. in Magd. Coll., Oxf.]]

[[The empty brackets after “Hickling 104” are in the original.]]

73

ABSTRACT[82.1]

[Sidenote: 1447 / NOV. 29]

Indenture, dated St. Andrew’s Eve, 26 Henry VI., between Agnes Paston and Waryn Baxter, the former agreeing that Baxter shall have, at the will of the lord of the manor of Knapton, the lands, &c. that were Richard Redys [Rede’s], with reservations.

[Footnote 82.1: [Add. Charter 17,236, B.M. (Paston MSS.)]]

74

JAMES GRESHAM TO JOHN PASTON[83.1]

_To my right worshipfull mayster, John Paston._

[Sidenote: 1448 / MARCH 11]

Worthy and worshipful sir, and my right good maister, I recomaund me to yow. And do yow wete that this nyght at soper I was with my maistresse your wyff at my maistresse Cleres, and blissed be God thei fare weel and hopyn that [you[83.2]] shall sende themme good tidyng of your matier, Whanne ye knowe the certeynte therof, &c. And my maistresse your modir come thedir and fareth well and sendeth yow Goddis blissyng and heris, and she bad me write to yow that she hath verey knowelage by a trewe and trusty man, whos name she shall telle yow by mouthe atte your next metyng, that ther was purposed a gret meyne of a wondir gaderyng of shipmen abowte Conorhithe for to have come to Oxened, and putte me owt there in a wers wyse thanne ye were put owt at Gresham; and this was purposed for to have ben at Oxened and a ryfled and put in the preest[83.3] there, but this purpose helde not, for thei were countermandet, by what mene I can not knowe yeet. And[83.4] it is do hir to wete that thei be purposed to be at Ox[n]ede a bowt midlent, and I am promitted that I shall have ii. days warnyng by a good freend. And therfor she prayeth yow that ye aspie besily if the preest come into thir countre or noght. For if ought shall be doo I trowe the Frere wole be there atte doyng. And if ye can aspie that he come hider, send my maistresse word as hastily as ye may, and of your avyse and of all other thyngges as ye seme, &c. And God have yow in his kepyng. Wretyn at ix. on the clokke at evyn the noneday (_sic_) nex to fore Sent Gregory day in hast.

My brother Bekke and his felawship shall telle yow more by mowthe thanne I can telle yow now.

Your servaunt,

J. GRESHAM.

[Footnote 83.1: [Add. MS. 34,889, f. 178.] St. Gregory’s Day is doubtless that of St. Gregory the Pope (12 March), and this letter may be referred with certainty to the year 1448, just after Paston’s first expulsion from Gresham. The Monday before St. Gregory’s Day in that year would be the very day preceding.]

[Footnote 83.2: Omitted in MS.]

[Footnote 83.3: Friar John Hawteyn.]

[Footnote 83.4: ‘and’ repeated in MS.]

75

MARGARET PASTON TO JOHN PASTON[84.1]

_To my ryth wyrchypful hwsbond, Jon Paston, be this lettyr delyveryd in hast._

[Sidenote: 1448 / APRIL]

Ryth wyrchypful hwsbond, I recomawnd me to zw, desyryng hertyly to heryn of zour wel fare, praying zw to wete that I was with my Lady Morley[84.2] on the Satyrday next after that ze departyd from hens, and told here qhat answer that ze had of Jon Butt, and sche toke it ryth straw[n]gely, and seyd that sche had told zw, and schewyd zw i now [_enough_], qher by ze myth have knowleche that the releve owt [_ought_] to ben payd to her. And sche seyd sche wyst wel that ze delay it forthe, that sche xuld nowth have that longyth to her ryth. And sche told me hw it was payd in Thomas Chawmbers tym, qhan her dowther Hastyngs[84.3] was weddyd; and sche seyd sythyn that ze wyl make none end with her, sche wyl sew therfore as law wyl.

I conseyvyd be here that sche had cwnsel to labore azens zw therin withyn ryth schort tym. And than I prayd her that sche wuld vwche save nowth to labowr azens zw in this mater tyl ze kom hom; and sche seyd nay, be her feyth, sche wuld no more days zeve [_give_] zw therin. Sche seyd sche had sett zw so many days to a kord with her, and ze had broke them, that sche was ryth wery therof; and sche seyd sche was but a woman, sche must don be her cownseyl, and her cwnseyle had avysyd her, so sche seyd sche wyld do. Than I prayd her azyn that sche wuld teryn [_tarry_] tyl ze kom hom, and I seyd I trostyd veryly that ze wuld don qhan ze kom hom, as itt longeth to zw to don; and if ze myth have very knowleche that sche awyth of ryth for to have itt, I seyd I wyst wel that ze wuld pay it with ryth gode wyl, and told her that ze had sergyd to a fownd wrytyng therof, and ze kwd non fynd in non wyse. And sche sayd sche wyst wele there was wrytyng therof inow, and sche hath wrytyng therof hw Syr Robert of Mawthby, and Sir Jon, and my grawnsyre, and dyverse other of myn awncesterys payd it, and seyd nevyre nay therto. And in no wyse I kwd not geyn no grawnth of her to sesyn tyl ze kom hom; and sche bad me that I xuld don an erand to my moder, and qhan I kam hom, I dede myn erand to her. And sche axyd me if I had spokyn to my lady of this forseyd mater, and I told her hw I had do, and qhat answer I had; and sche seyd sche xuld gon to my Lady Morles on the nexst day, and sche xuld speken to her therof, and a say to getyn grawnt of her to sesyn of the forsayd mater tyl that ze kom hom. And truly my moder dede her dever ryth feythfully therin, as my cosyn Clare[85.1] xal tellyn zw qhan that he speketh with zow; and sche gete grawnt of my seyd lady that there xuld nowth ben don azens zw therin, and ze wold acordyn with her, and don as ze owyn to do be twyx this tym and Trinyte Sunday.

Laueraw[n]ce Rede of Mawthhy recommawndeth hym to zu, and prayt zw that ze wyl vwchesave to leten hym byn [_buy_] of zw the ferm barly that ze xuld have of hym, and if ze wyl laten hym have it to a resonabyl pris, he wyl have it with ryth a gode wyl; and he prayit zw if ze wyl that he have it, that ze wyl owche save [_vouchsafe_] to send hym word at qhat pris he xuld have the kowmb as hastyly as ze may, and ellys he must be purvayd in other plase.

As twchyng other tydyngs, I sopose Jon of Dam xal send zw word in a letter. As it is told me veryly, Heydon xal not kom at London this term.

It is seyd in this contre that Danyell[86.1] is owth of the Kyngs gode grase, and he xal dwn and all hys mene, and all that ben hys wele wyllers; there xal no man ben so hardy to don nether seyn azens my Lord of Sowthfolk,[86.2] nere non that longeth to hym; and all that have don and seyd azens hym, they xul sore repent hem. Kateryn Walsam xal be weddyd on the Munday nexst after Trinyte Sonday, as it is told me, to the galaunte with the grete chene; and there is purvayd for her meche gode aray of gwnys, gyrdelys, and atyrys, and meche other gode aray, and he hathe purcheysyd a gret purcheys of v. mark be zer to zevyn her to her joynture.

I am aferd that Jon of Sparham is so schyttyl wyttyd, that he wyl sett hys gode to morgage to Heydon, or to sum other of ywre gode frendys, but if [_i.e._ unless] I can hold hym inne the better, ere ze kom hom. He hath ben arestyd sythyn that ye went, and hath had moche sorw at the sewte of mayster Joh Stoks of London for x. mark that Sparham owt to hym; and in gode feyth he hath had so moche sorow and hevynesse that he wyst nowth qhat he myth don. I fell hym so disposyd that he wold asold and asett to morgage all that he hath, he had nowth rowth to qhom, so that he myth an had mony to an holpyn hym self wyth; and I entretyd hym so, thatt I sopose he wyll nother sellyn ner sett to morgage, nother catel ner other gode of hese, tyl he speke with zw. He soposeth that al that is don to hym is att the request of the Parson of Sparham and Knatylsale. I sopose it is almas to comfort hym, for in gode feyth he is ryth hevy, and hys wyf al so. He is nowth nw under arest, he hath payd hys feys, and goth at large; he was arestyd att Sparham, of on of Knatysales men.

Hodge Feke told me thatt Sym Schepherd is styl with Wylly,[86.3] and if ze wyl I xal purvey that he xal be browth hom er ze kom hom. It is told me that he that kept zour schep was owth lawyd on Munday at the swth of Sir Thomas Todynham, and if it be so, ze arn nowth lyk to kepe hym longe. And as twchyng that that ze badeyn me spekyn for to Bakton, he seyth he is wel avysyd that sche seyd sche wuld never have to don with all, ner he kan not pek that sche seyd sche hath non ryth to have it, and he wyl say lyche as he hath herd her seyd; and if sche speke to hym therof, he wyll rather hold with zw than with her. I pray ye that ze wyl vwche save to send me word hw ze spede in zour matter twchyng Gressam, and hw Danyel is in grace. Harry Goneld hath browth to me xl_s._ of Gressam syn ze zede, and he seyth I xal have more or Qhythson tyd, if he may pyk it up.

I sopose Jamys Gressam hath told zw of other thyngs that I have sped syn ze zedyn hens. If I her any strawnge tydyngs in this contre, I xall send zw word. I pray zw that I may ben recommawndyd to my Lord Danyel.

The Holy Trynyte have zw in hys kepyng, and send zw helth and gode spede in al zour maters twchyng zour ryth.

Wretyn at Norwyche, on the Wedenys day nexst after thatt ze partyd hens.

Yors,

MARGARETE PASTON.

[Footnote 84.1: [From Fenn, iii. 54.] The date of this letter is fixed by an endorsement in these words, ‘Literæ termino Paschæ anno xxvj.,’ showing that it was written in Easter term, in the 26th year of Henry VI. Easter term in that year lasted from the 10th of April to the 6th of May.]

[Footnote 84.2: Isabel, widow of Thomas, Lord Morley, who died in 1435. She was the daughter of Michael de la Pole, Earl of Suffolk. Fenn confounds her with the widow of the Lord Morley who died in 1417, who was a daughter of Edward, Lord Dispencer, and had previously married Sir Hugh Hastings. But this lady died about 1426 (Blomefield, ii. 440), and cannot be the lady mentioned in the text.]

[Footnote 84.3: Ann, married to John Hastyngs. --_See_ Blomefield, ii. 430.]

[Footnote 85.1: Probably William, eldest son of Robert Clere of Ormesby, who died in 1446. --_See_ Blomefield, vi. 336.]

[Footnote 86.1: Thomas Daniel.]

[Footnote 86.2: _See_ p. 80, note 2.]

[Footnote 86.3: William Paston, son of the Judge (?).]

[[Laueraw[n]ce Rede of Mawthhy _text unchanged: error for “Mawthby”?_]]

[[mayster Joh Stoks of London _text unchanged: error for “Joh.” or “Jon”?_]]

76

LORD SCALES TO THOMAS GNATESHALE[87.1]

_To Thomas Gnateshale._

[Sidenote: Date uncertain]

Thomas Gnateshale, I wul ze wite it was oute of my remembrance that Paston hade pout in my determinacion the discort betwene you and hym. I was the more favourable to your entent, but in so mych as I had forgete that beforesaid, I praye you that ye suffre the cornes in mene hand til that I have determined the matier betwene you too be the advis of lerned men whech han knowelich in such causses, the which thing I wul do in as short tyme as may, wherof ze shal have knowelich.

Writen at Myddelton, the xiiij. day of August.

THE LORD SCALES.

[Footnote 87.1: [From Paston MSS., B.M.] The person to whom this is addressed is probably the same ‘Knatysale’ mentioned in the preceding letter, and as it contains no evidence of any definite date, we think best to insert it here.]

77

ABSTRACT[88.1]

MARGARET PASTON TO HER HUSBAND (_not addressed_).

[Sidenote: 1448 / MAY 19]

On Friday last, the Parson of Oxened ‘being at messe in one Parossh Chirche, evyn at levacion of the sakeryng, Jamys Gloys had been in the town, and come homeward by Wymondam’s gate,’ when he was attacked by Wymondham who had two of his men with him, and driven into ‘my mother’s place’ for refuge. With the noise of this, my mother and I came out of the church from the sakeryng, and Wymondham ‘called my mother and me strong whores, and said, ye Pastons and all her kin were . . . . . . . yngham said he lied, knave and churl as he was.’ After noon my mother and I reported this to the Prior of Norwich, who sent for Wymondham; and Pagrave came with us. While Wymondham was with the Prior, and we at home, Gloys was assaulted again in the street, ‘as he stood in the Lady Hastyngs’ chamber,’ by Thomas Hawys, one of Wymondham’s men. This last assault the Parson of Oxened saw. Sends Gloys to her husband for fear of further trouble. The Lady Morle ‘would have the benefice of her obligacion,’ as her counsel tells her it is forfeit, and she would not have the relief till she have your homage. The Lord Moleyns’ man is collecting the rent at Gresham ‘a great pace,’ as James Gresham will report to you.

Trinity Sunday, at even.

Further statement about the assault added in a different hand (qu. Agnes Paston’s?).

[From the fact of Lord Molyns being in possession of Gresham, and collecting rents there, it is clear that the date of this letter is 1448. This date also agrees with what is said in Letter 75 about a relief claimed by Lady Morley.]

[Footnote 88.1: [From Phillipps MS. 9735, No. 256.]]

78

JOHN NORTHWOOD TO JOHN, VISCOUNT BEAUMONT[88.2]

_To my worschypful and reverent Lord, John, Vicont Beaumont._

[Sidenote: 1448 / MAY 28]

Rygth worschypfull, and my reverent and most spesiall Lord, y recomaund me un to yowr good grace in the most humble and lowly wyse that y canne or may, desyryng to her of your prosperite and well fare [as to my][88.3] most syngeler joy and spesiall comfort.

And gyf hyt plees your Hygnes, as towchyng the soden aventuer that fell latly at Coventre, plees hyt your Lordshyp to her that, on Corpus Christi Even[89.1] last passed, be twene viij. and ix. of the clok at a[fternon],[89.2] Syr Umfrey Stafford[89.3] had browth my mayster Syr James of Urmond[89.4] towa[r]d hys yn [_inn_] from my Lady of Shrewesb[ery,[89.5] and][89.2] reterned from hym toward hys yn, he met with Syr Robert Harcourt[89.6] comyng from hys moder towards hys yn, and pass[ed Syr][89.2] Umfrey; and Richard, hys son, came somewhat be hynd, and when they met to gyder, they fell in handes togyder, and [Sir Robert][89.2] smot hym a grette st[r]oke on the hed with hys sord, and Richard with hys dagger hastely went toward hym. And as he stombled, on of Harcourts men smot hym in the bak with a knyfe; men wotte not ho hyt was reddely. Hys fader hard noys, and rode toward hem, and hys men ronne befor hym thyder ward; and in the goyng downe of hys hors, on, he wotte not ho, be hynd hym smot hym on the hede with a nege tole, men know not with us with what wepone, that he fell downe; and hys son fell downe be fore hym as good as dede. And all thys was don, as men sey, in a Pater Noster wyle. And forth with Syr Umfrey Stafford men foloed after, and slew ij. men of Harcowrttus, on Swynerton, and Bradshawe, and mo ben hurt; sum ben gonne, and sum be in pryson in the jayll at Coventre.

And before the coroner of Coventre, up on the sygth of the bodyes, ther ben endited, as prynsipall for the deth of Richard Stafford, Syr Robert Harcourt and the ij. men that ben dede. And for the ij. men of Harcourts that ben dede, ther ben endited ij. men of Syr Umfrey as prynsipall. And as gytte ther hath ben no thyng fownden before the Justice of the Pees of Coventre of thys riot, be caws the shreffe of Warwyk shyre is dede,[90.1] and they may not sytt in to the tyme ther be a new shreve.

And all thys myschef fell be cawse of a nold debate that was be twene heme for takyng of a dystres, as hyt is told.

And All mygthty Jesu preserve yowr hye astat, my spesiall Lord, and send yow long lyve and good hele.

Wryten at Coventre on Tewusday next after Corpus Christi day, &c.

Be yowr own pore Servant,

JOHN NORTHWOD.

[Footnote 88.2: [From Fenn, i. 12.] The date of this letter will appear by a foot-note.]

[Footnote 88.3: The bracketed words are noted by Fenn as ‘imperfect in the original, the paper being chafed.’]

[Footnote 89.1: 22nd May.]

[Footnote 89.2: The bracketed words are noted by Fenn as ‘imperfect in the original, the paper being chafed.’]

[Footnote 89.3: Killed in an engagement with Jack Cade in June 1450.]

[Footnote 89.4: Probably Sir James Butler, son and heir-apparent of James, fourth Earl of Ormond, who in 1449 was created Earl of Wiltshire.]

[Footnote 89.5: Wife of John Talbot, the famous Earl of Shrewsbury.]

[Footnote 89.6: He signalised himself in the wars of Henry VI. and Edward IV., was a Knight of the Garter, and in November 1470, 10 Edward IV., was slain by the Staffords, perhaps in revenge for this murder of Richard Stafford.--F.]

[Footnote 90.1: Thomas Porter was sheriff of the counties of Warwick and Leicester in 26 Henry VI., and died in his year of office on Monday after Corpus Christi day (27th May 1448), the day before this letter was written.--Inquisition _post mortem_, 27 Henry VI., No. 13.]

79

LORD MOLYNS TO THE BISHOP OF WINCHESTER[90.2]

_To the worschypful Fader yn God, and my ryth gode Lord, the Bysshop of Wynchestyr.[90.3]_

[Sidenote: 1448 / JUNE 13]

Worschypful Fader yn God, and my rythe gode Lord, as hertely as y canne, y recomaund me to your gode Lordschyp; to the wyche plese hyt to wyt that y have resayvyd your lettre, by the wyche y oundyrstond the dayely sute to your Lordschyp as of Pastun, as for the mater betwyx hym and me, wer yn also y fele that he ys wyllyd that comynycasyon and trete schold be had betwyxt hys counsayle and myne, now at Mydsomer; to the wyche, my Lord, y am at the reverens of your Lordschyp wel agreyd, and have send to my counsayle at Loundon, aftyr the seyng of thys your last letter, as for the trete by twyxt hym and me, and that they schold yeve ful attendauns to the end of the mater by twne the sayde Pastun and me, as thow y were present with hem.

And, my Lord, hyt were to grete a thyng, and hyte laye yn my power, but y wold do at the reverens of your Lordschyp, yn las than hyt schold hurt me to gretly, wyche y wote wel your Lordschyp wol nevyr desyr.

And God for hys mercy have you, rythe worschypful Fadyr yn God, and my rythe gode Lord, yn hys blessyd kepyng.

Wrytyn with my noune chaunsery hand, yn hast, the xiij. daye of June, at Teffaunt.

Vere hartely your,

MOLYNS.

[Footnote 90.2: [From Fenn, i. 190.] It appears, by John Paston’s petition presented to Parliament two years later, that after he had been dispossessed of Gresham by Lord Molyns in February 1448, communications passed between his counsel and that of Lord Molyns on the subject until Michaelmas following. This letter must refer to the first overtures.]

[Footnote 90.3: The celebrated William of Waynflete.]

80

ANONYMOUS TO JOHN PASTON[91.1]

[Sidenote: 1448]

Worchepeful mayster I recomend me to yow: and I pray yow to wete I was at Katefeld in Cobbes place for to se the armes as ye comaunded me, and the feld is gold wyth iii. bukkeles of sylver mad on the wyse as it is her, wyth floweris of sylver on the bukkelis mad of iiij. lyke a trewlove. Also, syr, I have spoke to a fryer that is conversaunt at Wykelwode wyth Randolffis dowter and he hath behestid me for to gete me Randolffis armes of hese dowter Wyltones wyf; but I have not yet spoke wyth the frier a yen. Also I pray yow to wete that I was at Mauteby and ye have there CC. combz of malt if ye wyl gef for xiiii_d._ a combz in the comes and xxi. for xx. ye shal have redy mony, as I suppose, for Pykeryng sellyth for xi_d._ and xii_d._ the lest that hath, as the parson of Mauteby tellyth me. And the parson and I have do throche your qwete for it was ete wyth myse to petowsly for to se; and if it plese yow I pray yow that ye wyl send me word qwhedyr ye wyl selle your malt and your qhete aftyr the pryse of the countre or (?) it shal be purveyid for to kepe it til ye may sett. And I have spoke to Lawrauns Reede for the ferme; but he wyl not take it, as I conseyve, til he speke wyth yow. I suppos for to a made a covienaunt wyth hym, but he hath no sewerte yet, and the londis shal not be in your handis til myhelmes as he seyeth; ther for he is the mor terying, &c. I beseche all myti Jhesu spede yow and kepe yow.

[_Not signed._]

On the back are some names of families in a contemporary hand, and five shields of arms tricked in a modern hand, the latter being apparently the armorial bearings of ancestors of the Earl of Yarmouth, to whom there is a letter addressed by ‘Wm. Smyth’ upon this subject at f. 146 of the MS.

[Footnote 91.1: [Add. MS. 34,889, f. 143.] This letter is neither signed nor addressed, but there is no doubt the person for whom it was intended was John Paston the eldest, who possessed property at Mautby in right of his wife. The reference to Laurence Reede seems further to show that it is of the year 1448. See p. 85.]

81

JAMES GLOYS TO JOHN PASTON[92.1]

_To my Ryght Wurchepfull master John Paston be this deliuered in hast._

[Sidenote: 1448 / DEC. 3]

Right reverent and wurchepfull sir, I recommande me to yow, desyryng to here of yowr welfare, the which gracyows God contynually preserve and kepe to yowr gostly hele and bodily welfare; praying yow to wete that as for the broke sylver that my mastres wend for to a sent yow whan she dede wryte her letter, ther is none in your forcer; she supposyd that ye left it at Norwiche in yowr cofere, wher of ye have the key. Also my mastres yowr moder grete yow wele, and pray yow to send her word how she shall do with Edward of Whode of Paston; for she dede seys his corn on the lond the last hervest, and he led it a wey after that it whas seysyd with awth licens and leve of here or any of here offyceris. Item, my mastres yowr syster recommand her hertly to yow, and pray yow that and ye wold wochesaff to speke to my master Edmund, and pray hym if that he hath bowth here ger that she sent to hym fore, that he wold send it her home; in cas that[93.1] he have not bowth it, that he wold be it and sent it here in all the hast that he may goodly. Forthermore if it plese yow to her of my master Berney, he was at Gresham with my mastres on the Tuysday next after Halwemasday, the same day that we dystreynyd Jamys Rokkysson, and I had mette a litill a fore with Pertrych, and he thrett me, and sayd that we shuld not long kepe the dystresse, and there for my mastres dede us don on owr jakkys and owr salettis. My master Berney cam in and the parson of Oxened with hym and sey us in owre jakkis, and he wexe as pale as any herd and wold right fayn a ben thens. So my mastres dede hym dyne, and whill thei wher at dynar Herry Collys told my mastres openly among us all that the same tyme that Pertrych entryd a geyn up on yow, his master was at Causton to yow ward, and there it was told hym that Pertrych had putt yow owth and all your men, and that ye and my mastres wher redyn a geyn to Norwhich, and all your howshold, and that causyd hym that he cam no forther that tyme; and my Master Berney confermyd all this and seyd that it was so. Whan thei had etyn he had mych hast to a be thens, so my mastres desyryd and prayd hym that he wold come a geyn or aght long; and so with mych praying he be hest her if he mythe. And Herry Collys stode ther bysyde and seyd to my felachep, ‘What shuld my master do here,’ quod he, ‘lete yowr master send after his kynnysmen at Mautby, for thei have nowth that thei mawn lese.’ And so thei redyn her wey. And with in a sevenygt after my master Berney sent Davy to my mastres, and prayd my mastres that she wold hold his master excusyd, for he had hurt his owyn hors that he rode up on; and he dede Davy sadillyn an oder hors; and he stode by and made water whill he sadyllyd hym, and as Davy shuld a kyrt the hors, he slenkyd behynd and toke his master on the hepe suyche a stroke that never man may trust hym after, and brake his hepe. And he had sent Herry Collys to Norwhich for medycynys, so he must ryde hom the same nygt; for his master had no man at home. So my mastres was rygth sory, and wend that it had be trowth, but I know wele that it was not so. It happyd that I rod the next day to Norwhich, and I rood in to my mastres your moder, and she dede aske me after my master Berney, and I told here how he was hurt. And she askyd the parson of Oxened if he wer hurt, and he seyd nay; for Davy lay with hym the same nygt a fore and told hym that he was heyll and mery, and prayd hym that he wold be with hym the Sonday next after; and so Davy lay the same nygt after that he had told my mastres the tale with the parson of Oxened. I beseche yow of yowre gode masterchep that ye wold not do wreythe this letter, for and my mastres knew that I sent yow suyche a letter I were never abyll to loke up on her, nor to abyde in her heysyte. My mastres yowr moder hath sent yow ij. letteris; she hath in dosyd hem to my master Edmunde, and she wuld wete if ye had hem or nawth. The Holy Trynyte have yow in kepyng. Wrytyne at Norwhich on Sent Clementis evyn. In hast.

Your servaunt,

JAMIS GLOYS.

[Footnote 92.1: [Add. MS. 34,888, f. 57.] This letter bears upon the dispute about Gresham, and is probably of the year 1448, for it is to be presumed that Edmund Paston died shortly after the date of his nuncupative will, 21st March 1449.]

[Footnote 93.1: The word ‘that’ is repeated in the MS. by inadvertence.]

[[she hath in dosyd hem to my master Edmunde _text unchanged: error for “in closyd” or “in dorsyd”?_]]

82

MARGARET PASTON TO JOHN PASTON[94.1]

_To my ryght worchippfull hosbond, John Paston, be this delyveryd in hast._

[Sidenote: 1449(?) / JAN. 31]

Right worchipfull hosbond, I recommand me to yow, praying yow to wete that I have receyved your letter this day that ye sent me be Yelvertonys man. As for your signette, I fond itt uppon your bord the same day that ye went hens, and I send it yow be Richrad Heberd, bringer herof. As for your eronds that ye wrete to me fore, Richard Charles is owte abough your eronds abowte Gresham, and for his awyn maters also, and I suppose he komyth not hom tyll it be Tesday or Weddenesday next komyng; and alssone as he komyth hom, he shall go abowte your eronds that ye wrete to me fore.

I sent yow a letter wreten on Tesday last past, whiche, as I suppose, Roger Ormesby delyveryd yow. I toke it to Alson Pertryche. She rod with Clyppysbys wyff to London.

I pray yow if ye have an other sone that you woll lete it be named Herry, in remembrans of your brother Herry;[95.1] also I pray yow that ye woll send me dats and synamun as hastyly as ye may. I have speke with John Damme of that ye bad me sey to hem to sey to Thomas Note, and he sey he was wel payd that ye seyd and thowgh therin as ye dede. Ner’les I bad hym that he shuld sey to the seyd Thomas therin as it wer of hymself with owte your avys or any others; and he seyd he shuld so, and that it shuld be purveyd for this next weke at the ferthest. The blyssed Trinyte have yow in his kepyng.

Wretyn att Norwyche, in hast, the Fryday next befor Candelmesse day.

Be your gronyng wyff,

M. P.

[Footnote 94.1: [From Fenn, iii. 408.] Fenn thinks this was written about 1460, but I do not see on what evidence. From the reference to Gresham, I should rather suppose it belongs to 1449. By the subscription, it would appear that the writer was very near the time of lying in; but we cannot tell the exact date of the birth of any of her children. Lord Molyns dispossessed John Paston of the lordship of Gresham on the 17th of February 1448. After repeated remonstrances on the subject to no purpose, Paston went and took up his quarters there again on the 6th October 1449, and succeeded in keeping possession till the 28th January 1450, when the place was attacked, in his absence, by Lord Molyns’ men, who undermined the walls, and drove out Paston’s wife. The ‘errands about Gresham’ probably refer to the time of Lord Molyns’ first occupation.]

[Footnote 95.1: No notice is taken elsewhere of John Paston having a brother named Harry.]

83

MARGARET PASTON TO JOHN PASTON[95.2]

[Sidenote: 1449 / FEB. 28]

Begs him not to be displeased though she be out of the place he left her in; for she heard such tidings that she durst not abide there. Divers of my Lord Moleyns’ men said if they might get her they would steal her and keep her in the castle; ‘and than they said they would that ye should fetch me out. They said it should be but a little heartburning to you.’ After that I could have no rest till I was here. I did not venture out of the place till I was ready to ride, and no one knew an hour before but the good wife, whom I told that I was coming here to get gear made for me and the children. I beg you will keep secret the cause of my coming away till I see you. I spoke with your mother on my way hither, who offered to let me abide in her place if you wished me to stay in Norwich, and to give me such gear as she could spare till you can be purveyed of a place of your own. Let me know what to do. I should be sorry to dwell so near Grassam as I did, till the matter between you and the Lord Moleyns is settled. Barow said there was no better evidence in England than Lord M. had of Gressam. I said I supposed they were such as William Hasard spoke of, the seals of which were not yet cold, and that you had evidence with seals 200 years older. Do not on any account trust Lord Moleyns and his men, or eat or drink with them, though they speak ever so fair. Roger Foke of Sparham dare not leave his house for the suit Heydon and Wyndham have against him. Watkin Shipdam wishes you to speak to Sir J. Fastolf about the harness you had of him, etc.

Norwich, Friday after Pulver Wednesday.

[Footnote 95.2: This abstract was made from one of the Roydon Hall MSS. shown to the Editor in 1875. Since that date he has not seen the original.]

[[the harness you had of him, etc. _final . missing or invisible_]]

84

ROBERT, PRIOR OF BROMHOLM, TO JOHN PASTON[96.1]

_To my Sovereyn, John Paston._

[Sidenote: 1449(?) / MARCH 5]

I recomend me hertily, thankyng yow for the tydings, and the good awysse that ze sent me be the Parson of Thorpe;[96.2] latyng zow wittin that the Byschope of the todir syde of the see sent laate to me a man, the qwych wuld abydin uppon my leyser, for to an had me ovyr wyt hym to the seyd Byschope, and so forth to the Courte.[96.3] So the seyd man and I arryn a poynted that he schal comyn ageyn a purpose fro the Byschope, to be my gyde ovyr the see, and so I purpose me fully forthe a noon aftir this Estryn. I mak me evyre day fulli redy as privyli as I can, be sekyng zow, as I trost on zow, and as I am zour trow bede man, as labor for me her that I mythe haf a wyrte of passagche directid un[to] swyche men as zow thyng that schyd best yife me my schargche.

The best takyng of schepynge is at Yernemuthe er Kyrley, or som othir place in Norfolk syde. I schal haf favour he now [_enough_] wyt ther seergiours [_searchers_]; bod all my goode spede and all my wel lythe in you heer, for ther on I trost fully.

Som cownsel me to haf a letter of exschawnge, thow it wer bode of xl_s._ er lees, bod I comitte all my best in this matir to zour wysdam, and qwat at evyr ze pay in this matir, I schal truly at owr metyng repay ageyn to zow. Bod for Godds love purvey for my sped her, for ell [_else_] I lees all my purvyans, and ther too I schyd jaape[97.1] the Byschope man, and caus hym to com in to Yngland, and lees all his labour. For Goddis love, send me down this wyrte, er ell bryng it wyt zow, that I mythe haf fro zow a letter of tydings and comforthe; for I had nevyr verray need of zour labor til now, bod my hert hangithe in gret langor.

All my brethir wenyth that I schyd no forthir goo than to the Byschope, and undir that colour schal I weel go forthe to the Courte. I haf gret stody til I haf tydings fro zow. Avyr mor All mythi Good haf zow in kepyng, bodi and soule.

Writtin in hast, the Wednesday in the fyrst week of clen Lent.[97.2]

Your Orator,

ROBT., P. OF B.

I sent zow a letter, bod I hade non answer ageyn.

[Footnote 96.1: [From Fenn, iii. 80.] There is no distinct clue to the date of this letter; but Fenn throws out a conjecture which, in default of any better guide, may be accepted as not improbable, that ‘the Bishop of the other side of the sea’ was Walter Lyhert, Bishop of Norwich, who in the beginning of 1449 must have been in Savoy, having been sent thither by the King to persuade the anti-pope Felix V. to renounce his claim to Nicholas V. for the peace of the Church. This Felix actually did in the beginning of this year, and Wharton considers Bishop Lyhert to have been the cause of his doing so (Angl. Sac. i. 418). Fenn, however, dates this letter 1450, on the supposition that the Bishop would have been still abroad in the beginning of that year, which is a mistake, as his name appears in the Rolls of Parliament as a trier of petitions as early as February.]

[Footnote 96.2: Robert Rogers was parson of Thorpe from 1445 to 1476.]

[Footnote 96.3: Court of Rome.]

[Footnote 97.1: Deceive.]

[Footnote 97.2: The first week in Clean Lent means the first _entire_ week in Lent beginning on a Sunday.]

85

NUNCUPATIVE WILL OF EDMUND PASTON[98.1]

[Sidenote: 1449 / MARCH 21]

Omnibus Christi fidelibus ad quos præsens scriptum pervenerit, Nos, Willelmus May, Magister Novi Templi, London’, Johannes Bakton gentilman, Thomas Parker, civis et cissor Londoni, et Johannes Osbern, salutem in Domino sempiternam. Sciatis quod xxj. die Martij Anno Domini mccccxlviij.[98.2] Edmundus Paston de comitatu Norff., armiger, in bona memoria ac sana mente existens, languens in extremis, in nostra præsentia, condidit et declaravit testamentum suum nuncupativum in hunc modum:--In primis, legavit animam suam Deo Omnipotenti, Beatæ Mariæ Virgini et omnibus Sanctis, corpusque suum ad sepeliendum in ecclesia Templi prædicti, sive in ecclesia Fratrum Carmelitarum London’ [ad electionem sui confessoris[98.3]]. Item dictus Edmundus, pro eo quod noluit circa bona sive negocia temporalia mentem sive animam suam affligere seu occupare, set ad æternam felicitatem se præparare, dedit, legavit ac commisit omnia bona et catalla sua prædilecto fratri suo Johanni Paston, ex magna confidencia in ipso habita ut ea disponeret pro bono animæ suæ, prout melius videret Deo placere ac animæ suæ prodesse. Et dictum Johannem Paston ordinavit et constituit executorem suum. In cujus rei testimonum præsentibus sigilla nostra apposuimus.

_Endorsed_--Copia ultimæ voluntatis Edmundi Paston.

_Endorsed in a later hand_--Testamentum Edmundi Paston secundi filii Willelmi Paston Justiciarii.

[Footnote 98.1: [From Paston MSS., B.M.]]

[Footnote 98.2: This is 1449 according to the modern computation, which begins the year on the 1st of January instead of the 25th March.]

[Footnote 98.3: These words are erased.]

86

LORD MOLYNS TO THE TENANTS OF GRESHAM[99.1]

_To my trusty and wel belovyd, the Vycary and Tenaunts of my Lordschepe of Gressham._

[Sidenote: 1449 / MARCH 24]

Trusty and welbeloved frendys, I grete yowe well, and putte yowe all owte of doute for all that ye have doon for me; and the money that ye pay to my welbeloved servaunt, John Partrich, I will be your warant as for your discharge, and save yowe harmeles ayenst all thoo that wold greve yowe, to my power. And, as hertly as I can, I thanke yow of the gud wyl ye have had, and have, toward me. And as to the tytyll of rigth that I have to the Lordship of Gressam schal with in short tyme be knoweyn, and be the lawe so determynyd, that ye schall all be glad that hathe ought me youre gud wyll therin.

And All Myghty God kepe yow; and, be His grace, I schall be with yowe son aftyr the Parlement es endyd.

Wrytten atte London, on Oure Lady evyn last past.

R. H., LORD MOLYNS.

[Footnote 99.1: [From Fenn, i. 192.] Lord Molyns took possession of Gresham, as already shown--see page 94, note 1,--on the 17th of February 1448; but the reference to Parliament as sitting at the date of this letter proves it to belong either to 1449 or 1450. The latter date, however, is not very probable.]

87

MARGARET PASTON TO JOHN PASTON[99.2]

_To my rytz wurschipful Mayster, Jon Paston, be this delyverid in hast, dwelling in the Inner Tempill._

[Sidenote: 1449 / APRIL 2]

Rytz wurschipful hosbond, I recommawnd me to zu, praying zu to wete that my kosyn Cler[99.3] dynyd with me this day; and sche told me that Heydon was with her yister evyn late, and he told her that he had a letter from the Lord Moleynys, and schewyd her the same letter, praying hym that he wold seyn to his frends and wele willerres in this contre that he thanketh hem of her godewill, and for that thei have done for hym; and also praying Heydon that he wold sey to Rychard Ernold of Crowmer that he was sory and evyl payd that his men maden the afray up on hym, for he seyd it was not be his will that his men xuld make afray on noman in this contre with owth rytz grett cause. And as for that was don to zu if it mytz ben prevyd that he had don otherwise to zu than rytz wold as for the mevabyl godis, ze xuld ben content, so that ze xuld have cawse to kon hym thank; and he prayd Heydon in the letter that it xuld ben reportid in this kontre that he wold don so, if he had don otherwyse than he owth to don.

The frere[100.1] that cleymyth Oxned was in this town zastyrday and this day, and was ledgid att Beris, and this afternon he rod, but qhedder I wote not. He seyd pleynly in this town that he xal have Oxnede, and that he hath my lord of Suffolkes[100.2] good lordschip, and he wol ben his good lord in that mater. There was a persone warnyd my moder with in this to days that sche xuld ben ware, for thei seyd pleynly sche was lyk to ben servyd as ze were servyd at Gressam with in rytz schort tyme. Also the Lord Moleyns wrott in his forseyd letter that he wold mytyly, with his body and with his godis, stand be all tho that had ben his frends and his wel willers in the mater towching Gressam, and preyd Heydon that he wold sey to them that thei xuld not ben aferd in non wyse, for that was don it xuld ben abedyn by.

My moder prayith zu that ze wil send my brother Willyam to Kawmbrege anomynale[100.3] and abok of sofystre of my brother Emundes[100.4], the qheche my seyd brother be hestid my moder the last tyme he spak with her, that he xuld asent [_should have sent_] to my brother Willyam. The blisseful Trinyte have zu in his keping.

Wretyn at Norwyche in hast, on the Wodenysday next be for Palm Sonday.

Zowres,

M. P.

[Footnote 99.2: [From Paston MSS., B.M.] The date of this letter is evidently both after Paston’s expulsion from Gresham by Lord Molyns in February 1448, and after the death of Edmund Paston in 1449. It cannot, however, be so late as 1450, else Hauteyn would not have expected to obtain possession of Oxnead through the Duke of Suffolk’s influence.]

[Footnote 99.3: Elizabeth, widow of Robert Clere of Ormesby.]

[Footnote 100.1: John Hawteyn. --_See_ Nos. 46 and 50.]

[Footnote 100.2: William De la Pole, Duke of Suffolk.]

[Footnote 100.3: A _nominale_.]

[Footnote 100.4: Edmund Paston, who must have died very shortly after declaring his will on the 21st of March 1449.]

88

[MARGARET PASTON] TO [JOHN PASTON][101.1]

[Sidenote: 1449(?)]

Ryt wurchipful hwsbond, I recomawnd me to zu, and prey zw to gete som crosse bowis, and wyndacs[101.2] to bynd them with, and quarrels;[101.3] for zour hwsis her ben so low that ther may non man schet owt with no long bowe, thow we hadde never so moche nede.

I sopose ze xuld have seche thyngs of Ser Jon Fastolf, if ze wold send to hym; and also I wold ze xuld gete ij. or iij. schort pelleaxis to kepe with doris, and als many jakkys, and ye may.

Partryche[101.4] and his felaschep arn sor aferyd that ze wold entren azen up on them, and they have made grete ordynaw[n]ce with inne the hwse, as it is told me. They have made barris to barre the dorys crosse weyse, and they have made wykets on every quarter of the hwse to schote owte atte, bothe with bowys and with hand gunnys; and the holys that ben made forr hand gunnys, they ben scarse kne hey fro the plawncher [_floor_], and of soche holis ben made fyve. There can non man schete owt at them with no hand bowys.

Purry felle in felaschepe with Willyum Hasard at Querles, and told hym that he wold com and drynk with Partryche and with hym, and he seyd he xuld ben welcome, and after none he went thedder for to aspye qhat they dedyn, and qhat felachep they hadde with them; and qhan he com thedder, the dors were fast sperid [_fastened_], and there wer non folks with hem but Maryoth, and Capron and hys wyf, and Querles wyf, a[n]d another man in ablac (?) zede sum qhate haltyng, I sopose be his words that it was Norfolk of Gemyngham; and the seyd Purry aspyde alle this forseyd thyngs. And Marioth and his felaschep had meche grette langage that xall ben told zw qhen ze kom hom.

I pray zw that ze wyl vowche save to don bye for me j. li. [1 _lb._] of almands and j. li. of sugyr, and that ze wille do byen sume frese to maken of zour child is gwnys; ze xall have best chepe and best choyse of Hayis wyf, as it is told me. And that ze wyld bye a zerd of brode clothe of blac for an hode fore me of xliiij^_d._ or iiij^_s._ a zerd, for ther is nether gode cloth ner god fryse in this twn. As for the child is gwnys, and I have them, I wel do hem maken.

The Trynyte have zw in his keping, and send zw gode spede i[n] alle zour materis.

[Footnote 101.1: [From Fenn, iii. 314.] ‘The direction of this curious letter,’ says Fenn, ‘is obliterated, but it is plainly from Margaret Paston to her husband; and the paper is likewise so completely filled with writing, that she has not even either subscribed or dated it, but by the mentioning of Sir John Fastolf it must have been written before 1459.’ It appears to us most probably to belong to the year 1449, when Paston was making preparations to re-enter Gresham, which he actually did in October of that year.]

[Footnote 101.2: Windacs are what we now call grappling irons, with which the bow-string is drawn home.--F.]

[Footnote 101.3: Properly _quarreaux_. They were square pyramids of iron shot out of crossbows.--Grose’s _Milit. Antiq._ i. 149.]

[Footnote 101.4: John Partrich, one of Lord Molyns’s retainers.]

89

WILLIAM COTYNG TO JOHN PASTON[102.1]

_To the right reverent sir my most worshipful maister, my maister John Paston._

[Sidenote: About 1449 / APRIL]

Right reverent and my most worshipful maister, I recomaund me to yow. Please it yow to wete that the man whiche I wolde have hadde to a be youre fermour at Snaillewelle hath tolde me that he will not therof, and this he makith his excuse; he seythe that he shall dwelle with his wyffes fader and fynden hym for his good as longe as he levyth and he will no forther medill in the werde. I fele well by hym that he hath inquered of the maner, for he coude telle me well that olde Briggeman aught my maister, your fader, whom God assoile, moche good, and how that he hadde al that was ther whanne Briggeman was ded; and that this Briggeman owith yow moche good at this tyme. I answered therto, as for olde Briggeman, I seide that it was his will that my maister shulde have his good, be cause he was a bonde man and hadde no childer. And as for this Briggeman, I seide that he hath bought a faire place sithe he was your fermour, and payed therfor; but for this I kan not turne hym. Wherfor, and it like yow to sende to me a bille of the value of the maner, I shall inquere if any other may happe to be gete, and sende yow worde therof; and in this and what ye will comaunde me ellys I shall do my parte by the grace of our Lord, Who ever have yow in His kepyng. Amen. Writen at Cambrigge the Sunday nexte before the fest of Seynt George.

My maister your brother[103.1] recomaundeth hym to yow, as me semyth he is in right febill hele. he will not telle me qwy, save he seyth he compleyned onys and hadde no remedy, and therfor he seythe he shall suffer for a seoson. Forsothe I suppose he is not intreted as he aught to be.

Your servaunt and bedeman,

W. COTYNG.

[Footnote 102.1: [Add. MS. 34,889, f. 164.] This letter must have been written about the year 1449, when William Paston, son of the Judge, was a student at Cambridge.]

[Footnote 103.1: William Paston.]

[[he will not telle me qwy _lower-case “he” in original_]]

90

ROBERT WENYNGTON TO THOMAS DANIEL[103.2]

_To my Reverend Mayster, Thomas Danyell, Squier for the Kyngs Body, be thys letter delyverd in haste._

[Sidenote: 1449 / MAY 25]

Most reverend mayster, I recomaund me on to yowr graceus maystreschup, ever deseryng to her of yowr wurschupfull ustate, the whyche All myghte God mayntayne hyt, and encrese hyt on to hys plesans: Plesyng yow to know of my wellfare, and of all yowr men, at the makyng of thys letter, we wer in gode hele of body i blessyd be God.

Mo over, mayster, I send yow word, by Rauly Pykeryng, of all maters, the whyche I be seche yow yeve hym credens, as he wyll enforme yow of all; so, sur, I beseche yow, in the reverens of God, that ye wyll enforme owr Soverayn Lord the Kyng of all maters that I send yow in thys letter, lyke as I have send a letter to my Lord Chaunseler and to all my Lordys by the sayd Pykeryng; the whyche letter I beseche yow that ye take and delyver to my Lord and all my Lordys by yowr awne handys, and lete the sayd Pykeryng declare all thyngs as he hath sayn and knoweth.

Furst, I send yow word that when we went to see, we toke ij. schyppys of Brast comyng owte of Flaundrys; and then after, ther ys made a grete armyng in Brytayne to mete with me and my felyschyp, that ys to say, the grete schyp of Brast, the grete schyp of the Morleys, the grete schyp of Vanng, with other viij. schyppis, bargys, and balyngers, to the number of iij. m^li [3000] men; and so we lay in the see to me[te] with them.

And then we mette with a flotte of a c. [_a hundred_] grete schyppys of Pruse, Lubycke, Campe, Rastocke, Holond, Selond, and Flandres, betwyte Garnyse [_Guernsey_] and Portland; and then I cam abord the Admirall, and bade them stryke in the Kyngys name of Englond, and they bade me skyte in the Kyngs name of Englond; and then I and my feleschyp sayd, but [_unless_] he wyll streke don the sayle, that I wyld over sayle ham by the grace of God, and God wyll send me wynd and wether; and dey bade me do my wurst, by cause I had so fewe schyppys and so smale, that they scornyd with me. And as God wuld, on Fryday last was, we had a gode wynd, and then we armyd to the number of ij. m^l. [2000] men in my felyschyp, and made us redy for to over sayle them; and then they lonchyd a bote, and sette up a stondert of truesse, and com and spake with me. And ther they were yolded all the hundret schyppys to go with me in what port that me lust and my felawys; but they faothe with me the day before, and schotte atte us a j. m^l. [1000] gonnys, and quarell[105.1] owte of number, and have slayn meny of my felyschyp, and meymyd all soo. Wherfor me thyngkyt that they haye forfett bothe schypps and godys at our Soverayn Lord the Kyngys wyll. Besechyng yow that ye do yowr parte in thys mater, for thys I have wrytyn to my Lord Chaunseler[105.2] and all my Lordys of the Kyngys Counsell; and so I have brofte them, all the c. [_hundred_] shyppys, within Wyght, in spyte of them all.

And ye myght gete leve of owr Soverayn Lord the Kyng to com hydder, hyt schall turne yow to grete wurschup and profett, to helpe make owr a poyntement in the Kyngs name, for ye sawe never suche a syght of schyppys take in to Englond this c. wynter; for we ly armyd nyght and day to kepe them, in to the tyme that we have tydengs of our Soverayn and hys counsell. For truly they have do harme to me, and to my feleschyp, and to yowr schyppys more [than] ij. m^l. li.[105.3] worth harme; and therfor I am avesyd, and all my feleschyp, to droune them and slee them, withoute that we hafe tydyngs from owr Soverayn the Kyng and hys counsell. And therfor, in the reverens of God, come ye yowr self, and ye schall have a grete avayle and wurschup of yowr comyng to see a suche syght, for I der well sey that I have her at this tyme all the cheff schyppys of Duchelond, Holond, Selond, and Flaundrys, and now hyt wer tyme for to trete for a fynell pese as for that partyes.

I writ no more to yow at this tyme, but All myghty Jesus have yow in hys kepyng. I writ in hast, within Wyght, on Soneday at nyght after the Ascencion of owr Lord.

By yowr owne Servant,

ROBT. WENYNGTON.

[Footnote 103.2: [From Fenn, i. 208.] On the 3rd April 1449 royal letters were issued in favour of Robert Wynnyngtone of Devonshire, who was bound by indenture to do the King service on the sea ‘for the cleansing of the same, and rebuking of the robbers and pirates thereof, which daily do all the noisance they can.’ --Stevenson’s _Letters and Papers illustrative of the Wars of the English in France_, i. 489.]

[Footnote 105.1: _See_ p. 101, Note 3.]

[Footnote 105.2: John Stafford, Archbishop of Canterbury.]

[Footnote 105.3: Fenn says the reading of the original is indistinct, and he could not determine whether £2000 or £3000 was meant.]

91

WILLIAM PASTON TO JOHN PASTON[106.1]

_To myn most reverent and [w]urchepful broder, Jon Paston._

[Sidenote: About 1449]

To myn most reverent and wurchepful brodur, I recummend me hartely to zow, desiryng speciali to hare of zowre wellefare and prosperite, qweche Almyty God contenu to zowre gosteli hele and bodili welfare. And if it plase zowre goode broderod to here of myn wellefare, at the makyng of this bylle I was in good hele. And if it leke zowre good broderod to remembre the letter that I sent to zow of the noyse that was telde of zow, that ze schuld a be on of the capetayns of the ryserse in Norfolk, and how that j. scholere of Cambryg, qweche is parsone of Welle, schuld an utteryd ferthere to zowr grete schalndyr [_slander_]; besechyng zow to undyrstond that the seyde parsone of Welle was sone [after?][106.2] that tyme at Lundon, were he harde sey of j. swyr of ij. c. marc be zere [_of one squire of 200 marks by year_] that ze and Master Thomas Wellys wolde sewe the seyd Parsone Welle for zowre schalndyr; and the seyde parsone come to Cambryg sothyn, and hathe pekyd a qwarell to on Mastyr Recheforthe, a knythys sone of Norforfolke,[106.3] and seyd to Rychechefor[106.3] that he had because that ze schuld sewe hym; and the seyd Parsone Welle thretyd Rycheferthe that wat some ever that ze causyd Parson Welle to lese be zowre sewtes, that Rycheferthe schul lese the same to the Parson of Welle. Werefor this jeltylmon Rycheforthe taketh grete thowt, and pray me to wrythe to zow that ze wulde sese zowre suthe tylle the tyme that ze wulde asyne that I mythe speke wythe zow, and odyr sundry have speke with zow of the same mater; for yt ware pithe that Rycheforthe chuld have ony hurthe thereby. I beseche zow holde me excusyd, thow I wryt no better to zow at thys tyme, for in good feyth I had no leysere. The brynggar of thys letter can telle zow the same. God have zow in hys kepyng. Wretyn at Cambryg, on Fryday [sa]nyth[107.1] nexste before Mydsommer Evyn.

In case ze come ba come [_back home?_] be Cambryg, I schal telle zow mo of it. I am sory I may wrythe no bettyr at this tyme, but I trust ze wylle [have] paciens.

Be zowre pore Broder,

W. PASTON.

[Footnote 106.1: [From Paston MSS., B.M.] As it appears from Margaret Paston’s letter of the 2nd April 1449 that William Paston was a student at Cambridge in that year, the date of this must be about the same period.]

[Footnote 106.2: Word omitted.]

[Footnote 106.3: So in MS.]

[Footnote 107.1: This is written ‘sanyth’ but there is a stroke through the _a_, which was perhaps intended to have been carried through the _s_ also.]

92

SIR JOHN FASTOLF TO JOHN PASTON[107.2]

_To the Worshypful Sir, and my ryght well beloved cosen, John Paston._

[Sidenote: 1449(?) / JULY 10]

Worshypfull and ryghte welbelovyd cosyn, I comaund me to you. Please you to here that the Pryore and Convent of Norwyche have wythhalden certeyn rent for landes that they halden of me wythinne my maner of Haylysdon, and the ij. tapers of wax of ij. lbs. wyght, by the space of xviij. yere, that mountyth xxj_s._[107.3] valued in money. And the lordes of the seyd maner beyng before me, and y yn my tyme, have been seised and possessed of the seyd rent. Prayng you to speke wyth the Pryore, or comaundyng me unto hym. And that ye lyke to move hym to make me payment as his dewtee ys, so as y have no cause to gowe further, and to do as justice requyreth. He hahyth xxx. acres lande or more by the seyd rent, and whyht ought to pay me othyr rent more by myn evidense. More over y pray you, cosen, that I may speke with you or [_before_] y ryde, and that on Thursday by the ferthest; and then y shall tell you tydyngs off the Parlement, and that ye fayle not, as my trust ys yn you. I pray God have you in Hys guidance.

Wreten at Castor, the x. day off Julie 1449[108.1].

Your Cosen,

JOHN FASTOLFE.

[Footnote 107.2: [From Palmer’s _Foundacion and Antiquitye of Great Yermouthe_, p. 61.]]

[Footnote 107.3: ‘xxj.o,’ as printed by Palmer, but the ‘o’ no doubt should be ‘_s._’]

[Footnote 108.1: So the date is given in the book from which this letter is copied, but the year is certainly wrong, as the writer did not go to reside at Caister till 1454. The date indeed would have been suspicious apart from this, as the mode of dating is quite unusual in these letters. Probably in the original MS. (which the Editor has not seen) ‘1449’ was inserted after ‘Julie’ in a later hand.]

93

AGNES PASTON TO JOHN PASTON[108.2]

_To John Paston be this letter delyveryd._

[Sidenote: Not after 1449]

Soon, I grete zow wel with Goddis blyssyng and myn, and I latte zow wette that my cosyn Cler[108.3] wrytted to me that sche spake with Schrowpe[108.4] after that he had byen with me at Norwyche, and tolde her what cher that I had made hym, and he seyde to her he lyked wel by the cher I made hym.

He had swyche wordys to my cosyn Cler that lesse than ze made hym good cher, and zaf hym wordys of conforth at London, he wolde no mor speke of the matyr.

My cosyn Cler thynkyth that it were a foly to forsake hym lesse than ze knew of on owdyr as good or better; and I have assayde zowr suster,[108.5] and I fonde her never so wylly to noon as sche is to hym, zyf it be so that his londe stande cleer.

I sent zow a letter by Brawnton for sylke, and for this matyr befor my cosyn Cler wrote to me, the qwyche was wrytten on the Wednysday nexzt aftyr Mydsomer day.

Sir Harry Ynglows is ryzth besy a bowt Schrowpe for one of his dozthers.

I prey zow, for zette nozth to brynge me my mony fro Horwelbery, as ze com fro London, edyr all or a grete parte. The dew dette was at Crystemesse last paste, no thynge a lowyd, vij_li._ xiiij_s._ viij_d._, and at this Mydsomer it is v_li._ more; and thow I a low hym all his askyng, it is but xxvj_s._ vj_d._ less, but I am nozth so avysyth zytt. As for the Frer,[109.1] he hath byen at Sent Benetts, and at Norwyche, and made grete bowste of the sewte that he hath azens me, and bowzthe many boxes, to what intent I wett never. It is wel doen to be war at London, in drede gyf he bryng ony syse at Sent Margarets tyme.

I kan no more, but Almyzty God be owr good lorde, who have zow ever in kepyng. Wryten at Oxnede in grete hast, on the Satyr next aftyr Mydsomer.

By yowr Modyr,

A. P.

[Footnote 108.2: [From Fenn, iii. 202.] This letter is dated by Fenn 1454, with some others relating to matches proposed for Elizabeth Paston; but the date of this cannot be later than 1451, as Sir Harry Inglos died that year. Moreover, it cannot be either 1451 or 1450, as ‘the Saturday next after Midsummer’ when this letter is dated, preceded ‘the Wednesday next after Midsummer day’ in both these years. Thus 1449 is the latest possible date.]

[Footnote 108.3: Elizabeth, widow of Robert Clere of Ormesby, Esq.]

[Footnote 108.4: Stephen Scrope, a son of Sir John Fastolf’s wife by a former husband.]

[Footnote 108.5: Elizabeth Paston.]

[Footnote 109.1: John Hawteyn. --_See_ Nos. 46, 50, and 63.]

94

ELIZABETH CLERE TO JOHN PASTON[109.2]

_To my Cosyn, John Paston, be thys letter delivered._

[Sidenote: Not after 1449]

Trusty and weel be loved cosyn, I comaunde me to zow, desyryng to here of zowre weelfare and good spede in zowre matere, the qwech I prey God send zow to his plesaunce and to zoure hertys ease.

Cosyn, I lete zow wete that Scrope[109.3] hath be in this cuntre to se my cosyn zoure sustyr, and he hath spoken with my cosyn zoure moder, and sche desyreth of hym that he schuld schewe zow the endentures mad be twen the knyght that hath his dowter and hym, whethir that Skrop, if he were maried and fortuned to have children, if tho children schuld enheryte his lond, or his dowter, the wheche is maried.

Cosyn, for this cause take gode hede to his endentures, for he is glad to schewe zow hem, or whom ze wol a sygne with zow; and he seith to me he is the last in the tayle of his lyflode, the qweche is CCCL. marke and better, as Watkyn Shipdam seith, for he hath take a compt of his liflode dyvers tymes; and Scrop seith to me if he be maried, and have a sone an eyre, his dowter that is maried schal have of his liflode L. marke and no more; and therfore, cosyn, me semeth he were good for my cosyn zowre sustyr, with[out] that ye myght gete her a bettyr. And if ze can gete a better, I wold avyse zow to labour it in as schort tyme as ze may goodly, for sche was never in so gret sorow as sche is now a dayes, for sche may not speke with no man, ho so ever come, ne not may se ne speke with my man, ne with servauntes of hir moderys but that sche bereth hire an hand[110.1] otherwyse than she menyth. And sche hath sen Esterne the most part be betyn onys in the weke or twyes, and som tyme twyes on o day, and hir hed broken in to or thre places. Wherfor, cosyn, sche hath sent to me by Frere Newton in gret counsell, and preyeth me that I wold send to zow a letter of hir hevynes, and prey yow to be hir good brothyr, as hir trost is in zow; and sche seith, if ze may se be his evydences that his childern and hire may enheryten, and sche to have resonable joynture, sche hath herd so mech of his birth and his condicions, that and ze will sche will have hym, whethyr that hir moder wil or wil not, not withstandyng it is tolde hir his persone is symple, for sche seyth men shull have the more deyute of hire if sche rewle hire to hym as sche awte to do.

Cosyn, it is told me ther is a goodly man in yowre Inne, of the qweche the fadyr deyed litte, and if ze thynk that he were better for hir than Scroop, it wold be laboured, and yif Scroop a goodly answere that he be not put of tyl ze be sure of a bettyr; for he seid whan he was with me, but if [_i.e._ unless] he have som counfortable answer of zow, he wil no more laboure in this mater, be cause he myght not se my cosyn zoure sustyr, and he seyth he myght a see hire and sche had be bettyr than she is; and that causeth hym to demyr that hir moder was not weel willyng, and so have I sent my cosyn zowre moder word. Wherfore, cosyn, thynk on this mateer, for sorow oftyn tyme causeth women to be set hem otherwyse than thei schuld do, and if sche where in that case, I wot weel ze wold be sory. Cosyn, I prey zow brenne this letter, that zoure men ne non other man se it; for and my cosyn zowre moder knew that I had sent yow this letter, sche shuld never love me. No more I wrighte to zow at this tyme, but Holy Gost have zow in kepyng. Wretyn in hast, on Seynt Peterys day,[111.1] be candel lyght.

Be youre Cosyn,

ELIZABETH CLERE.

[Footnote 109.2: [From Fenn, iii. 204.] This letter appears from the contents to be of the same year as the preceding.]

[Footnote 109.3: Stephen Scrope. --_See_ p. 108, Note 4.]

[Footnote 110.1: To bear one on hand, means to assert or insinuate something to a person.]

[Footnote 111.1: June 29.]

95

JOHN DAMME TO JOHN PASTON[111.2]

_To my ryght worshepfull master John Paston at London in the Inner Temple._

[Sidenote: 1449 / NOV. 30]

Plese it your good maistershep to knowe that my maisteresse your wyff recomaundeth here to yow and fareth well, blyssed be God, and all your menye faren well also and recomaunde hem to yaw, &c. I was with my lord of Oxenford and dede myn erand, and I found his good lordshep well disposed towardys yow, for he seid if he were sent to for to come to, &c., if it kepe faire weder he wold not tarye, and if it reygned he wold not spare. More over I spak with Pertrych as touchyng the letter sent to my lord Moleyns; he seyth that he was privy to the wrytyng and wele a vowe it by record of xx. persons, but he wold name to me no persone; and so he and I accorded not fully. And I bad hym remembre hym that he myght not abyde there if ye wold have hym owt. And he seid he knewe well that. But he seid, if ye put heem out, ye shuld be put owt sone after a geyn. And I seyd if it happe it so thei shuld not longer reste there. And Mariot stod by and seyd that were no merveyll whill thei were but ij. men, but it shuld not be best so. And I seyd that I lete them wete it shuld be so if ye wold, thow they made all the strenght which they coude make. And ther to Mariot seyd stately, that myght not be performed; and more langage ther was, to long to wryte at this leyser. Pertrych and his felaw bere gret visage and kepe gret junkeryes and dyneres, and seyn that my lord Moleynes hath wrytyn pleynly to hem that he is lord there and well be, and shall be, and ye not to have it; but I trust to Goddes ryghtwysenes of better purvyaunce. Lyke it yow to remembre what Heydon doth and mayde by colour of justice of the pees, beyng of my lordes councell and not your good frend nor weell wyller, and to comon with your sad councell what ye must suffre by the lawe, and where inne ye may resiste. On Sunday last passed Gunore and Mariot and John Davy and other dyned with Pertrych, &c.; and after eveson [_evensong_] Gonore spake to my maisteresse that she shuld make here men to leue here wyfeles and here jackes; and she answered that thei purposed to hurte no man of here owyn sykyng; but for it was seid that she shuld be plukkyd owt of here howse, she were loth to suffre that; and therfore she sayde thei shuld goo soo til ye come hom. And he seid stately, but if thei left here aray it shuld be plukked from them. I trust he must have a better warant, from his stately langage, or ells he shall not have it from hem esily. All this I remitte to your good remembraunce with Goddes help, to Whom I pray to gyde your ryght to his worshep and your hertes desire.

Wrytyn at Sustede on Seynt Andrewe day, &c.

Yowres,

J. DAMME.

Were but well, as me semyth, that ye myght ordeygne now a fetys jacke defensable for your self, for there con they do best and best chep, &c.

[Footnote 111.2: [Add. 34,888, f. 32.] This letter was evidently written in 1449, after John Paston had re-entered Gresham, and his wife was keeping it for him. See No. 88.]

96

JAMES GRESHAM TO [JOHN PASTON][113.1]

[Sidenote: 1449(?) / OCT. 16]

‘The King is now into the Marches of Wales, as it is said, to the intent he may be near the country if my Lord of Buckingham, which is commissioner now in Wales for divers offences done there to the Crown, would sue to have his commission to be enlarged, if he were repyned.’ It is not known when the King will be in London again, but he is expected here at the beginning of the Parliament. I have your writs of error, but can see nothing wrong. Thos. Denys asked me why you did not follow his suggestion about the removing of the strength at Gresham, and thinks it should be done yet. Francis Costard is not yet well at ease, for his _venire facias_ between Will. Prentys and him and Hen. Halman comes in very inopportunely. You had better come hither as soon as possible and get the favor of the sheriff that shall be next year.

London, 16 Oct.

[Footnote 113.1: This abstract was made from one of the Roydon Hall MSS. shown to the Editor in 1875. Since that date he has not seen the original.]

97

SIR JOHN FASTOLF TO JOHN FASTOLF AND JOHN KIRTELING[113.2]

_To my ryght tristy and welbelovede Cosin and Frende, John Fastolf, and Sir John Kirtelinge, Parson of Arkesay._

[Sidenote: 1449 / OCT. 31]

Trusty and welbeloved frendz, y grete yow wel. And for as moche as y have appointed with my sone, Stephen Scrope, lyke as y sende yow the appointement writen hereafter in this letter, the whiche appointement y woll ye fulfylle be the avys of my counsel in that at longeth to my party, like as hit ys writen.

Thys ys the appointement made be twene Sir John Fastolf, Knight, and Stephen Scrope, Squier, in the maner as here after hit ys writen:--

Fyrst, for as moche as the mariage of the saide Stephen Scrope was solde[114.1] to Sir William Gascoyng, the Chefe Justice of Englonde, for v^c. [500] marke, with the whiche mariage was deliverd in hande to the sayde Gascoyng the maner of Wyghton on the Wolde, in Yorke schyre, with the apertenance of the saide maner; and whan the sayde Gascoyng hade hym, he wolde have solde hym agayn, or maried the saide Stephen Scrope ther [_where_] he schulde have byn despareiged: wherefore, at the request of the sayde Scrope and hys frendes, the saide Fastolf boght the ma[ri]age of the saide Scrope of the saide Sir William Gascoyng for v^c. marke, wherby the saide Fastolf hath mariage of the saide Stephen Scrope, or elles to have the saide somme of v^c. marke that he payde for hym, like as hit ys above sayde.

Item, for as moche as the sayde Stephen Scrope ys comyn to the saide Fastolf, sayinge that he hath fownde wey to be maried at his lyst, and also for his worschippe and profyt, so that the saide Fastolf woll consent therto, that ys to say, to Fauconeris doughter of London, that Sir Reynalde Cobham[114.2] had weddid.

Item, for as hit ys the saide Fastolf ys wille to forther and helpe the saide Scrope in any wize ther he may be fortherede, the sayde Fastolf consenteth that the sayde Scrope marie hym to the Fauconeris doughter, with that that the sayde Fauconer gyf to the sayde Fastolf the saide somme of v^c. marke, the whiche he payde for the saide Scrope.

Item, yf that the sayde Stephen Scrope pay or do pay the somme afore sayde of v^c. marke sterling, than the sayde Sir John Fastolf and Dame Mylicent,[114.3] his wyf, schall make astate of the said maner of Wyghton on the Wolde in Yorke schyre, with the apertenaunce of the sayde maner, to the saide Stephen Scrope and to the woman, the whiche schalbe his wyf, and to here eyres of here bodyes begete be twix hem two.

Item, yef the sayde Stephen dye with oute eyre of his body begeten, than the sayde maner of Wyghton, after the descece of the saide hys wyf, schall retourne agayne to the sayde Fastolf and Dame Mylicent, his wyf, and to the eyres of the sayde Mylicent.

Item, yf so be that the sayde Fauconer wilnot pay the sayde somme of v^c. marke, bot peraventure wolde gyf a lesse somme, then the sayde Fastolf wyl deliver to the mariage of the saide Scrope certayn londe, havynge rewarde to the somme that the sayde Fauconer wil gyf, havyng rewarde to the afferrant of xl. pounde worthe land and v^c. mark of golde.

Item, if that the sayde Fauconer wilnot gyf no somme of golde for the sayde mariage, the sayde Fastolf wyl take the mariage of the childe that ys eyre to the forsaide Sir Reynolde Cobham, and that the sayde Scrope forto conferme the estat hys moder has made to the saide Fastolf, yf so be that the consel of the saide Fastolf se by thaire avys that hit be for to do, and that the said mariage may be [as] moche worth to the said Fastolf as v^c. mark.

Item, ze sende me be Raufm[an an] answare o[f] the letters that y sende yow, that I may have ve[ray] knolage how that hit standys with me ther in al maner of thynges, and that I [h]ave an answare of every article that y wrote to yow.

Item, for as moche as that I am bonden for my Lord Scales[115.1] to my Lord Cardnale[115.2] in v^c. mark, the qu[ech] somme he kan not fynd no way to pay hit, on lese then that he sel a parcel of his land; quer fore he sendis ower a man of his called Pessemerche, with whom I wil that ze spek, and se be zore avis whech of the places of my said Lord Scales that standis most cler to be solde; and if the place that is beside W[a]lsyngham stand cler, I have hit lever then the tother; and therfore I pray [z]ow that ze make apointement with the said Pesemerche in the best wise that ze may, athir of the ton place or the tother, and or ze let take hit after xx. zere, havyn[g] rewarde to the verray val[u] therof, and as ze don send me worde be the next massager.

Item, my Lord of Hungerford[116.1] has writen to me for to have the warde of Robert Monpyns[on]is sone, wher of I am agreed that he schal [have] hit like as I has wretyn to hym in a letter, of the whech I send zow a cope closed here in: wher fore I pray zow to enquere of the verray valu of the land that Monpynson haldis of me, and sendis me word in hast; for my said Lord Hungerford sais in his letter that hit is worth bot xl_s._ a zere aboufe the rentis, as ze may se the letter that he sent me, the q[uec]h I send zow be my son Scrope. And I pray zow to demene zow to my said Lord as eesely as ze may in this mater and al other that I have to do with hym, as ze may se be the cope aforesaid. And or (_sic_) have zow in his kepyng. Wretyn at Roan (?)[116.2] the last day of October.

J. FASTOLFE.

_Endorsed_ Appunctuamentum factum pro Stephano Scroope anno xxviijº Regis H. vj. ad maritandum.

[Footnote 113.2: [From the Castlecombe MSS. in the B.M., Add. MS. 28,212, No. 21.] According to the endorsement, this letter should have been written in the year 1449; but the reader will see by the footnotes that there are grounds for doubting the accuracy of this date.]

[Footnote 114.1: The marriage of wards in those days used to be sold to men of property, who would compel them to marry their own sons or daughters, or whatever other persons suited them. The only restriction to this right was, that the ward might, on coming of age, have an action against his guardian in case of _disparagement_, that is to say, if he was married beneath his station.]

[Footnote 114.2: Sir Reginald Cobham of Sterborough, in Surrey, who died in 1446. He was the father of the notorious Eleanor Cobham, the mistress, and afterwards wife, of Humphrey, Duke of Gloucester.--Brayley’s _Hist. of Surrey_, iv. 159.]

[Footnote 114.3: Milicent, wife of Sir John Fastolf, is known to have been alive in the 24th year of Henry VI. (1446). William Worcester says the allowance for her chamber was paid until that date; but as he says nothing more, it has been supposed she did not live longer. Mr. Poulett Scrope also believes her to have died in 1446, on the authority of a contemporary MS., which says she and Fastolf lived together thirty-eight years.--_Hist. Castlecombe_, 263.]

[Footnote 115.1: Thomas de Scales, 8th Lord.]

[Footnote 115.2: John Kemp, Archbishop of York, afterwards of Canterbury; or, if this document be some years earlier, Cardinal Beaufort, Bishop of Winchester.]

[Footnote 116.1: Walter, 1st Lord Hungerford, died in August 1449, and was succeeded in the title by his son Robert.]

[Footnote 116.2: The name is a little indistinct from the decay of the paper, but the first and last letters are clear, and it is scarcely possible to doubt that Rouen was the place here intended. Yet if this be so, the letter must be much earlier than the date assigned to it in the endorsement.]

98

RICHARD, EARL OF WARWICK, TO SIR THOMAS TODENHAM[117.1]

_To owr ryght trusty and welbelovyd Frend, Ser Thomas Todenham._

[Sidenote: 1449(?) / NOV. 2]

Ryght trusty and welbelovyd frend, we grete you well, hertely desyryng to here of yowr welfare, which we pray God preserve to yowr herts desyr; and yf yt please yow to here of owr welfare, we wer in goud hale atte the makyng of this lettre, praying you hertely that ye wyll consider owr message, which owr Chapleyn Mayster Robert Hoppton shall enforme you of. For as God knowyth we have gret besynesse dayly, and has had here by for this tyme. Wherfor we pray you to consyder the purchas that we have made wyth one John Swyffhcotte, Squier of Lyncolnshyr, of lxxx. and viij_li._ by yer, whereuppon we must pay the last payment the Moneday nexte after Seynt Martyn’ day, which sum ys CCCC. and lviij_li._; wherfor we pray you wyth all owr herte that ye wyll lend us x_li._, or twenty, or whet the seyd Maister Robert wants of hys payment, as we may do for you in tym for to com; and we shall send yt you ageyn afor Newyers day wyth the grace of God, as we ar trew knyght. For there is nonne in your cuntre that we myght wryght to for trust so well as unto you; for, as we be enformyd, ye be owr well wyller, and so we pray you of goud contynuaunce.

Wherfore we pray you that ye consyder our entent of this mony, as ye wyll that we do for you in tym to com, as God knowyth, who have you in hys kepyng.

Wreten atte London, on All Salwyn [_All Souls’_] day, wyth inne owr loggyng in the Grey Freys [_Friars_] wyth inne Newgate.

RIC., ERLE WARWYKE.[117.2]

[Footnote 117.1: [From Fenn, i. 84.] Richard Nevill, Earl of Warwick, afterwards famous as the ‘King-maker,’ succeeded to the title in 1449, and this letter is not unlikely to have been written in that very year. Certainly it is not many years later. In 1449 and 1450 Warwick was probably in London to attend the Parliament.]

[Footnote 117.2: ‘The seal of this letter’ says Fenn, ‘is of red wax, on which is the Bear and Ragged Staff, the badge of this nobleman, with his motto,--the whole very fair and curious, and around it is a braid of twine.’]

99

ABSTRACT[118.1]

[Sidenote: 1449 / DEC. 11]

Copy of a Grant from the Crown to John Bray for services against the King’s enemies. Caen, 11th December 14[4]9, 28 Henry VI.

[This document is very mutilated and decayed. It is written in French, the spelling of which is very peculiar, and is probably a bad copy by some one who did not know the language.]

[Footnote 118.1: [From Paston MSS., B.M.]]

100

WILLIAM TAILBOYS TO VISCOUNT BEAUMONT[118.2]

_To my right honorabull and right wurshipful Lord, my Lord Viscont Beaument._

[Sidenote: Before 1450]

Right honorabull and my right wurshipfull Lord, I recomaund me unto your gode Lordship with all my service, evermore desireng to here of your prosperitie and welfare, the which I pray God encres and contynue to his plesur, and after your oone herts desire; thankyng you of the gode Lordship that ye have shewed me at all tymes, beseching you alway of gode contynuance.

Plesid your gode Lordship to be remembred how afore this tyme Hugh Wythom hath said he wold be in rest and peese with me, and not to maligne agayn me otherwise than lawe and right wold; that notwithstandyng, upon Munday last past, he and iij. men with him come unto a servaunt hous of myn in Boston, cald William Shirref, and there, as he sete at his werke, stroke him upon the hede and in the body with a dagger, and wondet him sore, and pulled him out of his hous, and set him in prison without any cause resonabull, or without writ, or any other processe shewid unto him; and that me semes longs not for him to do, bot as he says he is endited, and as your gode Lordship knawes wele, I and all my servaunts are in like wise; bot and any man shuld have done hit, it longs either to the shirref or to your baliff as I conceyve, and other cause he had non to him as fer as I kan knawe, bot awnly for the malissiousness that he hath unto me, ne I kan think non other bot it is so. And now yistre nyght my Lord Welles[119.1] come to Boston with iiij^xx [_four score_] horses, and in the mornyng foloyng toke hym out of prison, saying afore all peepll, ‘Fals thefe, you shall be hanged, and as mony of thy maistre men as may be goten’ --as your servaunt John Abbot kan report unto your gode Lordship,--and hath taken him away with him to Tatessall, what to do with him I kan not say, bot as I suppose to have him to Lincoln Castell: wherfor I besech your gode Lordship in this matier to be my gode Lord, and it please your gode Lordship to write a letter to the kepere of the Castell of Lincoln, that it liked him to deliver him out of prison undre a sufficient seurety had for him, for and thai may kepe him still be this meyne, thai may take all the servaunts that I have, and so I may do agayn in like wise.

And also, as I am enformed, without he be had out of prison in hast, it will be right gravewis to him to heile of his hurt, he is so sore streken; and if there be any service that your gode Lordship will comaund me to do in any cuntre, plesid you to send me word, and it shal be done to my power with the grace of God, which have you, my right honorabull and wurshipfull Lord, alway in his blessid kepyng. Writen at Kyme,[119.2] upon Wednesday next after our Ladi day the Assumpcion.[119.3]

Also plesid your gode lordship to wit, after this letter was made, there come a man fro Tatessall into my fenne, which owght me gode will, and be cause he wold not be holden suspect, he speke with wemen which were mylkand kyne, and bad theme goo to a preest of myn to Dokdike, and bid him fast goo gif me warnyng how that my Lord Wilughby,[120.1] my Lord Cromwell,[120.2] and my Lord Welles[120.3] proposid theme to set a sessions, and hang the said William Shirref, and thai myght bryng ther entent abowte; and so, as I and your servaunt John Abbot stode to geder, the prest come and gaf me warnyng herof, which I trust for my worship your gode Lordship wold not shuld happen, for it wer to me the grettest shame that myght falle; bot and it plese your gode Lordship to write to all your servaunts in this cuntre, that thai will be redy upon a day warnyng to come when I send theme word, I trust to God thai shal not hang him agayn the lawe, bot I, with help of your gode Lordship, shall be abull to let hit.

By your Servaunt,

WILLIAM TAILBOYS.[120.4]

[Footnote 118.2: [From Fenn, iii. 282.] This letter is dated by Fenn between 1455 and 1460, but cannot be later than the former of these years, as Lord Cromwell died in the beginning of 1456. It seems, further, beyond a doubt that the Lord Willoughby, mentioned along with him, was Robert, Lord Willoughby of Eresby, who was connected by marriage both with Lord Cromwell and with Lord Welles; and if so the date cannot be later than 1451, as this Lord Willoughby died in July 1452. Indeed, I have very little doubt it is before 1450, as both Tailboys and Beaumont were of the Duke of Suffolk’s party, and it is not likely that the former would have ventured to complain of his powerful neighbours, Lords Willoughby, Cromwell, and Welles after the Duke’s fall, especially as we know that in the beginning of 1450 he was in prison for an attempt to murder Lord Cromwell.]

[Footnote 119.1: Leo, Lord Welles.]

[Footnote 119.2: In Lincolnshire, between Tattershall and Sleaford.]

[Footnote 119.3: 15th August.]

[Footnote 120.1: Robert, Lord Willoughby of Eresby, who married Maud Stephen, a niece of Lord Cromwell.]

[Footnote 120.2: Ralph, Lord Cromwell.]

[Footnote 120.3: Leo, Lord Welles, whose son Richard married Joan, a daughter of Robert, Lord Willoughby of Eresby.]

[Footnote 120.4: William, afterwards Sir William, Tailboys of South Kyme, in Lincolnshire, who was attainted under Edward IV. as an adherent of the House of Lancaster. His family was afterwards ennobled as Barons Talboys. He is most unfavourably mentioned in the impeachment of the Duke of Suffolk, of whom he appears to have been a great adherent, and is accused of having made an attempt to murder Lord Cromwell in the Star Chamber at Westminster, on the 28th November 1449.--See _Rolls of Parliament_, v. 181-200.]

101

IMPEACHMENT OF THE DUKE OF SUFFOLK[120.5]

_To the King oure Soverayn Lord._

[Sidenote: 1450 / FEB. 7]

Sheweth and piteuously compleyneth youre humble trewe obeisantes Comunes of this youre nobile reaume, in this youre present Parlement, by your high autorite assembled for the seurte of your moste high and royall persone, and the welfar of this your nobile reaume, and of your trewe liege peple of the same, that William de la Pole, Duke of Suffolk, late of Ewelme, in the counte of Oxenford, falsly and treyterously hath ymagined, compassed, purposid, forethought, done, and commytted divers high, grete, heynous, and horrible treasons ayenst your most roiale persone, youre corones of your raumes of England and Fraunce, your duchiee of Guyan and Normandie, and youre holde enheritaunce of your countee of Anjoye and Mayne, the estate and dignite of the same, and the universall wele and prosperite of all your trewe subgettes of raumes, [duchies] and counte in maner and in forme ensewyng.

First, the seid Duke the xxti day of Juyll the xxv. yere[121.1] of youre blissid regne, in youre citee of London, in the parich of Sepulcr, in the ward of Faringdon infra, ymagynyng and purposing falsly and treyterously to distroy your moste roiall persone, and this your seid realme, thenne and ther trayterously excited, councelled, provoked, and comforted the Erle of Donas[121.2] [bastard][121.3] of Orliaunce, Bertrande, Lord Pressigny, Maister William Cusinet,[121.4] enemys to you Soverayne Lord, and other your enemeys, subgettes and ambassiators to Charles,[121.5] calling hem selfe king of Fraunce, your grettys adversarie and enemey, to meve, councell, ster, and provoke the same Charles to come in to this your realme, to leve, reise, and make open werr ayenst you, Soverayne Lord, and alle this your reaume with a grete puissaunce and arme to distroy your most roiall persone, and your trewe subgettes of the same realme, to the entente to make John, sone of the same Duke, [King] of this your seid realme, and to depose you of your heigh regalie therof; the same Duke of Suffolk havyng thenne of your graunte the ward and mariage of Margarete, doughter and heire to John, the late Duke of Somerset, purposing here to marey to heis said sonne, presuming and pretendyng her to be nexte enheritable to the Corone of this your realme, for lak of issue of you Soverayn Lord, in accomplishement of heis seid traytours purpose and entent, wheroppon the same Duke of Suffolk, sith the tyme of heis areste, hath do the seid Margarete to be maried to heis seid sonne.

Item, the seid Duke of Suffolk being most trostid with you, and prevyest of your councell of fullong tyme, prepensing that your seid grete enemeye and adversarie Charles schuld conquerr and gete be power and myght your seid realme of Fraunce, duchies, and countee, the xx^ti day of January the xvij. yer[122.1] of your regne, at Westminster, in the shir of Middlesex, and divers othir tymes and places within your seid realme of Engeland, falsly, trayterously, by sotel menes and ymaginacyons, for grete corrupcion of good, taking of money, and other excessyf promises to him made by Charles, Duke of Orliaunce,[122.2] your enemye, councelled and stered of hym selfe only, your heighnesse to enlarge and deliver out of prison the same Duke of Orliaunce, enemye to you Soveren Lord, and to the most victorious noble prince of blyssid memory, the king youre fadir, whom God assoile! takyn be hem prisonere, to th’entent that the seid Charles, calling hym self king of Fraunce, schuld recover, gete, and have be false conqueste, and other desayvabile menes ayenst you, your heirz and successors, your seid realme of Fraunce, duches and counte, be the wyle, subtill councell, might, and ayde of the seid Duke of Orliaunce.

Notwithstanding that be the late wylle and ordinaunce of your seid fadir, for divers thingis moveyng his grete wysdome, contrary ther of was avysed and declared, by wiche councell and stering only of the seid Duke of Suffolk the seid Duke of Orliaunce was soverd [_suffered_] at his liberte to departe of this youre realme to the partee of Fraunce.

Afore wich departer the first day of May the seid xvij. yerr[122.1] of your regne, at London, in the parich of Sent Martyne, in the ward of Farindon infra, the same Duke of Suffolk, trayterously adherent to the seid Charles, calling hym selfe kyng of Fraunce, then and ther falsly and trayterously counseiled, coumforted, stered, and provoked the seid Duke of Orlyaunce to excite and moeve the same Charles, calling hym selfe kyng of Fraunce, your grete enemeye and adversarie, to make and reyse open werr ayenst you in your seid realme of Fraunce and duchie of Normandy, to conquer, and to opteyn falsly be force, myght, and other menes ayenst you, your heiriz and successours, your seid realme of Fraunce and duche of Normandy, Uppon wich adherence, councell, and counfort of the seid Duke of Suffolk, the seid Charles calling hym selfe kyng, hath made open werr a yenst you in your seid realme of Fraunce, and hath it attrochid unto hym, and the most party of your duchie of Normandy, and takyn prisonyrs the ful nobile Lordys and coragyouse Knytys, the Erle of Schrouesbery[123.1] and the Lord Faconberge,[123.2] with many othir nobles and people of your trewe leiges, to ther likly fynall ondoing, your gretest disheritaunce, and oure grete lamentable losse that ever comen a fore this to you, or ony of your ful noble progenitors, or to your trewe subgettes.

Item, wher the seid Duke of Suffolk late was on of your ambassitours with othir to youre seid adversarie Charles, calling hem self kyng of Fraunce, he, above heis instruccion and power to hym be you committyng, promised to Reyner,[123.3] King of Cesile, and Charles Daungers,[123.4] heis brothir, your grete enemeys, the deliveraunce of Maunce and Mayne, without the assent andvyse or knowyng of other your seid ambassitours with him thenne accompanyd; and theroppon after heis comyng in to this realme from the same ambassiate, in performing of heis seid promyse, he falsly and trayterously, for grette rewardes and lucre of good to hym yeven by your enemes, caused the said Reyner and Charles Daungers to have deliveraunce of Maunce and Mayne aforeseid, to your over grete disheritaunce and loss irreparable, enforsing and enrychyng of your seid enemes, and grettest mene of the losse of your seid duche of Normandye; and so was the seid Duke of Suffolk falsly and trayterously adherent, aidant, and confortant to your grete enemeys and adversaries.

Item, the seid Duke of Suffolk being reteyned with you in your wages of werr in your seid realme of Fraunche and duchie of Normandye, and therby strostid be you and alle your councellers to knowe the privite of your councell ther, and the purviaunce of your armes, the defence and keping of your townes, forteresses, and places, sieges, purveaunce, and ordinaunce of werr in the same parties for you to be mad, knowyng all [such] privite, and being adherent to your seid grete enemeye, calling hem self kyng of Fraunce, hath eften and many divers tymes falsly and trayterously discoverd and openned to hym, and to heis capytaynes and conductors of heis werr, your enemes, the privite, ordinaunce, and provision of your seid councell, purveaunces of armes, defence keping, townes, forteresses, places, syeges, and ordinaunce, werby your grete adversarie and enemeys have geton and takyn, be the menes of this is treason and falshode, ful many lordchepes, townnes, casteles, fortesses, and places within your seid realme of Fraunce and duchie of Normandie, and letted your capitaynes of your werres to conquer, keppe, and acheve your rithfull enheritaunce ther.

Item, the seid Duke of Suffolk beyng of your grete Privey Councell, and with you best trostid, knowyng the secrenesse therof and of this your realme, the xvj. day of Juyll the xxv^ti yerr[124.1] of your regne, at London, in the parich of Sent Laueraunce Pulteney, in the ward of Sandewyke [_Candewyke_] Strette, and at othir divers tymes and places, falsly and trayterously beyng adherent and aidant to the seid Charles, calling hem selfe king of Fraunce, your grete enemeys, the seid xvj. day, and in the parich of Sent Laurence aforeseid, openned, declarid, and discovered to the seid Erle of Danas, Bastard of Orlyaunce, Bertrand, Lord Presigni, Maister William Cosinet, your enemeys, subgettes, ambassiatours and conncellours to the seid Charles, calling hem self king of Fraunce, the privitees of your councell, aswell of this your realme for the comyn wele of the same, as for the governauns and ordinaunce for the conquest, conservacion, saufgard, tuycyon of your seid realme of Fraunche and duchie of Normandy; [whereby the great part of your said realm of France and duchy of Normandy][125.1] at that tyme being in your in handys, as [_should be_, is] be the seid Charles, calling hem selfe kyng of Fraunce, and [his] armes goton and takyn out of your handes.

Item, suth the matier first moeved of the convencyon of trewes and pees by twenne you and your seid grette enemeye Charlys, callyng hem selfe kyng of Fraunche, wheroppon by grete diberacyon ye, by the advyse of your Councell, have send many solempne ambassatours to the same Charles for the god of pees to be hadde be twyn you and this your realme, and your subjettes in your realme of Fraunche, duchie of Normandye, and othir places under your obeysauns, and the same Charles and heis subgettes, the seid Duke of Suffolk being next and grettest of your Councell, havyng knowlach of the power and auctorite comytted to alle your ambassiatours send in this be half, hath deseyvabely and trayterously by heis lettres and messages discovered and opened to your seid grete enemeye Charlys, calling hym self kyng of Fraunce, alle ynstrucciouns and informaciouns yeven to your seid ambassatours afore their comyng in to Fraunce, werby the effectuale concord and trewes that schuld have folowed of suche ambassiat by tywnne both the seid realmes and subgettes, have take non effectualle conclusyon, but by his fals, fraudelent, traiterous werkes, dedes, and deceyvable yma gynacyons, your grete enheritaunce, seygnyouries, lordshippis, townes, castell, forteresses, and possessions in your seid realme of Fraunche and duchie of Normandye, by cause of heis false messages, sendyngs, and wrytyngys have be takyn by reft, and gotten fro you be your seid enemeys.

In proof of the wich treson the seid Duke of Suffolk, sittyng in your Councell in the Stere Chambre, in your pales of Westminster, seid and declarid openly be for the Lordis of your Councell ther being, that he had his place in the Councell hows of the French kyng as he had ther, and was ther as wel strostid as he was here, and couth remeve from the seid French kynge the prevyest man of heis Councell yf he wold.

Item, whan in this your roialme ful oftyn tymes provicyon hath be mad for divers armes to be sent in to your seid realme of Fraunche, duches of Normandy and Gyand, the seid Duke of Suffolk, by the instaunce and meenes mad to hym be your seid enemeys and adversareys for grette outeragyous yeftes and rewardes of them takyn, trayterously hath restrayned, and utterly lettyd the passage of such armees in favour and supporte of your seid enemeys.

Item, the seid Duke of Suffolk, as your ambassatours by twene you and Charles, callyng hym self kyng of Fraunche, in fortefyeng of hem and enchresing of his myght, hath not comprised in trewes, taken in your party the Kyng of Arregon,[126.1] your old allye and frend, nother the Duke of Breten,[126.2] but sufferd and causid the seid Duke of Bretayne to be compremysid of the party of the seid Charles as his subget, frende, and allye, wherby ye have ben estraunged from the god loffe and assistence of the seid King of Arregon, and therby and be othir on trewe and falce conjectours of the seid Duke of Suffolk, the seid Duke of Breteyn is become your enemeye; and Gyles[126.3] of Breten, his brothir, the wiche is, and of long tyme hath ben, your trewe and welvylled man and servaunt, put in gret dures of pricon, and likely to be potte to the dethe or distroid for his trewe feith and welle that he hath to you.

And of alle tresons and offensys in alle theis seid arteculys specyfied and conteyned, we your seid Comens accuse and empeche the seid William de la Pole, Duke of Suffolk, and pray that this be enacte in this your High Courte of Parlement, and theroppon to precede in this your High Courte of Parlement, as the mater and caas aforseid requireth for the surete and welfar of your most roiale person, and savacyon of this your realme, &c.

[Footnote 120.5: [From Fenn, iii. 62.] These are the articles of impeachment exhibited against the Duke of Suffolk, as printed by Fenn from a contemporaneous copy among the Paston MSS., endorsed ‘Coumpleyntys ayens the Dewke of Suffolk.’ Another copy will be found in the _Rolls of Parliament_, v. 177. The day of the Duke’s impeachment was the 7th February 1450.]

[Footnote 121.1: A.D. 1447.]

[Footnote 121.2: John, Count of Dunois, one of the most renowned warriors of the times. He was a grandson of Charles V. of France, a natural son of Louis, Duke of Orleans, and half-brother of Charles, Duke of Orleans, who was prisoner in England.]

[Footnote 121.3: Blank in Fenn.]

[Footnote 121.4: Cousinot.]

[Footnote 121.5: Charles VII.]

[Footnote 122.1: A.D. 1439.]

[Footnote 122.2: Charles, Duke of Orleans. --_See_ p. 46, Note 3.]

[Footnote 123.1: John Talbot, first Earl of Shrewsbury, the great hero of the French wars, slain at Castillon in 1453.]

[Footnote 123.2: William Nevill, Lord Fauconberg.]

[Footnote 123.3: René, Duke of Anjou, father of Queen Margaret.]

[Footnote 123.4: Charles of Anjou, Count of Maine.]

[Footnote 124.1: A.D. 1447.]

[Footnote 125.1: These words are omitted in Fenn, and are supplied from the _Rolls of Parliament_.]

[Footnote 126.1: Alfonso V., King of Arragon.]

[Footnote 126.2: Francis I., Duke of Brittany.]

[Footnote 126.3: Giles of Brittany, the duke’s brother, who was murdered in April 1450, after having been kept four years in prison by the duke.]

[[your duchiee of Guyan and Normandie ... your countee of Anjoye and Mayne _text unchanged (correct if “Guyenne and Normandy” and “Anjou and Maine” were each a single unit)_]]

102

JOHN PASTON’S PETITION[127.1]

_To the Kyng, oure Soverayn Lord, and to the right wyse and discrete Lordis, assemblyd in this present Parlement._

[Sidenote: 1450]

Besechith mekly your homble liege man, John Paston, that where he, and oder enfeffed to his use, have be pecybily poscessyd of the maner of Gresham, within the counte of Norffolk, xx. yere and more, til the xvij. day of Februarij, the yere of your nobill regne xxvi.,[127.2] that Robert Hungerford, Knyght, the Lord Molyns, entred in to the seyd maner; and how be it that the seyd John Paston, after the seid entre, sued to the seid Lord Molyns and his councell, in the most louly maner that he cowde, dayly fro tyme of the seid entre on to the fest of Mihelmes than next folwyng, duryng which tyme divers communicasyons were had betwix the councell of the seid Lord and the councell of your besecher. And for asmych as in the seid communicasions no titill of right at any tyme was shewed for the seid Lord but that was fully and clerly answeryd, so that the seid Lords councell remitted your seid besecher to sewe to the seid Lord for his finall and rightfull answer. And after sute mad to the seid Lord be your seid besecher, as well at Salysbery as in other places to his gret coust, and non answer had but delays, which causyd your seid besecher the vj. day of Octobre last past to inhabite hym in a mansion with in the seid town, kepyng stille there his poscession, on tille the xxviij. day of Januarij last past, the seid Lord sent to the seid mansion a riotous peple, to the nombre of a thowsand persones, with blanket bendes[128.1] of a sute as riseres ageyn your pees, arrayd in maner of werre, with curesse, brigaunders, jakks, salettes, gleyfes, bowes, arows, pavyse,[128.2] gonnes, pannys with fier and teynes brennyng therein, long cromes[128.3] to drawe doun howsis, ladders, pikoys, with which thei myned down the walles, and long trees with which thei broke up yates and dores, and so came in to the seid mansion, the wiff of your besecher at that tyme beyng ther in, and xij. persones with her; the which persones thei dreve oute of the seide mansion, and myned down the walle of the chambre wher in the wiff of your seid besecher was, and bare here oute at the yates, and cutte a sondre the postes of the howses and lete them falle, and broke up all the chambres and coferes within the seid mansion, and rifelyd, and in maner of robery bare awey all the stuffe, aray, and money that your seyd besecher and his servauntes had ther, on to the valew of cc_li._ [£200], and part therof sold, and part ther of yaffe, and the remenaunt thei departed among them, to the grete and outrageous hurt of your seid besecher, sayng openly, that if thei myght have found ther yowr seid besecher and on John Damme,[128.4] which is of councell with hym, and divers oder of the servauntes of your seid besecher, thei shuld have died. And yet divers of the seid mysdoeres and ryotous peple onknowyn, contrary to your lawes, dayly kepe the seid maner with force, and lyne [_i.e._ lien, lie] in wayte of divers of the frendis, tenauntes, and servauntes of your seid besecher, and grevously vexe and trobill hem in divers wise, and seke hem in her howsis, ransakyng and serchyng her shevys and strawe in her bernes and other places with bore speris, swerdis, and gesernys,[128.5] as it semyth, to sle hem if thei myght have found hem; and summe have bete and left for ded, so that thei, for doute of here lyves, dare not go home to here houses, ner occupy here husbondry, to the gret hurte, fere, and drede, aswele of your seid besechere as of his seid frendis, tenauntes, and servauntes. And also, thei compelle pore tenauntes of the seid maner, now within ther daunger, ageyn ther wille, to take feyned pleyntes in the courtes of the hundred ther ageyn the seid frendis, tenauntes, and servauntes of your seid besecher, whiche dare not apere to answere for fere of bodily harme, ne can gete no copiis of the seid pleyntes to remedi them be the lawe, because he that kepyth the seid courtis is of covyn with the seid misdoers, and was on of the seid ryseres, which be coloure of the seid pleyntes grevously amercy the seid frendes, tenauntes, and servauntes of your seid besecher, to the[ir] outrageous and importabille hurte.

Please it your hynesse, consideryng that if this gret insurreccyon, ryottis, and wrongis, and dayly continuans ther of so heynosly don a geyn your crowne, dignite and peas, shuld not be your hye myght be duly punysshed, it shall gefe grett boldnesse to them, and alle other mysdoers to make congregacyons and conventicles riottously, on abille to be seysed, to the subversyon and finall distruccyon of your liege peple and lawes: And also, how that your seid besecher is not abille to sue the commone lawe in redressyng of this heynos wrong, for the gret myght and alyaunce of the seid Lord: And also, that your seid besecher canne have non accyon be your lawe ageyn the seid riotous peple for the godis and catellis be hem so riottously and wrongfully take and bore awey, because the seid peple be onknowe, aswelle here names as here persones, on to hym;--To purvey, be the avyse of the Lordis spirituall and temporall assembled in this present Parlement, that your seid besechere may be restoryd to the seid godis and catellis thus riottously take away; and that the seid Lord Molyns have suche comaundment that your seid besecher be not thus with force, in maner of werre, hold oute of his seide maner, contrary to alle your statutes mad ageyn suych forcibille entrees and holdyngs; and that the seid Lord Molyns and his servauntes be sette in suche a rewle, that your seid besechere, his frendis, tenauntes, and servauntes, may be sure and saffe from hurt of here persones, and pesibly ocupy here londs and tenements under your lawes with oute oppressyoun or onrightfull vexasioun of any of hem; and that the seid riseres and causeres therof may be punysshed, that other may eschewe to make any suche rysyng in this your lond of peas in tyme comyng. And he shalle pray to God for yowe.

[Footnote 127.1: [Add. Charter 17,240, B.M.] The date of this petition must be during the sitting of Parliament, in the beginning of the year 1450. The first expulsion of John Paston from Gresham is here clearly dated in February 1448. The ‘October last’ in which he re-entered might, so far as appears in this petition, have been in the same year, but the letters referring to this dispute in 1449 compel us to put it a twelvemonth later.]

[Footnote 127.2: A.D. 1448.]

[Footnote 128.1: Bands of white woollen cloth?]

[Footnote 128.2: Pavises were large shields.]

[Footnote 128.3: Crome is a Norfolk word, signifying a staff with a crook at the end of it.]

[Footnote 128.4: This person was returned to Parliament for Norwich in October 1450.]

[Footnote 128.5: Battle-axes.]

103

MARGARET PASTON TO JOHN PASTON[130.1]

_To my rytz wurchipful mayster, Jon Paston, be this delyvered in hast._

[Sidenote: 1450 / FEB. 21]

Ryt wurchipful hosband, I recommawnd me to zu, desyryng hertyly to heryn of zour wele fare, preying zu to weten that I commawndyd Herry Goneld to gon to Gunnore to have copys of the pleyntes in the hundrede, and Gunnore was not at home; but the seyd Herry spake with his clerk, and he told hym pleynly he wost wele his mayster wuld not late hym have no copys, thow he wor at home, tyl the nexst hundred; qher for I send zou that byl that was wownd abowt the relefys. Custans, Mak, and Kentyng wold adysavowyd here swtes rytz fayn the last hundred, as I herd sayn of rytz thryfty men; but the Lord Moleynys men thrett hem that bothe they xuld ben betyn and lesen here hows and lond and alle here goods, but if [_unless_] they wold avow it; and after that Osborn was gon, Hasard[130.2] intretyd Kentyng and Mak to avow the swtys after that they hadde disavowyd itt, and zave hem mony to zef to the clerkes to entren azen the pleyntes. But if[130.3] ze seke a remedy in hast for to remeve itt, I soppose they wyl distreyn for the mersymentes er the nexst hundred.

As for Mak, he gate respyt that he xuld not sew tyl the nexst hundred. As for Herry Goneld, he was dystreynyd zysterday for rent and ferm, and he must pay it to morue, xxij_s._, or elles lesyn his dystresse. They gadder mony fast of all the tenawntes. All the tenawntes ben chargyd to pay al her rent and ferm be Fastyngong Sonday.[131.1] It ys told me that the Lord Moleynys xuld kepe his Fastyngong att Jon Wynters plase.

The seid Lordes men haddyn a letter on Thursday last past; qhat tydyngs they hadde I wote nott; but on the nexst moruenyng be tymys Thomas Bampton, a man of the Lord Moleynys, rod with a letter to his lord, and they that ben at Gressam waytyn after an answer of the letter in hast. Barow, and Hegon, and all the Lord Moleynys men that wer at Gressam qhan ze departyd hens bene there styll, save Bampton, and in his stede is kom another; and I here sey thei xul abyd here styll tyl her lord kom . . . .[131.2] to Barow as ze komawndyd me to weten quhatt the cawse was that thei thrett men . . . .[131.2] Goneld and other of zour servawnts and wele willers to zow, the qheche wer namyd to hym that were thrett. . . . .[131.2] [s]wore pleynly that they were never thrett; but I know veryly the contrary, for of his owyn felaschep lay[d] in awayt sondery dayis and nytis abowt Gunnelds, Purrys, and Bekks plasis, and som of them zedyn in to Bekks and Purrys [ho]usys, bothen in the hallys and the bernys, and askyd qher thei were, and thei were answeryd that they were owth; and thei seydyn azen that they xuld meten with hem another tyme. And be dyvers other thyngs I know, if thei mytz aben kawt, other [_either_] they xuld aben slayn or sor hurt.

I sent Kateryn on this forseyd masage, for I kowd geten no man to do it, and sent with her Jamys Halman and Herry Holt; and sche desyryd of Barow to have an answer of her masage, and if these forseyd men mytz levyn in pese for hem, and seyd ther xuld elles ben purveyd other remedy for hem. And he made her grett chere, and hem that wer ther with her, and seyd that he desyryd for to spekyn with me, if it xuld ben non displesans to me; and Kateryn seyd to hym that sche supposyd that I desyryd not to speken with hym. And he seyd he xuld com forby this plase on huntyng after non, and ther xuld no mor com with hym but Hegon and on of his owyn men; and than he wold bryng seche an answere as xuld plese me. And after none they come hydder, and sent in to me to weten if thei mytz speken with me, and praying that thei mytz speken with me, and they abedyn styl with owtz the zatys; and I kam owth to hem, and spak with hem with owt, and prayid hem that thei wold hold me exkusyd that I browth hem not in to the plase. I seyd in as meche as thei wer nott wele wyllyng to the gode man of the plase, I wold not take it up on me to bryng hem in to the jantylwoman. They seyd I dede the best, and than we welk forthe, and desyryd an answer of hem for that I hadde sent to hem for. Thei sayd to me thei had browtz me seche an answer as thei hopyd xuld plese me, and told me how thei had comownd with all her felaschep of soche materis as I had sent to hem fore, and that thei durst under take that ther xud no man ben hurt of hem thatt wer rehersyd, ner no man that longeth to zu, nother for hem ner non of her felaschep, and that they answeryd me be her trowthis. Never lese I trest not to her promese, in as meche as I fend hem ontrew in other thyngs.

I conseyvyd wele be hem that they wer wery of that thei haden don. Barow swor to me be his trowth that he had lever than xl_s._, and xl. that his lord had not comawndyd hym to com to Gressam; and he seyd he was rytz sory hidderward, in as meche as he had knowleche of zw before, he was rytz sory of that that was don. I seyd to hym that he xuld have compascion on zu and other that wer disseysyd of her lyvelode, in as meche as he had ben dissesyd hym self; and he seyd he was so, and told me that he had sewyd to my Lord of Suffolk dyvers tymys, and wold don tyl he may gete his gode azen. I seyd to hym that ze had sewyd to my Lord Moleynys dyvers tymys for the maner of Gressam syth ze wer dissesyd, and ze cowd never gete no resonabyl answer of hym; and ther fore ze entred azen, as ye hopid that was for the best. And he seyd he xuld never blame my Lord of Suffolk for the entre in his lyvelode, for he seyd my seyd lord was sett ther up on be the informacion of a fals schrew; and I seyd to hym in lyke wyse is the matier be twyx the Lord Moleynys and zu. I told hym I wost wele he sett never ther upon be no tytyl of rytz that he hadde to the maner of Gressam, but only be the informacion of a fals schrew.[133.1] I rehersyd no name, but me thowt be hem that thei wost ho I ment. Meche other langage we hadde, qhyche xuld taken long leysyr in wrytyng. I rehersyd to hem that it xuld abe seyd thatt I xuld not longe dwell so ner hem as I dewe and they for swer it, as thei do other thyngs more that it was never seyd, and meche thyngs that I know veryly was seyd.

I here seyn that ze and Jon of Damme ben sore thrett alway, and seyn thow ze ben at London, ze xul ben met with ther as wele as thow ze were her; and ther for I pray zu hertyly be ware how ze walk ther, and have a gode felaschep with zu qhan ze xul walk owt. The Lord Moleynys hathe a cumpany of brothell with hym that rekk not qhat they don, and seche ar most for to drede. Thei that ben at Gressam seyn that they have not don so moche hurte to zu as thei were commawndyd to don. Rabert Lauerawns is wele amendyd, and I hope xall recure. He seyth pleynly he wyl compleyn of his hurt, and I soppose Bek wyl compleyn also, as he hath cause. Bek and Purry dare not abyd att hom tyl thei here other tydyngs. I wold not Jon of Damme xuld com hom tyl the cuntre be storyd otherwyse than it is. I pray Godde grawnt that it mot sone ben otherwyse than it is. I pray zu hertyly that ze wil send me word how ze don, and how ze spede in zour materis, for be my trowth I kan not ben wel att ese in my hert, ner not xal ben tyl I here tydynges how ze don. The most part of zour stuff that was at Gressam is sold, and zovyn away. Barow and his felaw spak to me in the most plesawnt wyse, and me semyth be hem thei wold fayn plese me. Thei seyd thei wold do me servyse and plesans, if it lay in her powres to don owth for me, save only in that that longeth to her lordes rytz. I seyd to hem, as for seche servys as they had do to zw and to me, I desyr no mor that thei xuld do nother to zw ner to me. Thei seyd I myt an had of them att Gressham qhat I hadde desyryd of hem, and had as moche as I desyryd. I seyd, nay; if I mytz an had my desyr, I xuld nother a departid owth of the place, ner from the stuff that was ther in. Thei seyd, as for the stuff it was but esy. I seyd ze wold not a zoven the stuff that was in the place qhan thei com in, not for C_li._ Thei seyd the stuff that thei sey [saw] ther was skars worth xx_li._ As for zour moder and myn, sche faryth wel, blissid be God, and she had no tydynges but gode zett, blissid be God. The blissyd Trynyte have zou in his kepyng, and send zou hele, and gode spede in al your maters. Wretyn at Sustede,[134.1] on the Satyrday next after Seynt Valentynys day.

Here dare no man seyn a gode wurd for zu in this cuntre, Godde amend it.

Yowres,

M. P.

[Footnote 130.1: [From Paston MSS., B.M.] From an allusion in the latter part of this letter, it is evident that it was written in 1450, after Margaret had been driven out of Gresham, as mentioned in John Paston’s petition, No. 102 preceding.]

[Footnote 130.2: William Hasard. --_See_ Letter No. 88.]

[Footnote 130.3: But if, _i.e._ unless.]

[Footnote 131.1: Fastyngong was a popular name for Shrovetide. Fastingong Sunday I believe to have been the Sunday _after_ Shrove Tuesday, which would be the 22nd of February in 1450.]

[Footnote 131.2: Mutilated.]

[Footnote 133.1: John Heydon, Esq. of Baconsthorpe, appears to have been the person referred to. --_See_ No. 135 following.]

[Footnote 134.1: Sustead was John Damme’s place (_see_ Blomefield, viii. 168). It is in the immediate neighbourhood of Gresham.]

104

ABSTRACT[134.2]

SIR JOHN FASTOLF TO SIR THOMAS HOWYS, CLERK, WILLIAM COLE, AND WATKYN SHIPDAM.

[Sidenote: 1450 / MARCH 7]

The beginning of this letter, which is more than half lost by mutilation, speaks of ‘a bill in the Parliament of the extortions done [to me]’ from the 17th year [of Henry VI.] hitherto. The rest seems to be partly memoranda of things to be entered in this ‘bill,’ viz. of sheep distrained at Drayton, of a matter of trespass between Lady Bardolf and Fastolf, of ‘Chevers mater in Blyclyng,’ of an unpaid annuity at Hiklyng, of decays at Tichewell, etc. They are to learn from Nich. Bokkyng, to whom the £100 for Busshop was paid. Thinks two men should occupy Castre and Wynterton which Broun holds alone. It is too much for one to occupy well; ‘and in the same wise at Heylesden and Drayton.’ Let me know what Lampet has done in my matter, and if you find him friendly. Both my ships have arrived in safety, thank God.

London, 7 March 28 Henry VI.

_Signed._

[Footnote 134.2: [MS. Phillipps, 9735, No. 225.]]

105

AGNES PASTON TO JOHN PASTON[135.1]

_To John Paston, dwellyn in the Inder In of the Tempyll, att London, be thys letter delyverd in hast._

[Sidenote: 1450 / MARCH 11]

Son, I grete yow, and send yow Godds blyssyng, and myn; and as for my doughtyr your wyfe, che faryt well, blyssyd be God, as a woman in hyr plyte may do, and all your sonys and doughtrys.

And for as meche as ye will send me no tydyngs, I send yow seche as ben in thys contre. Rychard Lynsted cam thys day fro Paston, and letyt me wete that on Saturday last past Dravale, halfe brother to Waryn Harman, was takyn with enemyis, walkyn be the se syde, and have hym forthe with hem; and they tokyn ij. pylgremys, a man and a woman, and they robbyd the woman, and lete hyr gon, and ledde the man to the see, and whan they knew he was a pylgreme, they geffe hym monei, and sett hym ageyn on the lond. And they have thys weke takyn iiij. vesselys of [_i.e._ off] Wyntyrton; and Happysborough and Ecles men ben sore aferd for takyn of mo [_i.e._ more (?)], for ther ben x. grete vesselys of the enemyis; God yeue grace that the see may be better kepte than it is now, or ellys it chall ben a perlyous dwellyng be the se cost.

I pray yow grete well your brethyrne, and sey hem that I send hem Goddis blyssyn and myn; and sey William that if Jenett Lauton be not payd for the krymson cort wheche Alson Crane wrote to hyr for in hyr owyn name, that than he pay hyr, and see Alson Cranys name strekyn owt of hyr boke, for che seithe che wyll aske no man the money butt Alson Crane. And I pray yow that ye wyll remembr the letter that I sent yow last, and God be with yow.

Wretyn att Norwyche, the Wedenesday next before Sent Gregory.

AUGNES PASTON.

[Footnote 135.1: [From Fenn, iii. 304.] Fenn assigns this letter to the year 1458, but not very confidently. The similarity of its contents, in part, to those of the letter immediately following, appears to me to render the year 1450 the more probable date.]

106

MARGARET PASTON TO JOHN PASTON[136.1]

_To my rytz worchypful maystyr, Jon Paston, be this delyveryd in hast._

[Sidenote: 1450 / MARCH 12]

Rytz worchipful hosbond, I recomawnd me to yow, desyring hertyly to her of zour wellfar, &c.[136.2] . . . . Wyllyam Rutt, the whiche is with Sir Jon Hevenyngham, kom hom from London zesterday, and he seyd pleynly to his master, and to many other folks, that the Duke of Suffolk is pardonyd, and hath his men azen waytyng up on hym, and is rytz wel at ese and mery, and is in the Kyngs gode grase, and in the gode conseyt of all the Lords, as well as ever he was.

Ther ben many enemys azens Yermowth and Crowmer, and have don moche harm, and taken many Englysch men, and put hem in grett distresse, and grettely rawnsommyd hem; and the seyd enmys been so bold that they kom up to the lond, and pleyn hem on Caster Sonds, and in other plases, as homely as they were Englysch men. Folks ben rytz sore afred that they wel don moche harm this somer, but if [_i.e._ unless] ther be made rytz grett purvyans azens hem.

Other tydyngs know I non at this tym. The blysseful Trinyte have zow in his kepyng.

Wryten at Norwyche, on Seynt Gregorys day.

Yowrs,

M. P.

[Footnote 136.1: [From Fenn, i. 28.] The reference to the Duke of Suffolk’s pardon proves this letter to have been written in the year 1450.]

[Footnote 136.2: Here Fenn has omitted a passage, relating, as he says, to some common business about Paston’s farms and tenants.]

107

ABSTRACT[137.1]

SIR JO. FASTOLF TO SIR THOS. HOWYS, PARSON OF CASTLCOMBE, WILL. COKE, AND WATKIN SHYPDAM.

[Sidenote: 1450 / APRIL 16]

Bids ‘Sir Parson’ send in all haste ‘the utmost knowledge of all grievances’ done to him by John Heydon this thirteen years. You have sent me the costs of the pleas, but not declared particularly how often I have been wrongfully distrained by the enforcing of the said Heydon. ‘I took never plea in the matter because the world was alway set after his rule, and as I would have engrossed up [_upon_] my bill.’

London, 16 April 28 Henry VI.

Search the accounts of Drayton Heylesdon, &c., these thirteen years.

[Footnote 137.1: [From a modern copy by Blomefield on the fly-leaf of a Letter addressed to him. Headed, ‘Gave this original letter of Sir John’s to Sir Andrew Fountain.’ --MS. Phillipps, 9735, No. 229.]]

108

LORD SCALES TO JOHN PASTON[137.2]

_To my right trusty and right enterly welbeloved frend, John Paston, Squier._

[Sidenote: 1450 / APRIL 22]

Right t[r]usty and enterly welbeloved frend, I grete you welle, and wyll ze wite that a man of Osberd Monford hath declared me how the said Osberd is infourmed that Danyelle shuld be pourposed to enter in the place of Braystone. And as fer as I can undirstande, Danyelle is come in to this cuntre, for none other cause but for to have suche as the Kyng hath gifen hym in Rysyng, which lieth not in me ner in none of the Kynges subgectes to go ageyns hise graunte and plesaunce. And in cas the said Danyelle wold enter upon the said Osberd otherwise than lawe wold, seyng the said Osberd is my tenaunt and homager, it is my part to holde with hym rather than with Danyelle in hise right, which I wylle do to my pouer. And as zet I can not apperceyve that Danyelle wylle labore in any maters in this cuntre; and if he wylle be of good governance, I am wel paied. And in cas that he wold do wrong to the lesse gentilman in the chirre, it shal not lye in hise pouer be the grace of God. He letethe me wite that he wylle be wel governed in tyme commyng.

Right trusty and enterly wel beloved frend, I pray God have you in hise governance. Writen at Midelton, the xxij. day of Aprille.

SCALES.

[Footnote 137.2: [Douce MSS. 393, f. 100.] It appears by a paper, which will be found further on (No. 119), that Daniel entered the manor of Braydeston or Brayston during the Parliament which was held at Leicester in the spring of 1450. This letter must have been written at that time.]

109

LORD SCALES TO JOHN PASTON[138.1]

_To my right trusty and welbeloved frende, John Paston, Squier._

[Sidenote: Year uncertain]

Right trusty and welbeloved frend, I grete you hertly wel, and wul ye wite that Wotton is ever creyng and callyng upon me to write un to you for hise londe; wherfore at the reverence of Good, consideryng the symplenesse of hem all, I pray you that ye put hem at a certen, and lete hem all that they aught to have of right, for thaire creyng cause men to thinke ye do hem grete wrong, which I wote wel ye wold be sory to do.

Oure Lord have you in hise governance. Writen at Midelton, the xvj. day of October.

Youre frende,

SCALES.

[Footnote 138.1: [From Fenn, iii. 364.] This and the six letters following, all but one of which are, like the last, written by Lord Scales to John Paston, are placed here merely for convenience, the years in which they were written being quite uncertain, though probably not very far apart. The one letter among them of which Lord Scales is not the writer, is inserted in abstract on account of its bearing on that which immediately precedes it.]

110

LORD SCALES TO JOHN PASTON[138.2]

_To my right trusty and enterly welbeloved frend, John Paston, Squier._

[Sidenote: Year uncertain]

Right trusty and enterly welbeloved frend, I grete you welle; and for as mych as there is vareaunce betwene William Wotton and hise moder and the fermour there, wherfore I pray you that ze wyll [fynde][138.3] a weye accordyng to right for to put hem in rest and pees. For in as mych as they be yo[ur] tenantes, ze aught to have the reule of them before any other, praying you to do youre part to put hem oute of trouble.

I pray God have you in hise governance. Writen at Midelton, the xiij. day of Aprille.

Youre frend,

THE LORD SCALES.

[Footnote 138.2: [Douce MS. 393, f. 99.]]

[Footnote 138.3: Mutilated.]

111

LORD SCALES TO JOHN PASTON[139.1]

_To my ryght trusti and wel beloved frend, John Paston, Sqyer._

[Sidenote: Year uncertain]

Right trusty and wel beloved frend, I comande me to you, and for certain maters that I have for to do, for the which ma[ters I] sende unto you a squier of myne called Elyngham; praying you to gefe hym faythful credence of that he shall declare you on myne behalfe as for this tyme. God have you in Hise keping. Writene at Midleton, the xviij. day of Julle.

Yowre frend,

SCALES.

[Footnote 139.1: [MS. in Pembroke College, Cambridge.] This letter evidently was written in the same year as the next, but there is no evidence what that year was. Below the signature is a note in a modern hand erroneously identifying the writer with Anthony Woodville, Lord Scales. He was certainly Thomas, Lord Scales, of Henry VI.’s time.]

112

LORD SCALES TO JOHN PASTON[139.2]

_To [my] right trusty and welbeloved frend, John Paston, Squier._

[Sidenote: Year uncertain]

Right trusty and welbeloved frend, I grete you welle; and as touchyng the mater that Elyngham and ze comuned to giders of the last tyme he was with you, I pray you that ze wylle assigne such a day as you liketh best, so that it be with inne this viij. dayes, and sende me worde what day ze wylle be here be the bringer herof.

I pray God have you in governance. Writen at Midelton, the iij. day of August.

Youre frend,

SCALES.

[Footnote 139.2: [Douce MS., f. 101.]]

113

LORD SCALES TO JOHN PASTON[140.1]

_To my right trusty and welbeloved frend, John Paston, Squier._

[Sidenote: Year uncertain]

Right trusty and welbeloved frend, I grete you wel; and for as myche as there is certayn vareaunce betwene Elizabeth Clere and a servaunt of myne, called William Stiwa[r]desson, prayng you feithfully that ze wylle labore and intrete the said Elizabeth to such appointement as the brynger of this letter shal informe you of, and do your trewe dilligence in this mater, as ze wyll I do for you in any thyng ze may have ado in this cuntre, whiche I will do with al my herte.

Oure Lord have yow in hise keping. Writen at Myddelton, the last day of August.

SCALES.

[Footnote 140.1: [Douce MS. 393, f. 102.]]

114

ABSTRACT[140.2]

ELIZABETH CLERE TO JOHN PASTON.

[Sidenote: Year uncertain]

Stywardesson came to her on Easter even to church, and made a very humble submission. He at first denied having slandered her, or said that he was beaten, only that he was sore afraid; but at last acknowledged he had untruly charged her men with coming into his place with force and arms, and that he was beaten, for which his master took an action against her. Called her tenants to bear witness to his recantation. Said she would give him no answer now but by advice of her friends, and his master must leave his maintenance. Promised him an answer on Saturday in Easter week. He told another man that Heidon promised his master it should be put in award by Palm Sunday; ‘for he is double both to him and to me, and so is William Geney and mo of my counsel.’ He is willing to make a release. His barn which his men entered to distrain, he says, is frank, and he may give the rent when he pleases. Wishes Paston’s advice what answer to make.--Easter Monday.

[Footnote 140.2: [From Paston MSS., B.M.]]

115

LORD SCALES TO JOHN PASTON[141.1]

_To my right trusty and wel be loved frend, Jhon Paston, Squier._

[Sidenote: Year uncertain]

Right trusty and wel beloved frend, I grete you wel, thankyng you hertely for the gentilnes and good wylle I have founde in you at alle tymes. And for as myche as I and other stonde feffed in the landes of Thomas Canon, which is in vareaunce betwene you and hym, if ye wylle do so myche as for your part chese ij. lerned menn and the said Canon shal chese other ij., they to juge this mater as they shal seme of right and resoun. And if so be that the said Canon wylle not do so, I wylle not lete you to suye hym after the forme of the Kynges lawe. And if ze thinke it to many lerned men, take ze one, and he another; and if they may not accorde, ze and I to be umpere, for we stande bothe in like cas. And we shal make a good ende be the grace of oure Lord, which have you in hise governance.

Writen at Midelton, the ix. day of Octobre.

Zowr frend,

SCALES.

[Footnote 141.1: [Douce MS. 393, f. 103.]]

116

LORD SCALES TO JOHN PASTON[141.2]

_To my right trusty and welbeloved frend, John Paston, Squier._

[Sidenote: Year uncertain]

Right trusty and welbeloved frende, I grete you hertly well, praying you that ye wyll sende me a coppie of the awarde that was made be you and my cousyn Sir Miles[141.3] betwex my cousyn Bryan Stapylton and Elizabeth Clere, and that ze wyll sende me the said awarde be the bringer herof. I pray God have you in governance.

Writen at Midelton, the ix. day of Novembre.

SCALES.

[Footnote 141.2: [From Paston MSS., B.M.]]

[Footnote 141.3: Sir Miles Stapleton.]

117

THE DUKE OF SUFFOLK TO HIS SON[142.1]

_The copie of a notable Lettre, written by the Duke of Suffolk to his Sonne,[142.2] giving hym therein very good counseil.[142.3]_

[Sidenote: 1450 / APRIL 30]

My dere and only welbeloved sone, I beseche oure Lord in Heven, the Maker of alle the world, to blesse you, and to sende you ever grace to love hym, and to drede hym; to the which, as ferre as a fader may charge his child, I both charge you, and prei you to sette alle spirites and wittes to do, and to knowe his holy lawes and comaundments, by the which ye shall with his grete mercy passe alle the grete tempestes and troubles of this wrecched world. And that also, wetyngly, ye do no thyng for love nor drede of any erthely creature that shuld displese hym. And there as any freelte maketh you to falle, be secheth hys mercy soone to calle you to hym agen with repentaunce, satisfaccion, and contricion of youre herte never more in will to offend hym.

Secondly, next hym, above alle erthely thyng, to be trewe liege man in hert, in wille, in thought, in dede, unto the Kyng oure alder most high and dredde sovereygne Lord, to whom bothe ye and I been so moche bounde to; chargyng you, as fader can and may, rather to die than to be the contrarye, or to knowe any thyng that were ayenste the welfare or prosperite of his most riall person, but that as ferre as your body and lyf may strecthe, ye lyve and die to defende it, and to lete his highnesse have knowlache thereof in alle the haste ye can.

Thirdly, in the same wyse, I charge you, my dere sone, alwey, as ye be bounden by the commaundement of God to do, to love, to worshepe youre lady and moder, and also that ye obey alwey hyr commaundements, and to beleve hyr councelles and advises in alle youre werks, the which dredeth not, but shall be best and trewest to you. And yef any other body wold stere you to the contrarie, to flee the councell in any wyse, for ye shall fynde it nought and evyll.

Forthe[rmore],[143.1] as ferre as fader may and can, I charge you in any wyse to flee the company and councel of proude men, of coveitowse men, and of flateryng men, the more especially and myghtily to withstonde hem, and not to drawe, ne to medle with hem, with all youre myght and power. And to drawe to you and to your comp[any good][143.1] and vertuowse men, and such as ben of good conversacion, and of trouthe, and be them shal ye never be deseyved, ner repente you off. [Moreover never follow][143.1] youre owne witte in no wyse, but in alle youre werkes, of suche folks as I write of above, axeth youre advise a[nd counse]l;[143.1] and doyng thus, with the mercy of God, ye shall do right well, and lyve in right moche worship, and grete herts rest and ease. And I wyll be to you as good lord and fader as my hert can thynke.

And last of alle, as hertily and as lovyngly as ever fader blessed his child in erthe, I yeve you the blessyng of oure Lord and of me, which of his infynite mercy encrece you in alle vertu and good lyvyng. And that youre blood may by his grace from kynrede to kynrede multeplye in this erthe to hys servise, in such wyse as after the departyng fro this wreched world here, ye and thei may glorefye hym eternally amongs his aungelys in hevyn.

Wreten of myn hand,

The day of my departyng fro this land.[143.2]

Your trewe and lovyng fader,

SUFFOLK.

[Footnote 142.1: [From Fenn, i. 32.] The date of this letter is sufficiently clear from the last words of it.]

[Footnote 142.2: John de la Pole, who succeeded him as Duke of Suffolk.]

[Footnote 142.3: This heading looks as if copied by Fenn from an endorsement, which is probably not quite contemporaneous.]

[Footnote 143.1: These words in brackets were chafed and illegible in the original MS.]

[Footnote 143.2: According to William Worcester, the Duke embarked on Thursday, the 30th April.]

118

THE EARL OF OXFORD TO JOHN PASTON[144.1]

_To owre Ryght trusty and right welbeloved Frend, Johan Paston, Esquier._

The Erle of Oxenford.

[Sidenote: 1450(?) / APRIL 30]

Right tristy and welbeloved frend, we grete you right hertily well. And for asmuche as we be enformed that on [_one_] Thomas Kecham, a servaunt of owre right welbeloved brothir, Sir Richard de Veer, knyght, hath to done with Sir Henry Inglose knyght in a certeyn matier in wich youre good maisterschep may cause his singuler ease and a vaile as anenst the said knyght, as Thomas Kecham hath enformed us; We pray you hertily that, at the reverence of us and this oure writyng, ye woll take the labour upon you to speke unto the said Sir Henry, conceyving a mene and the weye of an ende to be had be twix thaym of right, causyng the said knyght to sease of hese malice and wrongful suette as a nenst the said Thomas. And ferthermore we pray you to see that the said knyght take no benefeys ne prevayle not as a nenst the Gaoyler of the Castell of Norwich for the suerte of the said Thomas Kecham, as we verily trust ye will; in wich feithfully doyng we shall kun you hertily thanke. And right trusty and welbeloved, the Trynitie have yow in Hese kepyng. Wreton at oure Manour of Wevenhoo, the last day of Aprill.

Below the text of this letter is written in another hand, ‘Smalwode Sparhawk.’

[Footnote 144.1: [Add. MS. 34,888, f. 164.] This letter cannot be later than 1451, as Sir Henry Inglose died in June of that year. The date may be about 1450, like that of some other letters of the Earl of Oxford.]

[[we shall kun you hertily thanke _text unchanged (expected editorial gloss)_]]

119

ABSTRACT[145.1]

[Sidenote: 1450-2]

A paper of memoranda in William Worcester’s handwriting, of which the principal contents are as follows:--

A commission of _oyer_ and _terminer_, dated 1 August 28 Henry VI.--A session at Swaffham, on Thursday after the Exaltation of the Holy Cross, 29 Henry VI. (17 September 1450).--A note of six other sessions:--1. At Norwich before the Duke of Norfolk, the Earl of Oxford and Yelverton, Tuesday after St. Mathias’ day, 29 Henry VI. (2 March 1451); 2. At Norwich, before Oxford and Yelverton, Monday after St. Martin in Winter, 29 Henry VI. (16 November 1450); 3. At Norwich, before Oxford and Yelverton, Wednesday after the Conception of St. Mary (15 December), continued seven days; 4. At Lynn, before Oxford, Scales, and Yelverton, Tuesday after Epiphany (13 January); 5. At Norwich, before John Prysot and Yelverton, Thursday in Easter week, 29 Henry VI. (29 April 1451); 6. At Walsingham, before Scales and Prysot, Monday _in crastino clausi Paschæ_ (3 May 1451).

‘Parliamentum apud Leyseter ---- anno xxviijº.--Durante illo Parliamento intravit T. Daniell manerium de Braydeston.--Will’us, Dux Suff’ obiit tertio die Maii anno xxviijº Regis Henry VI^{ti}.--Jak Cade, proditor de Kent, fugit de le Blakheth xxij. die Junii anno xxviij. H. VI., [ ] Julii mense decapitatus fuit.--Injuria Plumbsted post hoc (?)’ --Mundford and Heydon entered Braysto[ne] on the eve of the Nativity of St. Mary anno 29 (7 September 1450). Thomas Danyell entered Braydeston a second time, 30 Henry VI.

Between Mich. 30 and 31 Henry VI. (1451 and 1452) Norfolk, Oxford, Scales, and a great number of others were at Norwich holding sessions. The same year ‘John P.’ was with John, Earl of Oxford, at Whevenho on the Nativity of St. Mary (8 September). The same year, before all these things, Thomas Danyell was married at Framlyngham.

‘Testimonium Commissionariorum et cognitio Milonis Stapulton quo ad impanellationem juratorum.

‘Item, testimonium concilii quoad mutationem actionum in indictamentis et recordum apparet et declaratio Johannis Geney facta Thomæ Gurney.

‘Item, testimonium concilii et Thomæ Grene quoad absenciam Johannis Porter. Et testimonium hominum de Bliclyng. Item, missio pro Johanne Porter pro pecunia et placito proprio. (Memorandum, quando Porter fuit juratus, J. Andru fuit extractus de indictamento.)

‘Item, testimonium juratorum de non procuratione. Et indictamentum Johannis Andrew in Suff. causa fugationis ejus.

‘Item, antiquum debat’ supposit’ inter Andrews et Porter erat pro districtione capta de Johanne Andrews apud Weston pro debito domini Bardolf; pro qua causa idem Johannes Andrews implacitare vellet dictum Johannem Porter ad terminum (?) nisi pro dicto domino Bardolf; sic dictus Andrews continuavit maliciam suam erga prædictum Johannem Porter, et e contra quod et malicia Heydon erat causa conspiracionis per ipsum. . . .’

[As this document is a key to the dates of several of the letters during the years 1450 to 1452, we have thought it best to insert it in the beginning of the period to which it refers, instead of the date at which it may be supposed to have been written.]

[Footnote 145.1: [From Paston MSS., B.M.]]

120

WILLIAM LOMNER TO JOHN PASTON[146.1]

_To my ryght worchipfull John Paston, at Norwich._

[Sidenote: 1450 / MAY 5]

Ryght worchipfull sir, I recomaunde me to yow, and am right sory of that I shalle sey, and have soo wesshe this litel bille with sorwfulle terys, that on ethes ye shalle reede it.

As on Monday[146.2] nexte after May day there come tydyngs to London, that on Thorsday[146.3] before the Duke of Suffolk come unto the costes of Kent full nere Dower with his ij. shepes and a litel spynner; the qweche spynner he sente with certeyn letters to certeyn of his trustid men unto Caleys warde, to knowe howe he shuld be resceyvyd; and with hym mette a shippe callyd Nicolas of the Towre, with other shippis waytyng on hym, and by hem that were in the spyner, the maister of the Nicolas hadde knowlich of the dukes comyng. And whanne he espyed the dukes shepis, he sent forthe his bote to wete what they were, and the duke hym selfe spakke to hem, and seyd, he was be the Kyngs comaundement sent to Caleys ward, &c.

And they seyd he most speke with here master. And soo he, with ij. or iij. of his men, wente forth with hem yn here bote to the Nicolas; and whanne he come, the master badde hym, ‘Welcom, Traitor,’ as men sey; and forther the maister desyryd to wete yf the shepmen woldde holde with the duke, and they sent word they wold not yn noo wyse; and soo he was on the Nicolas tyl Saturday[146.4] next folwyng.

Soom sey he wrotte moche thenke [_thing_] to be delyverd to the Kynge, but thet is not verily knowe. He hadde hes confessor with hym, &c.

And some sey he was arreyned yn the sheppe on here maner upon the appechementes and fonde gylty, &c.

Also he asked the name of the sheppe, and whanne he knew it, he remembred Stacy that seid, if he myght eschape the daunger of the Towr, he should be saffe; and thanne his herte faylyd hym, for he thowghte he was desseyvyd, and yn the syght of all his men he was drawyn ought of the grete shippe yn to the bote; and there was an exe, and a stoke, and oon of the lewdeste of the shippe badde hym ley down his hedde, and he should be fair ferd wyth, and dye on a swerd; and toke a rusty swerd, and smotte of his hedde withyn halfe a doseyn strokes, and toke awey his gown of russet, and his dobelette of velvet mayled, and leyde his body on the sonds of Dover; and some sey his hedde was sette oon a pole by it, and hes men sette on the londe be grette circumstaunce and preye. And the shreve of Kent doth weche the body, and sent his under shreve to the juges to wete what to doo, and also to the Kenge whatte shalbe doo.

Forther I wotte nott, but this fer (?) is that yf the proces be erroneous, lete his concell reverse it, &c.

Also for alle your other maters they slepe, and the freer[147.1] also, &c.

Sir Thomas Keriel[147.2] is take prisoner, and alle the legge harneyse, and abowte iij. m^l. [3000] Englishe men slayn.

Mathew Gooth[147.3] with xv^c. [1500] fledde, and savyd hym selffe and hem; and Peris Brusy was cheffe capteyn, and hadde x. m^l. Frenshe men and more, &c.

I prey yow lete my mastras your moder knowe these tydyngis, and God have yow all yn his kepyn.

I prey yow this bille may recomaunde me to my mastrases your moder and wyfe, &c.

James Gresham hath wretyn to John of Dam, and recomaundith hym, &c.

Wretyn yn gret hast at London, the v. day of May, &c.

By yowr wyfe.[148.1]

W. L.

[Footnote 146.1: [From Fenn, i. 38.] The date of this letter is perfectly determined by the events to which it relates.]

[Footnote 146.2: 4th May.]

[Footnote 146.3: 30th April.]

[Footnote 146.4: 2nd May.]

[Footnote 147.1: An allusion to Friar Hauteyn’s suit or Oxnead.]

[Footnote 147.2: Sent to France to carry succours to the Duke of Somerset, but defeated and taken prisoner at the battle of Fourmigni, 15th April 1450.]

[Footnote 147.3: Matthew Gough, a celebrated captain in the French war.]

[Footnote 148.1: This singular subscription Fenn believes to have been owing to a momentary forgetfulness on the part of the writer, William Lomner, who had been in the habit of acting as Margaret Paston’s secretary in writing to her husband.]

121

JOHN CRANE TO JOHN PASTON[148.2]

_To my right worshupfull cosygne, John Paston of Norwyche, Squyer._

[Sidenote: 1450 / MAY 6]

Right worshupfull sir, I recomaunde me unto yow in the most goodly wyse that y can; and forasmuche as ye desired of me to sende yow worde of dyvers matirs here, whiche been opened in the Parliament openly, I sende yow of them suche as I can.

First moost especiall, that for verray trowthe upon Saterday[148.3] that last was, the Duke of Suffolk was taken in the see, and there he was byheded, and his body with the appurtenaunce sette at lande at Dover, and alle the folks that he haad with hym were sette to lande, and haad noon harme.

Also the Kyng hath sumwhat graanted to have the resumpsion agayne in summe, but nat in alle, &c.

Also yef ye purpose to come hydre to put up your bylles, ye may come now in a good tyme; for now every man that hath any, they put theme now inne, and so may ye, yif ye come with Godds grace to your pleasur.

Ferthermore, upon the iiij^th day of this monthe, the Erle of Devenesshire[148.4] come hydre with iij^c. [300] men wel byseen, &c.

And upon the morow after my Lord of Warrewyke[148.5] with iiij^c. [400] and moo, &c.

Also, as hyt ys noysed here Calys shal be byseged withynne this vij. dayes, &c.

God save the Kyng, and sende us pees, &c.

Other tithyngs be ther noon here, but Almyghty God have yow in his kepyng.

Writen at Leycestre, the vj. day of May.

Your cosigne,

JOHN CRANE.[149.1]

[Footnote 148.2: [From Fenn, i. 44.] The date of this letter, as of the preceding, is clearly proved by internal evidence.]

[Footnote 148.3: 2nd May.]

[Footnote 148.4: Thomas Courtenay.]

[Footnote 148.5: Richard Nevill. --_See_ Letter 98.]

[Footnote 149.1: Probably John Crane of Woodnorton, of whom there are some notices in Blomefield (_Hist. Norf._ viii. 313, 316; x. 282).]

122

ABSTRACT[149.2]

SIR JOHN FASTOLF TO SIR THOS. HOWYS, Parson of Castlecombe, ‘being at Castre.’

[Sidenote: 1450 / MAY 7]

Begs him to solicit the expedition of the matters of which he wrote since Easter.--Debts of Thos. Symmys for rents and sale of wools not yet paid to F. in Dedham.--As for the matter of Rydlyngfold and Hykele, ‘seth it ys soo the world is changed gretely over it was, y pray you, and charge you, parson, labour ye to my frendz Lampet and others’ to get a copy of their evidences; for ‘howbeit the said prioress say that her evidence be in the Duke of Suffolk’s keeping or his counsel,’ she had a book in which all the evidence is copied. The thing would have been sped long ere this, if ‘my Lord Norwich[’s] Chancellor’ or Master Pope, had labored as they promised. For God’s sake send me a good answer. ‘If an inordinate book be made, remembering the deliverance’ of cloths, &c. into F.’s wardrobe, let the indentures be engrossed. Wonders Howys cannot furnish him with a full account of the damages sustained by F. and his tenants these ten or twelve years past. He has only sent a declaration of costs in defending some of them. Get a letter of Nich. Bokkyng of the £100 to whom it was paid.

London, 7 May 28 Henry VI.

_Signed._

[Footnote 149.2: [MS. Phillipps, 9735, No. 223.]]

[[_footnote marker misprinted as 1_]]

123

THOMAS DENYES TO JOHN PASTON[150.1]

_To my maister Paston._

[Sidenote: 1450 / MAY 13]

I recomaund me unto your good maistership; and as for tidings, Arblaster come home to my Lord[150.2] on Munday, at sopertyme; and my Maister Danyell[150.3] is Styward of the Duche of Lancastre by yonde Trent, and Arblastr seith he hath made me his undirstyward.

And as for the Chamberleynship of Inglond, the Lord Beamond[150.4] hath it, and the Lord Rivers[150.5] Constable of Inglond.

As for the Duche on this side Trent, Sir Thomas Tudenham had a joynte patent with the Duke of Suffolk,[150.6] which, if it be resumed, Sir Thomas Stanley hath a bille redy endossed therof.

My lord wole not to Leicestre.[150.7] My Maister Danyell desireth yow thedir. I shall ride thiderward on Friday by tymes.

Wretyn in hast at Wynche,[150.8] the xiij. day of May.

I pray yow to thynk upon my mater to my mastresse your wyf, for my mastresse Anne, for in good feith I haf fully conquered my lady sith ye went, so that I haf hir promisse to be my good lady, and that she shall help me by the feith of hir body.

Your servant,

DENYES.

[Footnote 150.1: [From Fenn, i. 162.] This letter, which Fenn vaguely assigned to the latter part of the reign of Henry VI., may be pretty safely attributed to the year 1450. The mention of Lord Rivers and the Duke of Suffolk could not have been earlier than 1449, as the one was only created lord, and the other duke in 1448, and at a later date than the 13th of May. The reference to the Duke of Suffolk again is not likely to have been long after his decease. Further, there is a strong presumption, from Monday being spoken of as a past date, and Friday as a future, that the letter was written on a Wednesday. Had it been on a Tuesday or Thursday, Monday would have been spoken of as ‘yesterday’ or Friday as ‘to-morrow.’ Now, the 13th of May was a Wednesday in 1450. The changes in officers of state mentioned in this letter are, therefore, those consequent on the fall of the Duke of Suffolk. There is, besides, as will be seen by a foot-note, an allusion to the Parliament at Leicester.]

[Footnote 150.2: John de Vere, 12th Earl of Oxford.]

[Footnote 150.3: Thomas Daniel. --_See_ p. 80.]

[Footnote 150.4: John, Viscount Beaumont.]

[Footnote 150.5: Richard Woodville, created Baron Rivers 29th May 1448; afterwards earl.]

[Footnote 150.6: William de la Pole. --_See_ p. 80, Note 2.]

[Footnote 150.7: Parliament was sitting at Leicester in May 1450.]

[Footnote 150.8: A seat of the Earl of Oxford, near King’s Lynn, in Norfolk.]

124

THE EARL OF OXFORD TO JOHN PASTON[151.1]

_To our right trusty and intierly welbeloved John Paston, Esquyer._

[Sidenote: Year uncertain]

Right trusty and right intierly welbeloved, we grete you hertly wele. And it is so, as ye know wele your self, we haf and long tyme haf had the service of Thomas Denyes, by continuance wherof we wend to haf had his attendaunce at our lust; and nevertheless we haf so strictly examynid his demenyng that we fele and pleynly conceyve that the love and effeccion which he hath to a gentilwoman not ferre from yow, and which ye be privy to, as we suppose, causith hym alwey to desire toward your cuntre, rather than toward suych ocupacion as is behovefull to us. We write therfore to yow, prayng yow hertly as ye love us, that it like you to do that labour at our instaunce be suych men [_mean_] as your wisdom can seme, to meve that gentilwoman in our behalf for the wele of this mater, undirtakyng for us that we wole shew our bounte to thaym bothe, if it plese hir that this mater take effect, so that be reason she shall haf cause to take it in gree. And if the comyng thider of our persone self shuld be to plesir of hir, we wole not leve our labour in that: wherfore we pray you that ye wole do your part heryn, as ye wole we do for yow in tyme comyng, and that ye se us in hast. The Holy Trinite kepe yow. Wretyn at Wevenho, the xvij. day of May.

The Erle of Oxenford.

OXENFORD.

[Footnote 151.1: [From Fenn, iii. 360.] This letter cannot well be of the same year as the last, but is probably not many years earlier, and certainly not many years later. The reasons against its being of the same year are--first, that it seems to be implied in the letter preceding that the Earl of Oxford was at Winch, near Lynn, in Norfolk, on the 13th May 1450, which makes it improbable that he would be at Wivenhoe in Essex four days after; and, secondly, that he is not likely to have offered to go into Norfolk (especially after having just come out of Norfolk) on a matter touching the private affairs of one of his own adherents, when he declined to go to the Parliament at Leicester.]

125

SIR JOHN FASTOLF TO SIR THOMAS HOWYS[152.1]

_To my trusty and welbelovyd frende, Sir Thomas Howys, Parson of Castellcombe._

[Sidenote: 1450 / MAY 27]

Trusty and welbelovyd frende, I grete you well.[152.2] . . . . And I pray you sende me word who darre be so hardy to keck agen you in my ryght. And sey hem on my half that they shall be qwyt as ferre as law and reson wolle. And yff they wolle not dredde, ne obey that, then they shall be quyt by Blackberd or Whyteberd; that ys to sey, by God or the Devyll. And therfor I charge yow, send me word whethyr such as hafe be myne adversaries before thys tyme, contynew still yn her wylfullnesse, &c.

Item, I hyre oft tymys manye straunge rapports of the gouvernaunce of my place at Castre and othyr plasys, as yn my chatell approvyng,[152.3] yn my wynys, the kepyng of my wardrobe and clothys, the avaylle[152.4] of my conyes at Haylysdon, &c., and approwement[152.3] of my londys; praying you hertly as my full trust ys yn you to help reforme it, and that ye suffre no vityouse man at my place of Castre abyde, but well gouverned and diligent, as ye woll aunswer to it.

Allmyghty God kepe you. Wryt at London, xxvij. day of Maij anno xxviijº regni Regis Henrici VI.

JOHN FASTOLF, Kt.

[Footnote 152.1: [From Fenn, i. 52.]]

[Footnote 152.2: Here, says Fenn, follow some orders respecting his affairs at Caister.]

[Footnote 152.3: Approving lands or chattels meant turning them to profit, and in the former case commonly implied increasing the rents.]

[Footnote 152.4: Use or profit.]

126

J. PAYN TO JOHN PASTON[153.1]

_To my ryght honurabyll maister, John Paston._

[Sidenote: 1450 (written in 1465)]

Ryght honurabyll and my ryght enterly bylovyd maister, I recomaunde me un to yow, with al maner of due reverence, in the moste louly wyse as we ought to do, evermor desyryng to here of your worshipfull state, prosperite, and welfar; the which I beseke God of his aboundant grace encrece and mayntene to his moste plesaunce, and to your hartis dssyre.

Pleasyth it your gode and gracios maistershipp tendyrly to consedir the grete losses and hurts that your por peticioner haeth, and haeth jhad evyr seth the comons of Kent come to the Blakheth,[153.2] and that is at xv. yer passed, whereas my maister Syr John Fastolf, Knyght, that is youre testator,[153.3] commandyt your besecher to take a man, and ij. of the beste orsse that wer in his stabyll, with hym to ryde to the comens of Kent, to gete the articles that they come for. And so I dyd; and al so sone as I come to the Blakheth, the capteyn[153.4] made the comens to take me. And for the savacion of my maisters horse, I made my fellowe to ryde a wey with the ij. horses; and I was brought forth with befor the capteyn of Kent. And the capteyn demaundit me what was my cause of comyng thedyr, and why that I made my fellowe to stele a wey with the horse. And I seyd that I come thedyr to chere with my wyves brethren, and other that were my alys and gossippes of myn that were present there. And than was there oone there, and seid to the capteyn that I was one of Syr John Fastolfes men, and the ij. horse were Syr John Fastolfes; and then the capteyn lete cry treson upon me thorought all the felde, and brought me at iiij. partes of the feld with a harrawd of the Duke of Exetter[154.1] before me in the dukes cote of armes, makyng iiij. _Oyes_ at iiij. partes of the feld; proclaymyng opynly by the seid harrawd that I was sent thedyr for to espy theyre pusaunce, and theyre abyllyments of werr, fro the grettyst traytor that was in Yngelond or in Fraunce, as the seyd capteyn made proclaymacion at that tyme, fro oone Syr John Fastolf, Knyght, the whech mynnysshed all the garrisons of Normaundy, and Manns, and Mayn, the whech was the cause of the lesyng of all the Kyngs tytyll and ryght of an herytaunce that he had by yonde see. And morovyr he seid that the seid Sir John Fastolf had furnysshyd his plase[154.2] with the olde sawdyors of Normaundy and abyllyments of werr, to destroy the comens of Kent whan that they come to Southewerk; and therfor he seyd playnly that I shulde lese my hede.

And so furthewith I was taken, and led to the capteyns tent, and j. ax and j. blok was brought forth to have smetyn of myn hede; and than my maister Ponyngs, your brodyr,[154.3] with other of my frendes, come and lettyd the capteyn, and seyd pleynly that there shulde dye a C. or ij. [_a hundred or two_], that in case be that I dyed; and so by that meane my lyf was savyd at that tyme. And than I was sworen to the capteyn, and to the comens, that I shulde go to Southewerk, and aray me in the best wyse that I coude, and come ageyn to hem to helpe hem; and so I gote th’articles, and brought hem to my maister, and that cost me more emongs the comens that day than xxvij_s._

Wherupon I come to my maister Fastolf, and brought hym th’articles, and enformed hym of all the mater, and counseyled hym to put a wey all his abyllyments of werr and the olde sawdiors; and so he dyd, and went hymself to the Tour, and all his meyny with hym but Betts and j. [_i.e._ one] Mathew Brayn; and had not I ben, the comens wolde have brennyd his plase and all his tennuryes, wher thorough it cost me of my noune propr godes at that tyme more than vj. merks in mate and drynke; and nought withstondyng the capteyn that same tyme lete take me atte Whyte Harte in Suthewerk, and there comandyt Lovelase to dispoyle me oute of myn aray, and so he dyd. And there he toke a fyn gowne of muster dewyllers[155.1] furryd with fyn bevers, and j. peyr of Bregandyrns[155.2] kevert with blew fellewet [_velvet_] and gylt naile, with legharneyse, the vallew of the gown and the bregardyns viij_li._

Item, the capteyn sent certeyn of his meyny to my chamber in your rents, and there breke up my chest, and toke awey j. obligacion of myn that was due unto me of xxxvj_li._ by a prest of Poules, and j. nother obligacion of j. knyght of x_li._, and my purse with v. ryngs of golde, and xvij_s._ vj_d._ of golde and sylver; and j. herneyse [_harness_] complete of the touche of Milleyn;[155.3] and j. gowne of fyn perse[155.4] blewe furryd with martens; and ij. gounes, one furryd with bogey,[155.5] and j. nother lyned with fryse;[155.6] and ther wolde have smetyn of myn hede, whan that they had dyspoyled me atte White Hart. And there my Maister Ponyngs and my frends savyd me, and so I was put up tyll at nyght that the batayle was at London Brygge;[155.7] and than atte nyght the capteyn put me oute into the batayle atte Brygge, and there I was woundyt, and hurt nere hand to deth; and there I was vj. oures in the batayle, and myght nevyr come oute therof; and iiij. tymes before that tyme I was caryd abought thorought Kent and Sousex, and ther they wolde have smetyn of my hede.

And in Kent there as my wyfe dwellyd, they toke awey all oure godes mevabyll that we had, and there wolde have hongyd my wyfe and v. of my chyldren, and lefte her no more gode but her kyrtyll and her smook. And a none aftyr that hurlyng, the Bysshop Roffe[156.1] apechyd me to the Quene, and so I was arestyd by the Quenes commaundment in to the Marchalsy, and there was in rygt grete durasse, and fere of myn lyf, and was thretenyd to have ben hongyd, drawen, and quarteryd; and so wold have made me to have pechyd my Maister Fastolf of treson. And by cause that I wolde not, they had me up to Westminster, and there wolde have sent me to the gole house at Wyndsor; but my wyves and j. coseyn of myn noune that were yomen of the Croune, they went to the Kyng, and got grase and j. chartyr of pardon.

Per le vostre,

J. PAYN.

[Footnote 153.1: [From Fenn, i. 54.] This letter was actually written in the year 1465; but as the circumstances to which it relates belong to the year 1450, and are connected with the memorable insurrection of Jack Cade, we have thought it right, as Fenn did, to place it under the earlier year.]

[Footnote 153.2: Jack Cade and his followers encamped on Blackheath on the 11th June 1450, and again from the 29th of June to the 1st July. Payn refers to the latter occasion.]

[Footnote 153.3: Sir John Fastolf (who is dead at the date of this letter) left Paston his executor, as will be seen hereafter.]

[Footnote 153.4: Jack Cade.]

[Footnote 154.1: Henry Holland, Duke of Exeter. During the civil war which followed, he adhered to the House of Lancaster, though he married Edward IV.’s sister. His herald had probably been seized by Cade’s followers, and pressed into their service.]

[Footnote 154.2: Sir John Fastolf had a residence in Southwark.]

[Footnote 154.3: Robert Poynings, who, some years before this letter was written, had married Elizabeth, the sister of John Paston, was sword-bearer and carver to Cade, and was accused of creating disturbances on more than one occasion afterwards. He was slain at the second battle of St. Albans on the 17th Feb. 1461.]

[Footnote 155.1: ‘A kind of mixed grey woollen cloth, which continued in use to Elizabeth’s reign.’ --Halliwell.]

[Footnote 155.2: A brigandine was a coat of leather or quilted linen, with small iron plates sewed on. --_See_ Grose’s _Antient Armour_. The back and breast of this coat were sometimes made separately, and called a pair.--Meyrick.]

[Footnote 155.3: Milan was famous for its manufacture of arms and armour.]

[Footnote 155.4: ‘Skye or bluish grey. There was a kind of cloth so called.’ --Halliwell.]

[Footnote 155.5: Budge fur.]

[Footnote 155.6: ‘Frieze. A coarse narrow cloth, formerly much in use’ -- Halliwell.]

[Footnote 155.7: The battle on London Bridge was on the 5th July.]

[Footnote 156.1: Fenn gives this name ‘Rosse’ with two long s’s, but translates it Rochester, from which I presume it was written ‘Roffe’ for _Roffensis_. The Bishop of Rochester’s name was John Lowe.]

[[Footnote 154.3: He was slain... _final sentence added by editor in Errata; see also note 135.1 in Volume III._]]

127

JAMES GRESHAM TO JOHN PASTON[156.2]

_To my right worshipfull [mai]ster John Paston at Wynchestre be this delyuered._

[Sidenote: 1450 / JULY 3]

After al due recomendacion had, I recomaunde me to yow and prey yow to wete that Heydon seweth in his accion a geynst Osebern x. _tales_ retournable xv^a. Johannis. _Ideo mittetur vel loquatur Vicecomiti Norffolk_, &c. And I suppose that as for Costardis accions thei wole have _nisi prius_, &c. As touchyng the matier of Oxened the frere[156.3] leveth his delagacie a abideth up on our plee of profession by as meche as we sey that long to fore the writte purchaced he was professed a frere and sey not and yet is professed, &c. And Sotyll and other of your counseill thynk the law is on our syde. Brampton brought me a lettre and a clowt sowed clos with thynggis therin, and a letter endorsed to yow from my maistresse your moder, whiche I sende yow with this. The lord Moleyns man brought ij. writtes to the Shirrefis depute of Norfolk, oon a geynst yow, myn eme[157.1] and James Gloys _quare clausum suum apud Gresham fregerunt_, &c., the othir writte a geynst yow and J. Gloys _quare vi et armis in hominis et servientes ipsius apud Gresham insultum fecerunt_, &c. And whanne the seid lord Moleyns man delyvered these wrettys, Lomnour stode be side and aspied it. And thanne the seid man desired to have ageyn the writtis, and toke hem a geyn; and whanne he had theym he seid they shuld not come in their handes a vii. nyght after. And so he kepeth theym stille. And Caly and Yates also have promysed me that ther shall no writte be retourned a geyn yow but that ye shall have copies ther of at reasonable tyme to make your avantage as the law wole, &c., to caste your esson[157.2] or suyche other, &c. Sir, I prey God yeld yow for your letter ye sent me by Lethom, whiche I receyved yistereuyn right late. Wherby I hope and conceyve that ye be in good cas for your maner of Gr[esham], for truly I was right weel comforted therof. As touchyng Skyner and his borwys the attachementes may not be wretyn but by the recordes of the reconysance, and alle the recordes of Chauncerye be at Wynchestre. _Ideo_, &c. I prey God be your good speed in all your matiers, Amen. Wretyn in hast at London the Friday next after seint Petir day.

Your servant,

J. GRESHAM.

[Footnote 156.2: [Add. MS. 34,888, f. 73.] The legal proceedings mentioned in this letter show that the year is the same as that of Gresham’s other letter immediately following (No. 128).]

[Footnote 156.3: John Hauteyn.]

[Footnote 157.1: ‘eme,’ _i.e._ uncle.]

[Footnote 157.2: _Essoin_, a legal expression, meaning an excuse admitted for non-appearance in Court.]

128

JAMES GRESHAM TO MASTER WHITE[158.1]

_To my Maister Whyte, Esquyer, with my Lord Cardynall,[158.2] for to take to John Paston._

[Sidenote: 1450 / JULY 8]

After al due recomendacion, I recomaund me to yow, and do yow wete that this same Wednesseday I receyved your lettre whiche was wretyn on Saterday last passed, wherby ye willed me to send yow worde of your matiers, &c. As touchyng the frere,[158.3] he abydeth in lawe up on our plee of profession, like as I sent yow word by wrytyng, whiche I sent yow in a box with other stuf by a man of the Archedeken of Rychemond. I endorsed it thus, ‘To William Plumstede, with my Lord of Winchestre,[158.4] or to John Paston.’

We shuld have amendet our plee of profession, but thanne your counseyll fereth he wolde take an issue that he is not professed, and that shuld[158.5] be tried by the certificat of the Dean of Poulys, _sede vacante_; and therfore we abide in lawe, and wole not amende our plee. The day of th’assises in Norffolk is _die Veneris proximo post Festum Nativitatis Beatæ Mariæ apud Norwicum_, and Costards _nisi prius_ is take owt ageynst that day, and Prentis _nisi prius_ ageynst Halman also.

As touchyng the sute ageyns Osebern and Foke, he hath geve day xv. Johannis with x. _tales_, as I have wretyn to yow to fore this tyme; and I suppose that he wole have a _nisi prius_ of the same atte seid assises. As touchynge the fyn in the Kyngs Benche for Osebern and Foke, the fyne were cessed this terme, but I hadde no leyser to talke with Croxton ther of yet, &c. Your bedfelawe seigh bothe my other writynge and this, and he recomaundeth hym to yow, and shuld have wretyn to yow, if he had not be prevy to my writyng. Ye ar meche hold to hym, for he is diligent for yow, &c.

As touchyng Drewe Barantyn, I myght not yet speke with hym, &c. _Circumspecte agatis_, and be war of lordis promysses, for it is tolde me in counseil ther is a writte of forcyble entre[159.1] in framyng ageynst yow.

Almyghty God be your gyde. Wretyn in hast with inne an hour after the resceyte of your lettre, at Wesminster, the Wednesseday next after Seint Thomas day.[159.2]

Yours JAMES GRE.

[Footnote 158.1: [From Paston MSS., B.M.] This letter appears to have been written in the year 1450, when Gresham was in London looking after John Paston’s interests in various lawsuits. Mr. White, to whom it is directed for the purpose of being conveyed to Paston, was a servant of Cardinal Kemp, who had been made Lord Chancellor in the beginning of the year. It is evident from other letters that John Paston took counsel of the Lord Chancellor’s servant in his causes.]

[Footnote 158.2: Cardinal Kemp.]

[Footnote 158.3: John Hawteyn. --_See_ Nos. 46 and 63.]

[Footnote 158.4: William of Waynflete, Bishop of Winchester.]

[Footnote 158.5: The word ‘it’ is interlined in the original after ‘shuld,’ but is clearly superfluous.]

[Footnote 159.1: For Gresham?]

[Footnote 159.2: The translation of St. Thomas was on the 3rd July.]

[[die Veneris proximo _text has “aie” (Italic a for d)_]]

129

ABSTRACT[159.3]

JAMES GRESHAM TO [JOHN PASTON?].

[Sidenote: About 1450]

Inquiry made as to the injury of Sporle wood for lack of hedging. The three years’ growth of the wood availeth no man. The farmers now cannot sell it the better, so it must be either to your hurt or Halman’s. Hopes the wastes at Cressingham will be amended. Your tenants are treated unfairly about the Sheriff’s turn by those of the Prior of Norwich and John Coo. Can get no money, for Fulchier hopes he is not so far in arrear as you think. Halman can get no money; his corns are so cheap he will not sell, but he hopes to make purveyance at Michaelmas.

Calybut says he never asked the Vicar of Sporle to be bound for him. They will meet with me at Gressenhale on St. Bartholomew’s day and seal the other part, so that they have notice from you at Swaffham Market, Saturday next before.

_Accounts of Sneylewell, Cressingham, and Sparham on the back._

[We have placed this letter after the preceding as being probably not many years apart from it in date, if not the very same year. The name of Halman occurs in both, and also in a letter of the Vicar of Sporle, which will be found a little further on.]

[Footnote 159.3: [From Paston MSS., B.M.]]

130

ABSTRACT[160.1]

SIR J. FASTOLF TO SIR THOMAS HOWYS, Parson of Castlecombe, at Caister.

[Sidenote: 1450 / AUG. 8]

Has sent home letters by John Bedford. Sends by the bearer Thomas Medew eight writs of ‘green wax’[160.2] for certain processes he has in Norfolk, with a _distringas_ for Sir John Shypton, which he must get served with the advice of Thomas Grene and other of Fastolf’s trusty friends. The inquest must be certified of the truth and Shypton’s falsehood proved. Will give his testimonial, when needful, ‘that I never sealed none such quittance.’ Let Greene correct the roll of articles I send by Bedford. I hear you have omitted several of the extortions done to me (_in margin_, ‘eyer and determiner’). London, 8 August 28 Henry VI.

Let Master Doket have a copy of the evidence of Rydlyngfeeld.

‘Item, purvey me at the leest v. doseyn long bowes, with shot longyng thertoo. And purveyeth also quarell[160.3] hedys to be made ther, for the price ys derer heer then ther; and let no langage be had of ordenances makyng.’

_Signed._

[Footnote 160.1: [MS. Phillipps, 9735, f. 224.]]

[Footnote 160.2: Writs under the seal of the Court of Exchequer, which was of green wax, directing the sheriff of a county to levy certain fines.]

[Footnote 160.3: _See_ page 101, Note 3.]

131

JAMES GRESHAM TO JOHN PASTON[160.4]

_To my right especiall maister, John Paston,[160.5] in hast._

[Sidenote: 1450 / AUG. 19]

Ryght worthy worshipfull sir, and myn especiall maister, I recomaund me to yow, and pray yow wete that I was [yesterdaye atte][160.6] . . . .[160.6] my lord Chauncellers[160.7] hous, and there I spake with White; and he tolde me that he hadde the letter that ye sewed for from . . . . . . . .[161.1] directed to the Lord Moleyns of that substance that ye hadde sued to hym for an especiall assise[161.2] and an _oier_ and _determiner_,[161.3] [and][161.1] . . . . .[161.1] that he shuld comaunde his men beyng at Gresham to departe thens, and that the profitez thereof shuld be receyved by an endifferent [person][161.1] . .[161.1] saufly to be kepte til the right were determyned be twen yow and my Lord M., &c., whiche letter White sente forthe [by][161.1] a man of my Lord Chaunceller to the Lord Moleyns. And he sent his answer in writyng of this substance, that it shuld not like my Lord Chaunceller to graunte assise, &c., for als moche as the Lord M. hadde sore be laboured in his cuntre to peas and stille the poeple[161.4] there to restreyngne them from rysyng, and so he was dayly laboured there abowt in the Kynggs servyce, and that considered, he trustid veryly that there shuld non assise be graunted to your entent. And he seid forther in his answer, if he myght attende to be in Norffolk, and leve the necessary servyce that he dede to the Kyng now in Wyltshire, he wolde be but weel pleased that ye hadde your assise; for he knewe his title and his evydence so good for his part, that he durst weel putte it in my Lord Chaunceller, and in what juge he wolde calle to hym. And wher my Lord Chaunceller desired hym to avoyde his men from Gresham, he trustid that my Lord wolde not desire that, by cause he hadde his possession, and that it was his wyffs ryght, and so hym thought it a geynst reason that he shuld a voide utterly his possession.

This same Moneday goth my Lord Chaunceller and my Lord of Buk[161.5] into Kent to sytte up on an _oier_ and _determyner_[161.6] at Rorchestre; and Whyte told me that there is wretyn an generall _oier_ and _determyner_ to be in Norffolk, and what ther[fore][162.1] and for the Lord Moleyns writyng, hym semyth it is not to your avayll to sewe for an especiall assise, ne for an _oier_ and _determyner_.

Whan I come hiddirward, I mette with my Lord of Norffolk betwen Berkewey and Baburgham homward, and whethir he shall come agayn hiddir or noght I wot not, but I trowe rather yes thanne nay; for it is seid that alle the Lords be sent for to be here on Moneday or Tuysday next comyng for a counseyll.

The Chief Justice[162.2] is not here, ne noon other Justice, except Danvers[162.3] is now made Juge of the Comune Place, and is forth into Kent with the Lords, &c.

Al this tofore was wretyn on the Moneday next after our Lady day. And this same Wednesseday was it told that Shirburgh[162.4] is goon, and we have not now a foote of londe in Normandie, and men arn ferd that Calese wole be beseged hastily, &c.

Pynchamour shall telle yow by mowthe more thanne I have leyser to write now to yow. I wrot to myn em’[162.5] that there were ix. or x. m^l. [_nine or ten thousand_] men up in Wiltshire, and I hadde it of the report of Whittocks mede; but I trowe it is not so, for here is now littel speche therof; ner the lesse, if I here more, I shall sende yow worde her after by sum loders that come to Seynt Bertilmews [fayre].[162.1]

Wretyn in hast at London, the Wednesseday next after our Lady day, &c.

Your own symple servaunt,

JAMES GR.

[Footnote 160.4: [From Fenn, iii. 86.] The date of this letter is ascertained by the news contained in the last paragraph of the fall of Cherbourg, besides other internal evidence.]

[Footnote 160.5: ‘After John Paston had received this letter,’ says Fenn, ‘it seems as if he had sent it to my Lord Oxford, for on the back of it, in John Paston’s handwriting, is the following direction: “To the rith worspfull and my rith speciall lord, my Lord of Oxenford.”’]

[Footnote 160.6: These passages, in which the text is broken by brackets or dots, are indicated by Fenn as illegible in the original.]

[Footnote 160.7: John Kemp, Cardinal Archbishop of York, afterwards of Canterbury.]

[Footnote 161.1: These passages, in which the text is broken by brackets or dots, are indicated by Fenn as illegible in the original.]

[Footnote 161.2: A writ directed to the sheriff for recovery of possession of things immoveable, whereof yourself or ancestors have been disseised.--F.]

[Footnote 161.3: Is a commission especially granted to certain persons for the hearing and determining of causes, and was formerly only in use upon some sudden outrage or insurrection in any place.--F.]

[Footnote 161.4: These disturbances among the people were the remains of Cade’s rebellion, which had been lately suppressed.--F.]

[Footnote 161.5: Humphrey Stafford, Duke of Buckingham, fell in the battle of Northampton in July 1460.--F.]

[Footnote 161.6: These commissions of _oyer_ and _determiner_ were to try those who had been concerned in the late rebellion under Cade.--F.]

[Footnote 162.1: _See_ Note 1, p. 161.]

[Footnote 162.2: John Hody was at this time Chief Justice of the King’s Bench.--F.]

[Footnote 162.3: Robert Danvers became a Judge of the Common Pleas 14th of August 1450.--F.]

[Footnote 162.4: Cherbourg surrendered to the French on the 12th August 1450. --_See_ Stevenson’s _Reductio Normanniæ_, p. 367.]

[Footnote 162.5: ‘Quære this abbreviated word,’ says Fenn. It is probably _eme_, meaning uncle.]

132

THE EARL OF OXFORD TO JOHN PASTON[163.1]

_To my right trusty and intierly welbeloved John Paston, Squyer._

[Sidenote: 1450(?) / AUG. 21]

Right trusty and intierly welbeloved, I grete yow wele, and wole and pray you that ye dispose your self to be with my Lord of Norffolk in al hast goodly, to that intent that where it was desired by dyvers gentilmen of this shire[163.2] that I shuld my self a be with his Lordship at Framyngham, to excuse me to his Lordship; for truly I haf suych writyn to my said Lord for myn excuse, which writyng I send to yow by Thomas Denyes, to whome I pray you to gif credens. And the Trinite kepe yow. Wretyn at Bury Seynt Edmond, the xxj. day of August.

I pray you to speke with Sir Miles Stapilton and Brewes, and to delyver to thaym my lettres, wherof I send you copies, and make Brewes to send over a man to me with th’entent of my Lord of Norffolk, and with th’effect of your deligens, with a more credible message than Brewes ded to my wif; for I had never a wers jurney for a jape in my lif, ne a lewder, as ye shal wele conceyve.

OXENFORD.

[Footnote 163.1: [Douce MS. 393, f. 88.] From the similarity of the contents of this and the two following letters, it is evident that they belong to the same year; and the mention of Thomas Denyes, from whom the Earl of Oxford was afterwards estranged, proves that it must have been before 1454. In the summer of 1450, there was disaffection in Norfolk, which led to the issuing of a special commission of _oyer and terminer_ in September. These three letters may, therefore, have belonged to that year.]

[Footnote 163.2: ‘This shire’ should be Suffolk, as the Earl dates from Bury St. Edmunds, but I should think Norfolk was intended, which the Earl had probably just left on his way up to London. Compare next number.]

133

THE EARL OF OXFORD (?) TO SIR MILES STAPLETON AND THOMAS BREWES[164.1]

_To my ryght trusti and wyth all myn hert intyerly welbelovyd Sir Mylys Stapelton, Knyght._

[Sidenote: 1450(?) / AUG. 21]

Ryght trusty and wyth all myn hert entierly welbelovyd, I grete yow wele, and wol that ye wete that a gentelman of your ally haghe [_hath_] ben wyth me, at whos instans and steryng and by hese good avyes I wold ful fayne amet [_have met_] wyth yow at Framyngham; but I may no lenger abyde here for the strayte comaundment that I have to be wyth the Kyng. Wherfore I pray yow to comown wyth Brews and Paston, and to put in artycles be ther avyses and be your wysdom the indisposicion of the people of this counte, and what were most necesary to be desierid of the Kyng and of my Lordis of the Councell for the restreynte of ther mourmour and the peas, and to sende it me be the brynger herof, to whom I pray yow gef credens. And the Holy Ternyte kepe yow. Wretyn at Wynche, the xxj. day of August.

_To my ryght trusty and entierly welbelovyd Thomas Brewes, Squyer._

Ryght trusty and intyerly welbelovid, I grete yow wele. And for as mouche as ye were with my wyf at Wynche in the name and behalve of the substaunce of the gentelys of this shyer, and cause my wyf to wryte to me for to turne agayn into Norffolk, be wheche wrytyng, and be your report it semyd to me that a gret asemble had be purposid wythin the counte heer. I therfore sayd unto yow, wolyng and mevyng yow aftyr your trowth, and as ye know, that ye do put in artycles the indisposicion of the people, and what your avyce is to be do for the restreynyng of the same; and this articles I pray yow set to your seal, and cause other gentelmen with wham ye have comonyng set ther seales, for this is necessary, and that I may schew it to the Kyng and to my Lordis of hese Councell, and that I fayle not here of for your honeste and myn excuse. And the Ternyte kepe yow. Wreten at Wynche, the xxj. day of August.

[Footnote 164.1: [From Paston MSS., B.M.] The two letters following are from contemporaneous copies written on the same paper. Being dated the same day as the preceding letter of the Earl of Oxford, and addressed to the two persons named in the postscript, we should have every reason to suppose they are the copies there mentioned, were it not for the circumstance that the Earl of Oxford’s seat at Wynche, near Lynn, in Norfolk, must have been a good day’s journey from Bury St. Edmunds. The internal evidence, however, is in other respects so strong that we have no doubt at all upon the subject. The difficulty as to the date may be accounted for by supposing that these two letters were really written at Wynche the day before, but that the date 21st August was filled in by the Earl at Bury St. Edmunds at the time he despatched his letter of the same date to John Paston.]

134

[THE EARL OF OXFORD TO THE DUKE OF NORFOLK][165.1]

[Sidenote: 1450 / [AUG.]]

Ryght high and myghty Prynce and my right good Lord, I recomaunde me un to youre good Lordshep. And for asmouch as I am enformed [that] certeyn notable knyghtis and squyers of this counte dispose thaym self to be with youre Lordshep in hasty tyme at Fram[yngham], theer to have comonyngs with youre good Lordshep for the sad rule and governaunce of this counte, wych standyth ryght . . . . . indisposyd, God amend it; for qwych sad rule and governaunce to be had I wold full fayn a ben with your good [Lordship]. But for asmouch as the Kynge hath geve to me straitly in charge to be with hys Highnesse at Westminstre on Saterda[y]. . . . . . [I must] departe towards London. Therfore therof I beseche your good Lordship that ye vouchesaf to comon with the seyd k[nyghtes and squyers] as with your feytfull servaunts; and I trost to God to se youre good Lordship at Framyngham as I shall . . . . . And yf your Lordshep seme necessary that I now beynge at Westminster shall any thynge laboure or des[ire for the rule] and governaunce of the counte forsayd, or for reformacion of suche wronge as the peples herts most agrugge as . . . . . . . . lyke that I meve to the Kynge and the Lordes of the Counceyll, so wyll I meve, and none otherwyse as . . . . . . . . Wheryn I beseche your grace to know your entente by the brynger her of. And my service is redy to your Lords[hip] . . . . . mercy who kepe who kepe[166.1] nebbey (?) for hese grace.

[Footnote 165.1: [From Paston MSS., B.M.] This would seem by internal evidence to be the letter of excuse written by Oxford to the Duke of Norfolk, which the Earl mentions in his letter to John Paston of the 21st August. The original from which it is taken is a copy without signature or address, and mutilated in the margin.]

[Footnote 166.1: So in MS.]

135

JOHN PASTON AND LORD MOLEYNS[166.2]

_Un to the right reverent fadir in God and my right gracioux Lord, the Cardinal Archebisshop of York, Prymat and Chaunceller of Inglond._

[Sidenote: 1450(?)]

Besecheth mekely John Paston that where Robert Hungerford, Knyght, Lord Molens, and Alianore, his wyff, late with force and strength, and grete multitude of riottous peple, to the noumbre of a thousand persones and mo, gadered by th’excitacion and procuryng of John Heydon[166.3] a yenst the Kynggs pees, in riotous maner entred up on your seid besecher and othir enfeoffed to his use in the manoir of Gresham with th’appurtenaunces in the shire of Norffolk; whiche riotous peple brake, dispoiled, and drew doun the place of your seid besecher in the seid toun, and drafe out his wiff and servauntes there beyng, and ryfled, took, and bare awey alle the goodes and catalx that your seid besecher and his servauntes hadde there to the value of cc_li._ [£200] and more; and the seid manoir, after the seid riottous entre, kept with strong hande in manere of werre, as weel ayenst your seid besecher and his feffees, as ayenst oon of the Kyngges justicez of the pees in the seid shire, that come thedir to execute the statutes ordeigned and provyded ayenst suche forcible entrees and kepyng of possessions with force, as it appiereth by recorde of the seid justice certifyed in to the Chauncerie; and yet the seid Lord Molens the same manoir kepith with force and strengthe ayenst the fourme of the seid statutes: Please it your reverent Faderhood and gracioux Lordship, these premisses considered, to graunte on to your seid besecher for his feffees by hym to be named a special assise[167.1] ayenst the seid Lord Molens, Alianore, and John Heidon, and othir to be named by your seid besecher, and also an oyer and determyner[167.2] ayenst the seid Lord Molens, John Heidon, and othir of the seid riotous peple in like fourme to be named, to enquere, here and determyn all trespaces, extorcions, riottes, forcible entrees, mayntenaunces,[167.3] champerties,[167.4] embraceries,[167.5] offenses, and mesprisions[167.6] by hem or ony of hem doen, als weel atte sute of our sovereign Lord the Kyng, as of your seid besecher and his seid feffees, and every of hem, or of ony othir of the Kyngges lieges: atte reverence of God, and in weye of charite.

[Footnote 166.2: [Add. Charter 17,239, B.M.] This is a bill addressed to Cardinal Kemp as Lord Chancellor, to which reference will be found to be made in the succeeding letter. Kemp was appointed Lord Chancellor on the 31st January 1450. The acts here complained of were therefore those connected with Paston’s second expulsion from Gresham.]

[Footnote 166.3: John Heydon, Esq. of Baconsthorpe, a lawyer, who was recorder of Norwich from 1431 to 1433, and sheriff in 1431-2.]

[Footnote 167.1: _See_ p. 161, Note 2.]

[Footnote 167.2: _See_ p. 161, Note 3.]

[Footnote 167.3: Unlawful support given to a disputant by one not concerned in the cause.]

[Footnote 167.4: Bargains made with litigants for a share in what may be gained by the suit.]

[Footnote 167.5: Attempts to corrupt juries.]

[Footnote 167.6: Treason or felony committed by oversight or wilful neglect of a duty.]

136

JOHN PASTON TO JAMES GRESHAM[168.1]

_The copie of the letter of J. P._

[Sidenote: 1450 / SEPT. 4]

James Gresham, I prey yow laboure forth to have answer of my bille for myn especial assise, and the oyer and termyner,[168.2] accordyng to my seid bille that I delyvered to my Lord Chaunceler,[168.3] letyng hym wete that his Lordship conceyved the graunt of suyche a special matier myght cause a rumour in the cuntre. Owt of dowte the cuntre is not so disposed, for it is desired ageyn suche persones as the c[untre] wolde were ponysshid; and if they be not ponysshid to refourme that they have do amysse, by liklynesse the cuntre wole rise up on th[em]. Men talke that a general oier and termyner is graunted to the Duke of Norfolk, my Lord of Ely, the Erll of Oxenford, the Lord Scales, Sir John Fastolf, Sir Thomas Fulthorp, and William Yelverton, and men be right glad therof. Yet that notwithstondyng, laboure ye forth for me. F[or] in a general oyer and termyner a _supersedeas_ may dassh al, and so shall not in a special. And also if the justicez come at my request, they shall sytte als long as I wole, and so shall thei not by the generall. And as for commyssioners in myn, &c., Sir John Fastolf must be pleyntyf als weel as I my self, and so he may not be commyssioner; and as for alle the remenant, I can thynke them indifferent inow in the matier, except my Lord Scales, whos wyff is aunte to the Lady Moleyns.

And as for that the Lord Moleyns hath wretyn that he dar put the matier in awarde of my Lord Chaunceler, and in what juge he wole take to hym, &c. (which offre as I suppose shall be tolde to yow for to make yow to cesse your labour), thanne lete that be answerid, and my Lord Chaunceller enfourmed thus: The matier was in trete by th’assent of the Lord Moleyns a twene his counseil and myn, whiche assembled at London xvj. dyvers dayes, and for the more part there was a sergeant and vj. or vij. thrifty apprentisez; at whiche tyme the Lord Moleyns title was shewed, and clerly answerid, in so meche that his own counseil seide they cowde no forther in the matier, desiryng me to ride to Salesbury to the Lord Moleyns, promyttyng of their part that thei wolde moeve the Lord Moleyns, so that thei trusted I shuld have myn entent or I come thens; of whiche title and answer I send yow a copie that hath be put in to the Parlement, the Lord Moleyns being there present, whereto he cowde not sey nay. Also by fore this tyme I have agreed to put it in ij. juges, so thei wolde determyne by our evydences the right, moevyng nother partie to yeve other by ony mene, but only the right determyned, he to be fully recompensed that hath right. Whereto he wold not agree, but alle tymes wolde that thoe juges shulde entrete the parties as they myght be drawe to by offre and profre to my conceyte as men bye hors. Whiche matiers considerid, my counseil hath alwey conceyved that the tretees he offred hath be to non othir entent but to delaye the matier, or ellis to entrete me to relese my damages, for title hath he non. And he knowith weel the title shall never better be undirstond thanne it hath be by his counseil and myn atte seid comunycacions. And also my Lord Chaunceler undirstond that the Lord Moleyns men toke and bar away more than cc_li._ [£200] worth of my goodes and catalles. Wherof I delyvered hym a bylle of every parcell, wherto al the world knoweth he canne make no title. And if he were disposed to do right, my counseil thynketh he shuld restore that, for therfor nedith nowthir comunycacion nor trete. And with owt he wole restore that, I trowe no man can thynk that his trete is to no good purpose.

I preye yow hertily laboure ye so to my Lord Chaunceller that owther he wole graunte me my desire, or ellis that he wole denye it. And lete me have answer from yow in wrytyng how ye spede. If my Lord Chaunceler hath lost my bille that I delyvered hym, wherof I sende yowe a copie, that thanne ye put up to hym an othir of the same, takyng a copie to your self.

Recomand me to my cosyn William Whyte,[170.1] and prey hym to gyf yow his help in this, and lete hym be prevye to this letter. And lete hym w[ete] that my cosyn his suster hath childe, a doughter. Wretyn at Norwich, the iiij. day of Septembre.

Dyverse men of my freendis avyse me to entre in to the maner of Gresham by force of my writte of restitution, whiche I wole not do by cause the maner is so decayed by the Lord Moleyns occupacion, that where it was worth to me l. marks clerly by yeer, I cowde not now make it worth xx_li._; for whiche hurt, and for othir hurtis, by this special assise I trust to have remedye.

[Footnote 168.1: [From Paston MSS., B.M.] It is evident that this letter was written partly in answer to Gresham’s of the 19th August 1450. The year is therefore the same. The letter is printed from a copy in Gresham’s handwriting.]

[Footnote 168.2: _See_ p. 161, Note 3.]

[Footnote 168.3: Cardinal Kemp. --_See_ last No.]

[Footnote 170.1: Cardinal Kemp’s servant. --_See_ No. 128.]

137

ABSTRACT[170.2]

SIR JOHN FASTOLF TO SIR THOMAS HOWYS, THOMAS GRENE, AND WATKYN SHYPDAM.

[Sidenote: 1450 / SEPT. 7]

Has no word from them of the correction and engrossing of the damages done to him by divers men in Norfolk, of part of which he sent a roll to them at Castre a month ago. Sends John Bokkyng for an answer. Was often damaged by the Duke of Suffolk’s officers in Lodylond, both by undue amerciaments and distraining cattle at Cotton, and by the officers of Cossey, of which there should be remembrances at Castre. Wrote also that they should see the Bishop of Norwich about the letter left with him concerning the award of Dedham. Is particularly anxious to know what they have done about Rydlyngfeld, &c.

London, 7 Sept. 29 Hen. VI.

_Signed._

[Footnote 170.2: [From MS. Phillipps, 9735, No. 245.]]

138

ABSTRACT[171.1]

_Sir John Fastolf to Sir Thomas Howys_, at Castre, or at Pokethorp in Norwich, or at Haylydon Manor.

[Sidenote: 1450 / SEPT. 15]

Has received his letter by Thomas Fastolf touching his diligence about the recovery of the letter with the Bishop of Norwich, and of the evidences of Rydlyngfeld, with a copy of a certain indenture which F. has already sealed. Has no answer of the correction of the articles F. sent home to him two months ago. As my Lord of Norfolk is at Norwich to sit upon the oyer and terminer, you must labor to shew forth my grievances. Nothing can be done till after Michaelmas about the _venire facias_ for the jury of Sybton. Has written this week by the Parson of Estharlyng to Berney, who, he hears, has been shewing favor to his adversaries. Refers him further to John Bokkyng, who is now in Norfolk.

London, 15 Sept. 29 Hen. VI.

[Footnote 171.1: [From MS. Phillipps, 9735, No. 253.]]

139

HENRY VI. TO JOHN PASTON[171.2]

_To oure trusty and welbeloved John Paston, Squier._

By the King.

[Sidenote: 1450 / SEPT. 18]

Trusty and welbeloved, for asmuche as oure right trusty and welbeloved the Lord Moleyns is by our special desire and comaundement waitting upon us, and now for divers consideracions moeving us, we purpose to sende hym in to certaine places for to execute oure commaundement, for the whiche he ne may be attendant to be in oure countees of Northfolk and Suffolk at the time of oure Commissioners sitting upon oure commission of oier determiner within the same oure counties: We therfore desire and praye that considering his attendance upon us, and that he must applie hym to execute oure commaundement, ye wol respite as for any thing attempting ayenst hym as for any matiers that ye have to do or seye ayenst hym, or any other of his servants, welwillers, or tenaunts, by cause of hym, unto tyme he shal mowe be present to ansuere there unto; wherein ye shall ministere unto us cause of pleasure, and over that, deserve of us right good thanke. Yeven under oure signet at oure Palois of Westmynster, the xviij. day of September.

[Footnote 171.2: [From Fenn, iii. 362.] The bearing of this letter upon the contents of Nos. 135 and 136 proves it to be of the same year.]

140

ABSTRACT[172.1]

THE VICAR OF SPORLE TO JOHN PASTON.

[Sidenote: 1450(?) / SEPT. 29]

Reports the disposition of ‘my master,’ the Provost. Francis Costard brought his evidence to my master’s presence, where it was examined. He wondered what title you would claim to the land. I said, men said it was once free till it was soiled by a bondman. He gave more weight to the evidence of John Aleyn and Nicholas Waterman. Aleyn says he was steward of the manor, in Garleke’s days, forty years, and never knew it claimed for bond ground; and the said Nicholas says it was he who moved your father to buy the manor. Many others have set their seals to corroborate this. Asked him to be good unto Henry Halman, who was amerced in his court for chastising a servant of his, a bondman of yours. My master asked mockingly if a man might not beat his own wife.

Sporle, Michaelmas morning.

[This letter would seem to belong to the same year as No. 128, in which ‘Costard’s _nisi prius_’ and an action against Halman are referred to. No. 129 also mentions Halman and the writer of this letter.]

[Footnote 172.1: [From Paston MSS., B.M.]]

141

THOMAS DENYES TO JOHN PASTON[173.1]

_To my maister Paston in hast._

[Sidenote: 1450 / OCT. 4]

Right worshipfull and my right good maister, I recomaund me to you. And like you wete that it is now . . . . I haf for Danyels sake put my self withynne the maner of Rydon; and her is with me a kynnesman [of] my mastres your wifes, John Bendyssh. And as yestirday cam John Wodehous with a xij. hors to Geyt[on]; on the othre side cometh Fitz William with xx. hors; and on the third parte, oon Hoberd of Midelton hath redy a xx. felaws; and on the fourth parte, stant the toune of Lynne redy with Herry Wodehous; and thei all be gon thedir this nyght. This day folwyng cometh to thaym Herry Tudenham, William Narburgh, Thomas Trusbut, Thomas Kervile, and Shuldham servauntez, Salesbury and William Owayn. It is so that of my lorde[173.2] gete I no socour, and lever I had to dy than gif up the place sith I am ther yn. And I wene if thei gete the place upon me ther helpith my lif no pardon. Wherfore I lowly beseche yow, maister Paston, advertise in your wisdom that this was the first porpose of Tudenham and Heydon whils thei regned, to gete this place; and to that intent thei brought hider the lord Roos, which now is full simpely thought on with my maister that I serve. And ye wete wele that I have most encountred the entent of Tudenham and Heydon of ony pouer man on lyve; And if I be lost or put to an ungoodly rebuke heryn my service is the lesse of valu to you that be gentils of the shire. Wherfore I requyre your maistership to come hider in your persone with suych as ye seme not to that intent to take party in the mater, but to that intent to help to set peas in the shire, and to stire my lord for his honour. For yisterday my lord sent to Lynne and made a cry to be made that he wold be named in the writ of the statute of Northampton, and that cry hath caused the common pople of the toun of Lynne to stere the more. Neverthelesse all the substaunce of the toun is in peas and peasid by the wisdam of the Meir theer, but not for than sum of thaym come with Harry Wodehous, so that I deme he hath a vj^xx. persones in all on all sides. I beseche you to send me hider sum socour beside forth, with John Osbern and John Lister with thaym, and come ye aftir a parte by your good wisdome soukyng (_sic_) their demenynges, and send me your advyse. Wretyn the nyght of the Sunday a forn seynt Feithesday.

Your servaunt,

THOMAS DENYES.

This day I deme thei come beforn us. If ye help not now, Tudenham and Heydon shal achieve in their desese the conquest that thei coude never achieve in their prosperite.

[Footnote 173.1: [Add. MS. 34,888, f. 45.] This is evidently the same year as No. 142, in which William Wayte writes to Paston that Denyes ought to withdraw his garrison from Roydon. The MS. is slightly mutilated at the top in the right-hand corner.]

[Footnote 173.2: The Earl of Oxford.]

142

WILLIAM WAYTE TO JOHN PASTON[174.1]

_To my mayster, John Paston, in ryght gret hast._

[Sidenote: 1450 / OCT. 6]

Syr, and it plese, I was in my Lord of Yorks[174.2] howse, and I herde meche thynge more thanne my mayster[174.3] wrytyth un to yow of; I herde meche thynge in Fletestrede. But, Sir, my Lord was with the Kynge, and he vesaged so the mater that alle the Kynges howshold was and is aferd ryght sore; and my seyd Lord hayth putte a bille to the Kynge, and desyryd meche thynge, qwych is meche after the Comouns desyre, and all is up on justice, and to putte all thos that ben indyted under arest with owte suerte or maynpryce, and to be tryed be lawe as lawe wyll; in so meche that on Monday Sir William Oldhall was with the Kynge atte Westminster more thanne to houres, and hadde of the Kynge good cher. And the Kynge desyryd of Sir William Oldhall that he shuld speke to hese cosyn York, that he wold be good Lord to John Penycock, and that my Lord of York shuld wryte un to hese tenance that they wold suffyr Peny Cocks officers go and gader up hys rents fermes with inne the seyd Dukes lordsheps. And Sir William Oldhall answherd ayen to the Kynge, and preyed hym to hold my Lord escusyd, for thow my Lord wrotte under hese seale of hys armes hys tenantez wyll not obeyet; in someche that whanne Sir Thomas Hoo mette with my Lord of Zork be yon Sent Albons, the Western men felle upon hym, and wold a slayne hym, hadde [not?] Sir William Oldhall abe [_have been_], and therfor wold the Westerne men affalle up on the seyd Sir William, and akyllyd hym. And so he tolde the Kynge.

Sir Borle Jonge and Josse labour sore for Heydon and Tudenham to Sir Wilem Oldhall, and profyr more thanne to thowsand pownde for to have hese good Lordshep; and therfor it is noon other remedye but late Swhafham men be warned to mete with my seyd Lord on Fryday nest comyng atte Pykenham on horssebak in the most goodly wyse, and putte sum bylle un to my Lord of Sir Thomas Tudenham, Heydon, and Prentys, and crye owte on hem, and that all the women of the same town be there also, and crye owte on hem also, and calle hem extorcionners, and pray my Lord that he wyll do sharp execucyons up on hem. And my mayster counceyll yow that ze shuld meve the Meyer and all the Aldermen with all her Comoners to ryde ayens my Lord, and that ther ben madde byllez, and putte them up to my Lord, and late all the towne cry owte on Heydon, Todenham, Wyndham, and Prentys, and of all here fals mayntenours, and telle my Lord how meche hurte thei have don to the cetye, and late that be don in the most lamentabyl wyse; for, Sir, but yf [_unless_] my Lord here sum fowle tales of hem, and sum hyddows noys and crye, by my feyth thei arne ellys lyke to come to grace. And therfor, Sir, remember yow of all these maters.

Sir, also I spake with William Norwych, and asked hym after the Lord Moleyns how he stod to my Lord ward; and he told me he was sor owte of grace, and that my Lord of York lovyth hym nought. William Norwych tolde me that he durste undertake for to brynge yow un to my Lord, and make hym your ryght good Lord; and, Sir, my mayster counceyllyd yow that ze shuld not spare, but gete yow hese good Lordshep.

Sir, be war of Heydon, for he wold destroyed yow be my feyth. The Lord Scales and Sir William Oldhall arne made frendys.

Sir, labour ze for [to] be knyth of the shire, and speke to my Mayster Stapulton[176.1] also that he be yt; Sir, all Swafham, and they be warned, wyll zeve yow here voyses. Sir, speke with Thomas Denys, and take hese good avys therin. Sir, speke to Denys that he avoyde hys garyson atte Rydon, for there is non other remedy but deth for Danyell, and for all thos that arne indyted. Sir, labour ze to the Meyer that John Dam[176.2] or Will Jenney be burgeys for the cetye of Norwych, telle them that he may be yt as well as Yonge is of Brystow, or the Recordor is of London, and as the Recordour of Coventre is for the cite of Coventre, and it so in many places in Ingland. Also, Sir, thynk on Yernemouth that ze ordeyne that John Jenney, or Limnour, or sum good man be burgeys for Yernemouth. Ordeyne ze that Jenneys mown ben in the Parlement, for they kun seye well.

Sir, it wore wysdam that my Lord of Oxenford wayte on my Lord of Yorke. In good feyth, good Sir, thynke on all these maters; meche more I hadde to wryte on to yow, yf I kowde a remembryd me, but I hadde no leyser be my fyth. Hold me escused of my lewde rude wrytyng. Late John Dam be ware for the Lorde Moleyns; and, Sir, late the cetye be ware, for he wyll do hem a velony, but yf he may have hese men; and, Sir, yf he come to Norwych, look there be redy to wayte up on the Mayer a good fellawshep, for it is seyd her that they arne but bestys.

Sir, my mayster bad me wryte un to yow that ze shuld store the Mayer and alle the Alderman to crye on my Lord that they mown have justyce of these men that be indyted, and that my Lorde wyll speke un to the Kynge therof. And, Sir, in divers partes in the town there [_where_] my Lord comyth, there wolde be ordeyned many porcions of Comeners to crye on my Lord for justice of these men that arne indyted, and telle her nammes, in speciall Todenham, Heydon, Wyndham, Prentys. Sir, I cende yow a copy of the bylle[177.1] that my Lord of Yorke putte un to the Kynge; and, Sir, late copyes go abowte the cetye i now, for the love of God, wy[c]he have yow in hese kepyng.

Wretyn on Seynt Feyth daye, in hast.

Be your Servaunt,

W. WAYTE.

[Footnote 174.1: [From Fenn, iii. 154.] This letter must have been written just after the Duke of York came over from Ireland in 1450, when he demanded that justice should be fairly administered against persons accused. A Parliament was summoned, which met on the 6th November, and Sir William Oldhall was chosen as Speaker.]

[Footnote 174.2: Richard, Duke of York, afterwards Protector, the father of King Edward IV.]

[Footnote 174.3: The writer was clerk to Judge Yelverton.]

[Footnote 176.1: Sir Miles Stapleton.]

[Footnote 176.2: John Dam actually was returned to Parliament for the city of Norwich in November 1450.]

[Footnote 177.1: _See_ next No.]

143

RICHARD, DUKE OF YORK, TO KING HENRY VI[177.2]

_Richard, Duke of York, his Peticion to Kyng Henry for the punyshement of Treytors, &c._

[Sidenote: 1450]

Please it your Hyghnes tendirly to consider the grett grutchyng and romer that is universaly in this your reame of that justice is nouth dewly ministred to such as trespas and offende a yens your lawes, and in special of them that ben endited of treson, and other beyng openly noysed of the same; wherfore for gret inconveniens that have fallen, and grett is lyke to fallen her after in your seid reame, which God defende, but if [_unless_] be your Hyghnesse provysion convenable be mad for dew reformacion and punyshment in this behalf; Wherfore I, your humble suget and lyge man, Richard, Duke of York, willyng as effectually as I kan, and desiryng suerte and prosperite of your most roiall person, and welfare of this your noble reame, councel and advertyse your excellent, for the conversacion [_conservation_] of good tranquillite and pesable rewle among all trew sogetts, for to ordeyn and provyde that dewe justice be had a yenst all such that ben so endited or openly so noysed: wher inne I offre, and wol put me in devour for to execute your comaundements in thes premises of such offenders, and redresse of the seid mysrewlers to my myth and power. And for the hasty execucion herof, lyke it your Hyghnes to dresse your letteres of prevy seale and writts to your officers and ministres to do take, and areste all soch persons so noysed or endited, of what astatte, degre, or condicion so ever thei be, and them to comytte to your Tour of London, or to other your prisons, there to abyde with outen bayle or maynprice on to the tyme that they be utterly tryed and declared, after the cours of your lawe.

[Footnote 177.2: [From Fenn, i. 64.] The MS. from which this was printed by Fenn was doubtless the copy of my Lord of York’s ‘bill’ which William Wayte sent to John Paston, as mentioned in the end of the last letter.]

144

SIR JOHN FASTOLF TO SIR THOMAS HOWYS AND WILLIAM BARKER[178.1]

_To my ryght trusty freende, Sir Thomas Howys, Parson of Castellcombe, beyng at Castre, and William Barker, in haste, at Castre Yn, by Jermuth._

[Sidenote: 1450 / OCT. 15]

Ryght trusty and welbelovyd freende, I grete you well. And as for Hygham place to be sold, as ye avysen me to bye it at the some of C. mark or wythynne, and reserve yn the said payment myne oune dewtee, and pay the remenant in wolle to the said Hygham credytes as your lettre makyth mencion; I hafe undrestand that William Jenney shall be her thys wek, and I shall veele hym how neere it may be sold; for yff the wydow wolle sylle it after xiiij. yeer or xv. yeere that it may be leten, sendyth me utterly word, for I wolle not melle of it ellys thus avysed. And sende ye me word how mech more yn value yn a stoon shall I syle my wolle, and how [much?] anothyr chapman wole gefe me for the place when I hafe bought it; but after xiiij. yeer I wold by the place.

Wretyn at London, the xv. day of October anno xxix. regni Regis Henrici VI.

J. FASTOLF.

[Footnote 178.1: [From Fenn, iii. 92.]]

145

ANONYMOUS TO JOHN PASTON[179.1]

_To my cosyn, John Paston._

[Sidenote: 1450 / OCT. (?)]

I recomawnde me un to yow the best wyse I kan. Whanne I cam to Ware, ther herd I furst tydynges that the Lord Moleyns shuld come in to Norfolk in hast with grette pupyll, and, as on of hys men seyd ther, with the vij^xx [_sevenscore_]. Also a man of the Lady Morles[179.2] cam thedyr owte of Wyllshire ther thanne, and seyd that the seyd Lord was comyng thedyrward with grette pupyll. And atte London a man of hys hedde large langage, and seyd that my Lord shuld come to Norffolk, and do meche thyng agayns hem that hadde do indite hym and hys men, and also for the personyng of hys men atte Norwych. This is sopposyd verely to be Heydons werke that wyll sette hym verely to do the utterest ayens yow and John Dam in the werst wyse that he can. Ze have both lordshep and frendshep in your countre, and also good inow to reciste hym yf he wyll do yow wronge, and peraventur that shuld brynge thys matier nyer and ende thanne it is now. Whedder it be to done or not, I remitte that to youre counceyll.

Also, my Lord[179.3] shall be atte Walsyngham on Sonday nest comynge, a from thens he shall go to Norwych. For any thynge in the werd [_world_] meve my Lord of Oxenford and my cosyn Sir Miles Stapulton that they awayte up on my seyd Lord in the most wurchepfull wyse that they kun, and do hym as good attendaunce and plesaunce as they mown. And ye do the same also; and that the cyte of Norwych mete with hym in the best wyse also; and also that they and ze also cherse and wirchep well Sir William Oldhalle. And ther be good informacion made ayens T. T. and H.,[180.1] for they wyll spend m^l. m^l. _li._ [£2000] for to come in ther, and that were petye. Spende sum what of your good now, and gette yow lordshep and frendshep ther, _quia ibi pendet tota lex et prophetæ_. And send som man to aspye of the governaunce, and of the comyng of the Lord Moleyns, and take hed to your self. And byd John Dam be war of hym self. Sum men suppose that my Lord of York cherse not meche the seyd Lord Moleyns. And send sum men hedyr often to London that mown he them here and brynge yow tydynges. And I pray God spede yow in alle youre werkes.

Youre Cosyn,

NAMELES ATTE THIS TYME.

_Endorsed:_ Literæ Fastolff, Yelverton, circa le oyrdeterminer. --Memorandum de billa actus justic’ apud Walsingham.

[Footnote 179.1: [From Paston MSS., B.M.] The tone of this letter so closely resembles that of William Wayte of the 6th October 1450, especially in its warnings to Paston and John Damme, and in the information it contains as to Lord Moleyns not being in favour with the Duke of York, that it may be safely inferred to have been written about the same period.]

[Footnote 179.2: _See_ page 84, Note 2.]

[Footnote 179.3: Probably the Duke of York.]

[Footnote 180.1: Thomas Tuddenham and Heydon.]

146

JAMES GRESHAM TO JOHN PASTON[180.2]

_To my worshipfull Maister Paston, at Norwich, in haste, be this delyvered._

[Sidenote: 1450 / [OCT.]]

Please it yow to wete that I come to London the Wednesseday at even late next after my departyng from yow, and it was told me that my Maister Calthorp hadde writyng fro my Lord of York to awayte on hym at his comyng in to Norffolk to be oon of his men, and that no gentilman of Norffolk had writyng to awayte on hym but he; and sum folke wene that it is to th’entent that he shuld bo outhir shiref or knyght of the shire, to the fortheryng of othir folks, &c.

The Kyng is remevid from Westminster, summe men sey to Fysshwick,[181.1] and summe sey to Bristowe. And it is seid that he hath do wretyn to alle his men that be in the chekroll[181.2] to awayte on hym atte Parlement in their best aray; why, no man can telle. Heydon[181.3] was with my Maister Yelverton,[181.4] and desired hym to see the recordes of his endytementz, and axed of hym if he were indited of felonye; and my Maister Yelverton told hym it was. And thereto H. seide ‘Sir, ye wole recorde that I was never thef;’ and he seid he trowed right weel that he cowde telle why he took Plumpsteds goods, and othir words whiche were long to write. And my Maister Y. seid to hym he cowde not knowe the laborer of th’endytement, and H. seid ageyn he knewe weel the laborer thereof; and my Maister Y. conceyte is H. ment yow. Wherfor he advyseth yow that in onywyse ye make Plumpsted to take apell accordyng; for if he so do, thanne is H. barred of his conspirace, and also of his damages, though that he be nonnsewed therin, or though it be afterward discontynued, &c., and ellis are ye in jopardy of a conspirace, for H. hopeth to have the world better to his entent thanne it is nowe. For it is told me that rather thanne he shuld fayle of a shiref this yeer comyng for his entent, he wole spende m^{l.}_li._ [£1000].

This communicacion be twene them was on Moneday last passed, and on Tewisday last passed H. mette with Maister Markham,[181.5] and he tolde H. his part how that he levid ungoodly in puttyng awey of his wyff, and kept an other, &c.; and therwith he turned pale colour, and seid he lyved not but as God was pleased with, ne dede no wrong to no person. And therupon Maister Markham reherced how he demened hym a genst men of Court, and named yow and Genneye; and H. seid, as touchyng the peple that rifled yow, and the doyng thereof, he was not privy therto, for he was that tyme here at London; and as touchyng the Lord Moleyns title, H. enforced gretly, and seid his title was better thanne yours.

Yisterday was my Maister Yelverton at dyner with my Maister Fastolf,[182.1] and there among other thei were avysed that my Maister F. shall write to my Lord of Norffolk that he certifie the Kyng and his Counseill how the cuntre of N. and S. [_Norfolk and Suffolk_] stonde right wildely, withowt a mene may be that justice be hadde, whiche wole not be but if a man of gret byrthe and lyflod there be shiref thes yer comyng, to lede the peple in most peas; and therto thei named Maister Stapilton,[182.2] if it wole happe, &c. Also that my Lord Norffolk shall certifie the Kyng and his Counseill that but if the day of the oyer and termyner stonde, it wole be full harde, by cause the peple is so wylde.

Also that alle knyghtes and escuyers of the same cuntre shuld certifie the same, for summe of H. part have boosted that all . . . . at Norwich shuld not be worth an haughe. _Ideo_, &c.

Item, Prentise is now in the Mydle Inne, and Dynne . . . . .

Almyghty God have yow in his kepyng. Wretyn the Thursday next after my departyng. . . . .

Your,

J. GRESHAM.

[Footnote 180.2: [From Fenn, iii. 94.] This letter, though it has no date except of the day of the week, must have been written about October 1450, after the Duke of York had come over from Ireland, and before the elections for the Parliament which met in November, and the appointment of sheriffs in the different counties for the ensuing year. The references to the affair of Lord Moleyns and to the indictment of Heydon cannot belong to a later year.]

[Footnote 181.1: In Lancashire, now in the suburbs of Preston.]

[Footnote 181.2: The check-roll is a roll or book, containing the names of such persons as are attendants, and in pay to the King, or other great men, as their household servants, &c.--F.]

[Footnote 181.3: _See_ page 166, Note 3.]

[Footnote 181.4: William Yelverton, a Justice of the King’s Bench.]

[Footnote 181.5: John Markham, one of the Judges of the King’s Bench, who became Chief Justice in 1461.]

[Footnote 182.1: Sir John Fastolf.]

[Footnote 182.2: Sir Miles Stapleton.]

[[he shuld bo outhir shiref or knyght _text unchanged: error for “be”?_]]

147

JAMES GRESHAM TO JOHN PASTON[183.1]

_To my worshipfull maister, John Paston, Escuyr, dwellynge att Norwich, in hast._

[Sidenote: 1450]

After that myn letter was wretyn, I spak with Maister Yelverton, and tolde hym the substance of my letter to yow. And he bad me write to yow that as touchyng the matier of my Lord of Oxeford, he shall lette the awardyng and th’entre therof als long as he may; and he demyth veryly that H. Wodehous coude never have take up on his knowelage to have called up on the matier with owt counseil and enformacion of Heydon, and it were weel do that my Lord of Oxeford knewe it.

Item, Maister Yelverton told me that the Lord Moleyns was enfourmed that he and alle his men wern endited of felonye in Norffolk, whiche caused hym and his to be right wroth toward my maister and yow. And Maister Yelverton hath tolde a man of the Kyngges Benche called Styrop, whiche is a man of the Lord Moleyns, the trouth that nothir he ner noon of his is endited, and Stirop is now in to Wiltshire, and shall telle it to the Lord M.; for that shall squage weel his hete of wrethe. And as touchyng Germyn,[183.2] if he be Shiref, William Genney wole undirtake for hym that he shall and wole be ruled weel inow, &c.

[Footnote 183.1: [From Paston MSS., B.M.] This letter is anonymous, but is in the handwriting of James Gresham. It must have been written in the autumn of the year 1450, while Lord Molyns was in Wiltshire, and when the nomination of John Jermyn as Sheriff of Norfolk was expected, but had not yet been decided on, or at least not known to the writer. It was therefore certainly written after the preceding number, though the latter is probably not the letter to which it was intended to serve as a postscript.]

[Footnote 183.2: John Jermyn was actually appointed Sheriff in the end of the year 1450.]

148

THE DUKE OF NORFOLK TO JOHN PASTON[184.1]

_To oure trusti and welbelovid John Paston, Squier._

_The Duc of Norffolk._

[Sidenote: 1450(?) / OCT. 16]

Right trusti and welbelovid, we grete you well. And forasmoche as oure unkill of York and we have fully appoynted and agreed of such ij. persones for to be knightes of shire of Norffolk as oure said unkill and we thinke convenient and necessarie for the welfare of the said shire, we therfor pray you, in oure said unkill name and oures bothe, as ye list to stonde in the favour of oure good Lordshipp, that ye make no laboure contrarie to oure desire. And God have you in his keping.

Wreten at Bury Seynt Edmondis, the xvj. day of Octobr.

[Footnote 184.1: [Douce MS. 393, f. 92.] This letter and that which follows clearly refer to the same matter. The time of year and the part taken by the Duke of York in the election are circumstances which in themselves create a pretty strong presumption in favour of the year 1450. And this presumption almost becomes a certainty, when we observe that the date of this letter--16th October--was a Friday in that year; for the meeting of York and Norfolk is stated in the next letter to have been on a Thursday and Friday, and this letter would doubtless have been written as soon as a decision had been come to between the two Lords.]

149

THE EARL OF OXFORD TO JOHN PASTON[184.2]

_To owr welbeloved John Paston._

[Sidenote: 1450 / OCT. 18]

Right welbeloved, I grete yow well. And as towchyng for tydyngs, I can none, savyng that my Lord of Norffolk met with my Lord of York at Bury on Thursday, and there were to gedre til Friday, ix. of the clokke, and than they departed. And there a gentilman of my Lord of York toke unto a yeman of myn, John Deye, a tokene and a sedell of my Lords entent, whom he wold have knyghtts of the shyre, and I sende you a sedell closed of their names in this same lettre, wherfore me thynkith wel do to performe my Lords entent.

Wretyn the xviijº day of Octobr, at Wynche.

OXENFORD.

_Com. Norff’_, {Sir William Chambirlayn.[185.1]} {Henry Grey. }

[Footnote 184.2: [From Fenn, i. 98.] For evidence of date, see note to preceding letter.]

[Footnote 185.1: The names actually returned by the Sheriff of Norfolk and Suffolk for this Parliament were--for Norfolk, Sir Miles Stapleton and Henry Gray; for Suffolk, Sir _Roger_ Chamberleyn and Sir Edmund Mulso.]

150

THE DUKE OF NORFOLK TO JOHN PASTON[185.2]

_To oure right trusty and welbeloved servaunt, John Paston, Squier._

_The Duc of Norfolk_.

[Sidenote: 1450 / OCT. 22]

Right trusti and right welbelovid, we grete yo hertily well, prayng you specially that ye will make you redy to awayte upon us at Yippiswich toward the Parlement the viij. day of Novembre in youre best aray, with as many clenly people as ye may gete for oure worship at this tyme; for we will be there like oure estate in oure best wise without any delay. Yeven under oure signet in oure Castell of Framlyngham, the xxij. day of Octobre.

[Footnote 185.2: [Douce MS. 393, f. 93.] This letter must have been written either in 1449 or in 1450, in both of which years Parliament met on the 6th of November; and as we have other letters, both of the Duke of Norfolk and the Earl of Oxford, relating to the Parliament of 1450, we are inclined to think this also belongs to the later year. Framlingham, the seat of the Duke of Norfolk, is not more than thirty-two miles from Bury, from which he wrote on the 16th.]

151

JOHN DAMME AND JAMES GRESHAM TO JOHN PASTON[186.1]

_To my worshipfull and good maister, John Paston, Escuyer._

[Sidenote: 1450 / NOV. 11]

Please it yow to wete that Sir William Oldhall is chosyn Speker of the Parlement, and admytted by the Kyng, &c. Item, the day of oier and termyner shall holde at Norwich on Moneday next comyng, and by that cause my Lord of Oxenford shall be disported of his comyng to the Parlement for to attende to the Sessions of oier, &c.

Item, the Lord Moleyns hadde langage of yow in the Kynggs presence as my Maister Yelverton can telle yow by mouthe. Your presence shuld have do meche ease here in your own matiers and other, as your weel willers thynkyn, and your absence do non ease here; netheles my Maister Yelverton shall telle you all, &c.

It is seid here that the Duke of York and the Duke of Norffolk shulln not come here this vii. nyght.

Item, it is supposed that an oier and determyner shall come hastily into Norwich. William Dynne abydeth therfore.

As touchyng Shirefs, ther arn none chosyn ne named, and as men suppose, non shall be chosyn til my Lord of Yorks comyng, &c.

Wretyn in hast at Westminster, Mercur’ in Festo Sancti Martini.

Yours,

J. D. and GR.

It is apoynted that who shall sue any bille in the Parlement, thei must be put into the Commone Hous by for Seint Edmunds day[186.2] atte ferthest, &c.

[Footnote 186.1: [From Fenn, iii. 100.] The date of this letter is determined by the fact mentioned in the first sentence. Sir William Oldhall was chosen Speaker of the Parliament which met on the 6th November 1450. John Damme represented Norwich in this Parliament. Moreover, the date at the end of the letter shows that St. Martin’s day fell on Wednesday in the year it was written, which was the case in 1450.]

[Footnote 186.2: 20th November.]

152

RICHARD CALLE TO JOHN PASTON[187.1]

_To my ryght reverent and most wurschipfull Maistre my Maister John Paston the eldre, esquyer, at London in the Inner Tempyll._

[Sidenote: 1450 / NOV. 11]

Ryght reverent and my mooste wurschipful maistre, I recommaunde me unto youre goode maisterschip. Like you to witte that I have taken astate in the londe at Gresham as your maisterschep aviced me; wherfore I besche you that ther may be taken an axion in my feffes name and myn a yenst Jamys Gatte, as you semeth beest, and as hasty processe as may be had a yenst hym, with your goode avice I wold; for what tyme as I had taken astate he labored to men of the toun to have putte it in a ward, but I wold not tyll I had spoken with your masterschip, &c. Also John Warles schal gather the rente and ferme of Basyngham this yere. Item, William Smythe schal occupie hes ferme this yere, and Croumer. And as for the yeris aftre I have founde a meane that all your landis schall be letten as weele as ever they weere in that maner, with helpe of one Robert Coole, weche Robert fereth hym sore of the affence weche he ded a yenst John Herbynger; for he is informed that your maisterschip hath taken a axion a yenst hym, and John Herbynger hath du hym lost in the hundred xl_d._, and he hath hym in the scheryffis turne. Wherfore that it like you to withdrawe if any axion ye have a yenst hym for he will a bide any ij. men award ther aboute; and more over he is the most able man to take a ferme of lond that I knowe in your lordeship, and he schal be a gret fermour of your the next yere. Ferthermore, ther is on Robert Wyghte, otherwise Farbusschour, aftre that your officer of Matelask had seased al Lyghtfot catell for suche dwtees as whas owynge the seid Robert Wyght, come upon your bonde grounde, and brak doun the gardeyn dike of the seid Lyghtfotes and toke a wey a bullok of ij. yere age and hath caryed it a wey out of your lordschip; wherfore the tenauntes desireth your maisterschip that ye well take an axion a yenst hym that he may be punyssched. Item, as for a dey at Mauteby we can non geete, for Wynston woll not of it in no wice. And as for tidinges here we here non but my lord of Wurcestre lithe at Blakney and kepith housold there in the Frieri. Item, Wymondham had entred in to Felbryge and he whas put out be the comens and like if had beden to have lost hes heed. My ryght wurschipful mastre, All myghty Jhesu preserve and kepe you. Wreten at Heyneford on Sein Marteyn Day. Be your pore servaunt and bedman,

RIC. CALLE.

[Footnote 187.1: [Add. MS. 34,889, f. 160.] This letter must have been written in 1450. We know already that John Paston recovered possession of Gresham between September 1450 and March 1451 (see pp. 170, 219). Here we find that he deputed Richard Calle to take possession for him in November.]

153

ABSTRACT[188.1]

SIR JOHN FASTOLF TO SIR THOMAS HOWYS, PARSON OF CASTLECOMBE.

[Sidenote: 1450 / NOV. 11]

‘Right trusty and welbeloved friends,’ I thank you for the quittance of Richard Sellyng you have sent me by Worcestre, with a quittance of Fauconere for the purchase of Davyngton, and another of Roys for the purchase of Tychewell. Ask my cousin Herry Sturmer’s wife to search for an indenture and other writings between me and Sellyng or Lady Wiltshire. As you inform me that Sir Thomas Todenham has sent to John Clerc to be at London, you must ask him and his wife to go before the bailiffs of Yarmouth, and certify how it was Bysshop’s wife did not receive the £100 I was ruled to pay her. John Clerc must not come up till I send for him.--(_In margin_, ‘eyer and determiner.’) Special labour has been made that Justice Yelverton should not come down this Martinmas, but the King and Lords have determined that he shall keep his day; ‘and the labour that ye, with my cousin Paston, made late to my Lord Norfolk was right well avised, in case that the Justice should be countermanded.’ Urge my friends to do their very best for me now in the matters ‘labored last at the oyer and terminer,’ that they may take a worshipful end. Thank Nicholas Bokkyng for what he did about the certificate of the jury in the office[188.2] of Tychewell, and beg him to get it sealed in time, which will be a great evidence for the recovery of my manor. Sends home some horses ‘to be occupied in the cart.’ Commendations to his cousin John Berney.

_Signed._

Send for William Cole about the accounts, and thank the Parson of Haylesdon[189.1] for the three writings of Wiltshire’s will and Gorney he sent me by Worcester; but say I prayed him to search for more.

London, St. Martin’s day.

[This letter is dated on Martinmas day, at which date in the year 1450 it will be seen by the preceding number that Justice Yelverton was going down into Norfolk, and an _oyer and terminer_ was going to be held at Norwich. The reference to the ‘office,’ or inquisition, of Tychewell also proves the year to be 1450. --_See_ Nos. 162 and 164, pp. 199-201.]

[Footnote 188.1: [From MS. Phillipps, 9735, No. 226.]]

[Footnote 188.2: An inquisition taken by the escheator of a county by virtue of his office was frequently called an ‘office.’ Its object was to ascertain the King’s title to certain lands.]

[Footnote 189.1: Thomas Hert was presented to Haylesdon by Sir John Fastolf in 1448.]

154

JUSTICE YELVERTON TO SIR JOHN FASTOLF[189.2]

_A Lettre to Sir John Fastoff from Justice Yelverton._[189.3]

[Sidenote: 1450 / NOV.]

My moste worshypfull and best betrusted maister, I recommaund me to yow, thankyng yow for manye grete gentlenesse and kyndnesse that ye hafe showed unto me, and for the grete ease that I had of your man and your horsys also.

As for tydyngs owte of thys contree, here ys a marveyllous disposed contree, and manye evylle wylled peple to Sir Thomas Tuddenham and Heydon, and but yff they been putt in comfort there by the meene of a good shyreve and undreshyreve, they may hafe remedye now by the ordre of lawe, and ellys grete inconvenices arn lyke for to folowe ther off. Therfor, Sir, for the weele of all our gode contree, mewyth the Kyng, my Lord Chaunceller,[190.1] and all othyr Lordes as ye thynk best for thys matier on thys behalf.

Also, Sir, yff they noysse me by thee meene of my Lord Scalys, or by anye othyr meene, or by onye bylle sewed by Brygg, or by onye othyr man by her [_i.e. their_] craft, that it please yow to sey for me yn savacion of my pore worshyp, whych I wote well they may not hurt but they doo me wrongs, to the Kyng, my Lord Chaunceller, my Lord of Wynchester,[190.2] my Lord Cromewell, and in othyr places, as ye semyth, that no credence be goven to myne hurt yn myne absence.

Also, Sir, that William Geney and Brayn, the clerks of the Sessions, ben hastyed hedreward as well as they may; and, Sir, my cousyn Paston and my brothyr Cleere can tell yow moch more thyng that I shuld wryte off to yow, and I had leyser; but I shall wythynne short tyme sende yow more tydyngs owte of thys contree, by the grace of God, whych hafe yow yn hys holye kepyng.

By your old Servaunt,

WILLIAM YELVERTON, Justice.

[Footnote 189.2: [From Fenn, iii. 50.] This would appear to have been written in 1450, just after Yelverton’s arrival in Norfolk, whither, it will be seen by the last two letters, he was going in November. The nomination of sheriffs had not yet taken place, and was anxiously expected by many, in the hope that it would lessen the influence of Sir Thomas Tuddenham and Heydon, who had hitherto been very powerful in Norfolk.]

[Footnote 189.3: This is only an endorsement on the MS., and is not even contemporaneous. The MS. itself is not addressed, being, as shown in the margin, only a copy, marked ‘Copia’ in the same hand as the document.]

[Footnote 190.1: Cardinal Kemp.]

[Footnote 190.2: The celebrated William de Waynflete, Bishop of Winchester.]

155

JUSTICE YELVERTON TO JOHN BOCKING[190.3]

_To my welbeloved cosyn, John Bockyng._

[Sidenote: 1450 / NOV.]

Worshipfull and right welbeloved cosyn, I comaunde me to you, prayng you to recomaunde me to my Maister Fastolf, and thank hym in my name hertily for his man and his hors. And also for to meve hym for that we may have a good shereve and a good undershereve that neythir for good favore no fere wol returne for the Kyng, ne betwix partie and partie, none othir men but such as ar good and trewe, and in no wyse will be forsworne; for the pepil here is loth to compleyne til thei here tidynges of a good shereve. And that William Jenney and Brayne, the clerk of the Cessions, and Thomas Denys, ben hastid hydirward as fast as thei may, and than men supposen he nedith not to dowghtyn his materes. And also that my cosyn Paston be so hastily holpen in his maters that he may sone come hedir ageyn. And also that my maistir be my sheld and my defense ageyns all fals noyses and sclaundres meved ayens me by her menes in myn absens.

At Walsyngham, and in othir places in the duche of Lancastre, men shal be redy to seche Heydon at hom in his own hous, if he come home; and in lyke wyse standith Sir Thomas Tudenham his neighburs to hymward as the more part of the pepil seth in this cuntre. His men have told here the falsest tales of Sir William Oldhall and of me that evere I herd speke of. It wer ful necessarye and profitable to the Kyng and to his pepil for to have othir officers in his duche.

Asay how ye can sett hem a werk in the Parlement, for if this maters be sped as it is aforn desired, thei ar lyke to be sett a werk here well inough, by the grace of God, which have you in holy kepyng.

By your cosyn,

WILLIAM YELVERTON, Justice.

[Footnote 190.3: [From Paston MSS., B.M.] The correspondence of this letter with the last is such as to leave no doubt that they were written at the same period. The MS. is a contemporaneous copy.]

156

ABSTRACT[191.1]

SIR JOHN FASTOLF TO SIR THOMAS, Pastor of Castlecombe, JOHN BOKKYNG, and WATKIN SHYPDAM.

[Sidenote: 1450 / NOV. 23]

Thanks the Parson for a letter by Robert Botiller, and one by John Clerc, advising that Bokking and William Jenney be ‘in that parties’ betimes for the _oyer and terminer_. Has received instruction of the first purchase of Haylysdon. Is glad John Clerc is come. Much strange labour has been made to him by Tasborough and Swolle. Complains of the untruth of Appulzerd of Norwich in the Lady Bardolf’s matter. A bailly of Hikelyng maintains the Prior in his wrong against Fastolf. William Barker had a box of evidences of the farm of Lady Bardolf’s lands, and a deed of Norman’s feoffment with evidences of Saxthorp, which cannot be found here, and must have been left at Norwich or Castre. Don’t forget Norman’s matter, and the maintainers of the false inquest of Beyton Bradwell. Wyndham wants to be friends with me about the Lady Bardolf’s matter. The master of St. Giles has been with me for the purchase of Mundham Maner with appurtenances in Cyselond, and I have agreed with him for 200 marks. Don’t forget the bailly of Hykelyng, who said I should forge [_i.e._ had forged] evidence, &c.

London, 23 Nov. 29 Hen. VI.

_Signed._

[An extract from the latter part of this letter is printed by Blomefield, _Hist. Norf._ iv. 388-9 (Note 9).]

[Footnote 191.1: [From an original, sold by Messrs. Puttick and Simpson on the 2nd March 1870.]]

157

ABSTRACT[192.1]

[Sidenote: 1450 / NOV. 28]

Power of attorney by John, Cardinal Archbishop of York, and others, to John Est and others, including William Worcestre and Geoffrey Sperlyng, to deliver seisin to Walter Leyhert, Bishop of Norwich, and others, of and in the manor of Mundham, &c.--28 Nov. 29 Hen. VI.

_20 Seals, of which three are lost._

Endorsed by Blomefield-- ‘Sir John Fastolff’s Feoffees Release,’ &c., with a reference to his _History of Norfolk_, vol. ii. 762 (fol. ed.).

[Footnote 192.1: [From Add. Charter 17,238, B.M.]]

158

ABSTRACT[192.2]

SIR JOHN FASTOLF TO SIR THOMAS, Parson of Castlecombe, WILLIAM JENNEY, and JOHN BOKKYNG.

[Sidenote: 1450 / DEC. 2]

Thanks them for their diligence. Has respited the matter against Wyndham touching the Lady Bardolf till next term, as he offers to come to an agreement.[192.3] Is ready to agree with all persons who will find sufficient surety, except Sir Thomas Tudenham, Heydon, and _Pykering_ (_underlined_). Master John Botewright has sent him a letter of great loss and damage done by Tudenham and Heydon to the ‘comyn’ of Swaffham, ‘benymmyng (?) 600 acres lond of her comyn.’ Has written to ‘my brother Yelverton,’ and would write also to my Lord of Oxford, but that he is so vexed in spirit ‘in thys trouble seson,’ that at times he cannot abide the signing and sealing of a letter. Prays them to see well to the accountants and auditors’ charges.

London, 2 Dec. 29 Hen. VI.

‘And because I might [not] abide till the writing of the matters that I commanded Worcester to write, I signed the letter so near the beginning; but I will ye tender, nevertheless, my letter and articles for my most profit and avail.’

[Footnote 192.2: [From MS. Phillipps, 9735, No. 235.]]

[Footnote 192.3: Fastolf’s signature is placed here, near the beginning of the letter, after the first paragraph.]

159

ABSTRACT[193.1]

[Sidenote: 1450]

Memoranda signed by Sir John Fastolf (_mutilated at the head_) viz. about the Prior of Hikelyng; that John Ulveston and John Andrew be indicted for forging the office of Boyton, as well as for Bradwell in Suffolk; Brayn to deliver copies; if they sit in Suffolk, to take heed of Sypton’s matter. Nicholas Apleyard will doubtless appear to the bill of maintenance; so the Prior and Sacristan and Sir H. Inglose must be ‘laboured’ to give information. Process against Dynne, Prentis, &c. Obligation of 200 marks that Brian Stapleton has in keeping. The Parson of Castlecombe to speak with John Emond of Taverham secretly about one who pretended title to Dedham, &c. ‘That ready word come alway atwix Norwich and this of the tidings that are there.’ Matter of Margaret Brygge, &c. ‘That Paston conceive the crossed letter, and say therein to my Lady Felbrigg.’ To speak to Paston and Jenney about various matters. To speak to Reppys ‘that he feel my Lord Scales and the Prior of Hikelyng jointly if they will yet treat, as my Lord Scales and my master were agreed at London,’ &c.

[From the reference to Sypton’s matter, it would appear that this paper is a little before the two following in point of date.]

[Footnote 193.1: [From MS. Phillipps, 9735, No. 277.]]

160

SIR JOHN FASTOLF TO SIR THOMAS HOWYS AND JOHN BOCKING[194.1]

_To my ryght trusty frende and servaunt, Sir Thomas, Parson of Castellcombe, and John Bokkyng, at Prynce Inne yn Norwych, or at Beklys._

[Sidenote: 1450 / DEC. 4]

Ryght trusty and welbelevyd servaunt, I grete you well. And forasmoch as I undrestand that on Monday next the oyer and terminer shall be holden at Beklys, and ye avysen to sende yow a certificat for cause of the forged quytaunce by Sir John Sypton, whych wrytyng I scende you by the berer here of, prayng you that ye solicit to my councell that the said Sir John Sypton be endited thereuppon, and that ye foryete not Ulveston, Andreus, and the othyrs that forged a fals office[194.2] to cast my maner of Bradwell yn to the Kyngs hand.

Item, I sende you a copie of Sibieton ple and quytaunce forged to grounde your bille by it.

No more for haste, but God kepe you. Wryt at London, iiij. day of December, anno xxixº regni Regis H. VI.

Item, Sir John Bukk, Parson of Stratford, physshed my stankys at Dedham, and holp brake my damme, destroyed my new mille, and was ayenst me allwey at Dedham, to the damage of 20_l._, which may be endyted allso.

Item, he and John Cole hath by force this yeer, and othyr yeers, take out off my waters at Dedham, to the nombre of xxiiij. swannys and signetts, and I pray you thys be not foryeted.

J. FASTOLF.

[Footnote 194.1: [From Fenn, iii. 102.]]

[Footnote 194.2: _See_ p. 188, Note 2.]

161

ABSTRACT[195.1]

SIR JOHN FASTOLF TO SIR THOMAS, Parson of Castlecombe, and JOHN BOKKING, in haste, at Princes Inn, in Norwich.

[Sidenote: 1450 / DEC. 5]

As the oyer and terminer in Suffolk is to be on Monday next, desires them to get Sir John Sypton indicted for forging the false acquittance, and Bury his advocate also. Has inquired of his tenants at Dedham who were the chief counsel of breaking his mill-dam, and they say Sir John Squyer was chief, but John Waryn was of counsel and court-holder there; also Sir John Buk, Parson of Stratton, who fished his stanks, &c. John Cole of Stoke has also taken in years past more than twenty of his swans. Let them be presented. The late Parson of Cotton got F.’s late bailly, Henry Holm (now dead), pledged out by false representations of the sufficiency of his bail, &c.

London, 5 Dec. 29 Hen. VI.

_Signed._

[Footnote 195.1: [From MS. Phillipps, 9735, No. 247.]]

162

FASTOLF TO SIR THOMAS HOWYS[195.2]

_To my ryght trusty and welbelovyd frendys, Sir Thomas, Parson off Castellcombe._

[Sidenote: 1450 / DEC. 20]

Ryght trusty frendys, I grete you well. And lete you wete that I have resseyved your lettre thys day, which was wryt xv. day of December, and undre[stand] well your ryght gode mocions and causes shewed of inconvenients that myght fall, yff the shyreve have not a gode undreshyreff whyche were not enclynyng to the partie of T. H.[195.3] And there as ye meoffe me to wryte to ij. Lordys for the said cause, they be both forth to theyr contre, and shall therfor wryte unto hem uppon the tenor of your lettrez in that at y can or may, as forre as reson and justice wolle, for such an officer as woll not, for no mede, hate, or losse, execut[196.1] dewlye his office to the weele of the contre.

Item, the day of thys lettre wrytyng, John Bokkyng ys com to me, and hath expressley enformyd me by mouth as by wrytynges the greete labour and diligence whych ye have take uppon yow, seth Martismasse, in especiall, abowte the expedition of my processe of _oyer and terminer_ before the Kyngs Commyssioners attained; and I vele ryght well by the avauncement of my processe your faithfull diligence, for whych y can you ryght gode thank, and trustyng uppon your gode continuance. And seth the Commissioners shall sytt at Lynne after the Epiphanye, such of my maters as have take none ende, but hang yn processe for deffaut of aunsuer or apparaunce of my partie, I pray you that the said maters may be called uppon of the new, and dew processe had as ferre as justice and gode concience wolle.

Item, it ys so, as I undrestand, that the Lord Scalys woll be at Lynne thys Cristmasse, and at the oyer and terminer halden there, and Sir Thomas Tuddenham and Heydon wolle appere, of which I am well content; and it ys lyke that grete labour and speciall pursute shall be made to the Lord Scalys that he wolle meynteyn the said Tuddenham and Heydon in all he can or may, and thus I have herd sey. Wherfor such persones as have founde hem soore greved by extorcion as I have ben, and have processe or wolle hafe processe before the Commissioners, they most effectuelly labour to my Lord Oxford, and to my brothyr Zelverton, Justice, that they wolle as ferre as justice, reson, and concience do that justice may [be] egallie mynistred, and not to wythdrawe theyr couragez well sett from the pore peple; for and they hald not the hand well and stedfast yn thys mater from hens forth whyle it shall dure, as they have herebefore, the pore peple and all the grete part of both shyres of Norffolk and Suffolk be destroyed. For it shewyth well by what manyfold undewe menys of extorcion they have lyved yn myserie and grete pouverte by manye yeers contynewed that the moste part of the comyners have litill or nought to meynteyn their menage and housold, ne to pay the Kyngs taskys, nothyr theyr rents and servises to the Lordz they be tenants un too, as it shewyth daylie to all the world, whych ys overe a grete pitie to thynk. And when the said pore peple have be by such injuries overladd and so undoon, nedz most the gentlemen that have they pore lyvelode amongs hem be gretely minisshed and hyndered of their increse and levyng.

Item, where as I undrestand by a lettre sent to me from my welbelovyd frende Maister John Botewryght, that grete extorcion have be don by the officers of the duchee in takyng awey cxl. acres pasture at Swaffam, whych ys of the Kyngs demeynz and of hys enheritaunce as of the duchee of Lancaster, for whych pastures, yff it com not ynne ayen, it woll be grete disheritaunce to the Kyng, and fynall destruccion of the tenauntes there, for whych the said Maistre John desyryth and prayeth of remedie yn the name of all the toune of Swaffam. As to thys such as wold here the encrese and wellfare of hym, of hys parysshons, and off all thoose mysdon untoo, most by the avice of som lerned man to put theyr oppressions and grevaunces in wrytyng, well grounded, and as the trouth of the mater ys, and that the said wrytyng or bille may be enseled wyth the seles of such gentlemen that have lyvebode there, and wyth the men that be cowthest knowen,[197.1] and that wrytyng so enseled to be directed to the Kyng, and to the Lordz of hys Councell. And then it ys and woll be of more credence to the Kyng and the Lordys then a simple lettre. And thys doon wyth the labours that they may make there in shewyng theyr grevaunces to the Commissioners; and the seid grevaunces shewed also here amongs the Kyng and the Lordz, it ys verrayly to thynk that they shall be purveyd of a remedie. And foryete not to sende or wryte to Maister Botewryght in goodly haste of thys article wyth your correccion to be had where the avertisementes of you and my frendz that have more particuler knowlege yn such maters.

Item, I have grete mervaylle that yong Jenney, whych ys of my Lord Cromewell councell, and Robert Ledam, also off hys councell, and hys man be not spoke with there, that they doo not attaine an accion ayenst Sir Thomas Tudden[ham], Heydon, and John Gent, whyche have and wold dayly labour to disseisse my Lord Cromewell of a knyghten service in Saxthorp, which ye have ryght suffisaunt evidenses by an endentures of Kyng Edward iij^d dayes enseled, as of Kyng Herry dayes the iiij^the, that the seid maner ys hald by the iiij^the part of a knyzt fee[198.1] of my Lord Cromewell as of the maner of Tateshale. And the seid Tuddenham and Heydon wold after theyr voulente have it hald yn meen of the maner of Hetersete, whych sufficient evidenses that ye have specifyeth no thyng soo. And I have lost xx^li. yeerly yn approwement[198.2] of my chatell, for cause my Lord Cromewell, throw neglicence of hys officers in Norffolk, have not meynteyned hys ryght. And there as John Bokkyng seith that John Jenney hath no commaundment of my Lord to pursue hys ryght, it shewyth off reson that seth he ys of hys councell in especiall for that shyre, he ought doo hys ryzt to be savyd and kept of hys dewtee. And thertoo he knouyth well that my said Lord hath commaunded hym dyvers tymys to take kepe hys ryzt be savyd in thys mater. Wherfor I pray you requyre hym on my Lord ys behalf[198.3] to compleyn to Justice at thys _oyer_ [_and terminer_ for a] remedie, and that the [bi]lle be made yn my Lordys name. And then to . . . . . . have commaundment ryzt sone of my Lord eftsonys, and [_i.e._ if] he wolle sende unto hym by suche as goth dayly into that contre to Tateshale. And I had send hym hys speciall [com]maundment, had he sent me suche word betyme whyle he was heere. I pray you remembre ye so John Jenney and Robert Ledham as I have no cause to [wri]te more, ne to compleyn to my Lord of theyr necligence.

Item, Sir Parson, where it ys soo that my cosyn Boys ys passed to God, whoos soule God assoyle, ye shall fynde amonges my bokes of accomptes at Castre, or amonges othyr wrytynges, he owed me money for a ferm he heeld of me, as Watkyn Shypdam ys remembred; and also I lent hym xl^s. whych I shuld have an obligacion at Castre off, praying you to inquire off thys dewteez, and see recuvere may be made off it.

Item, I seende a lettre at thys tyme to my cosyn Wychyngham, to hys modre also, for a mater that touchyth my cosyn Robert Fitzrauff ys amercement, and the partie also. Whych lettre I woll ye breke to undrestand my wrytyng and the substaunce off it the more. And y pray you hertly to speke wyth the partie at Norwych as well as wyth my ryght welbelovyd cosyn Sir Herry Inglose, and wyth my cosyn Wychyngham assone as ye goodly may. And meoffe ye the said mater yn such wyse as your discrecioun can well consider that the rathyr the said mater may take a gode ende, yff it may be yn ony wyse; yn whych mater ye shall do me ryght singler plesyr, and that thys be not slewthed, for taryeng drawth perell. I wryte but briefflye, for I . . . . . . . . . .[199.1]

Item, where as Brome ys not well wyllyng yn my maters, whych for the wrong takyng and wyth haldyng my shepe I ought take a accioun ayenst hym; for declaracioun in whate wyse he dyd it, John Bele my sheperefe can enforme you best, for he laboured about the recuvere of it. My Lady Norfolk sent me a lettre viij. yere goon, whych I shuld hafe, desyryng that the processe I was purposed take ayenst hym shuld be respited, and all that reson wold he shuld obbey. I am avysed therfor let som man about my Lord Norfolk and my Lady have wetyng, or I begynne. Yhyt I wold ye had declaracioun before of the conduyt and grounde of thys mater.

Item, where my cosyn Inglose avyse me fully to take a speciall assise on the priorye of Hykelyng for my rent, I have abydden uppon my cosyn Paston that he and I shuld take one to ghedyr, and I vele hym no thyng spede in it. Let me know how he woll doo thys next terme, for elles am I fully avysed to take myne owt, and to traverse all iij. offices[199.2] for Beyton, Bradwell, and Tychewell, wyth the help of my frendz, Not elles at thys tyme; but I pray you comfort all thoo that fynde hem greved to abyde by theyr ryzt, and that ye woll contynew forth for my worshup and proffyt as ferre as ryzt wolle. Whych I trust to God shall better have hys cours then it hath beforn; who have you in hys kepyng. Wryt at London, the xx. day of Decembre anno xxixº regni Regis H. VI.

Item, that thys lettre commaund me to my cosyn John à Berney.

J. FASTOLF.

(_On the back_)--Item, I have sende ij. lettres to my Lord Erle of Oxford, the ton by Robson ys man, a squyer of my Lordys. And the grete substaunce of the lettre ys that the issues forfeted may be sent upp be tyme to my Lord Tresorer; for there shall be none assignment made, ne may not, till it com yn wrytyng; it be don, had it be sent. Grete sute ys made to pardon it, but the Kynges Councell woll not suffre it. The ij. lettre Nicholas Bokkyng beryth for excuse of my cosyn Inglose, because grete labor hath be made to my Lord York ayenst my cosyn Inglose and Seggeford, that they shuld endyte the Priour of Walsyngham tenaunt yn Salle. Wheruppon my Lord York, unadvertised of the trouth, sent a lettre to my Lord Oxford to support the Pryor ys tenaunt ayenst Seggeford namely.

Item, I desyre that and John Berney or onye man can mete wyth Dallyng, that fals undre eschetor, in onye place proviable, that he may by force brought to Castre without damage of hys bodye, and there to be kept yn hold, that he may confesse the trouth of the fals office he forged off my maner of Tychewell.

Item, forasmoche as ye shall have to doon at Lynne for my maters there as for Tychewell and othyr, therfor I wolle that yee doo purvey of gode frendys as be aboute Flegg that passen yn jureez, that they may wayt uppon yow there at Lynne, and other suche trusty men that ye can ghete to spede my processe. And that ye do hem goode chier and cost uppon hem after that the case shall requyre. I commyt thys mater to be ruled by your wysdom, that it be net forzeten.

[Footnote 195.2: [From Paston MSS., B.M., and MS. Phillipps, 9735, No. 248.] The original of this letter has been torn in two, and the first portion is now among the Paston MSS. in the British Museum, while the latter part is in the library of Sir Thomas Phillipps at Cheltenham.]

[Footnote 195.3: Tuddenham and Heydon.]

[Footnote 196.1: ‘Forbear to execute’ doubtless was intended.]

[Footnote 197.1: Most publicly known.]

[Footnote 198.1: A knight’s fee was an amount of land sufficient to maintain a knight, and held subject to a knight’s service.]

[Footnote 198.2: _See_ p. 152, Note 3.]

[Footnote 198.3: Here begins the portion in the Phillipps MS.]

[Footnote 199.1: Three words indistinct.]

[Footnote 199.2: _See_ p. 188, Note 2.]

163

THE EARL OF OXFORD TO JOHN PASTON[201.1]

_To our welbeloved John Paston._

Th’erl of Oxenford.

[Sidenote: 1450 / DEC. 23]

Right trusty and welbeloved, we grete you well. And for as moche as the qwene and my Lord of York have writyn to us for a matier that is depending betwix the toun of Salle and on [_one_] Sechforth of the same toune, we pray yow that at such tyme as we purpose yow to be with us now this Cristemesse at Wynche that ye lete the sayd Sechforth have wetyng ther of, and that he may be with us that same tyme, for diverse matiers wich that we have to speke with hym; and that ye fayle not, as we trust yow. Wretyn in owr manor of Wynche, the xxiij^ti. day of Decembre.

[Footnote 201.1: [Add. MS. 34,888, f. 168.] The subject of this letter is evidently referred to in the postscript of the last.]

164

ABSTRACT[201.2]

SIR JOHN FASTOLF TO JOHN BERNEY AND SIR THOMAS HOWYS.

[Sidenote: 1450 / DEC. 27]

Begs them to have heed to his matters to be sped on Tuesday after the Twelfth, especially ‘to labor the jury that was supposed to ’a past in the office found for Tychewell,[201.3] that they may appear at Lynne, and there make a certificate before my Lord of Oxford, and the Justice William Yelverton, that they were never privy nor consenting to such an office-finding.’ On this an action may be founded against Dallyng, ‘the false harlot.’ Would like Berney rewarded for his labor, if it were secretly done, and Dynne also. ‘Ye wete what I mean. I pray you see well forth, for _Mitte sapientem_, &c.’

London, in haste, St. John’s day in Christmas;[201.4] ‘for he cam to Castre, and there seye myn evydence, and than made the office therby, and for Suffolk also, the fals offices found there in likewise, &c.’ You must sue him to the utmost.

[The date of this letter is determined by the reference made in it to the Sessions held at Lynn, in the January following, before the Earl of Oxford and Justice Yelverton. --_See_ No. 167. At the foot of the original MS. is this inscription:-- ‘Donum Rev. Fra. Blomefield, 10 Dec. 1735.’]

[Footnote 201.2: [From MS. Phillipps, 9735, No. 237.]]

[Footnote 201.3: _See_ No. 153; also _PS._ to No. 162.]

[Footnote 201.4: This, which is written after the date, would appear to apply to Dallyng.]

165

ANONYMOUS TO ----[202.1]

[Sidenote: 1450]

I prey zu if ze have any old gownys for lynynges and old schetys and old schertys that may non lenger seven zu, I prey zu send hem hom in hast, for I must okupye seche thyngis in hast. Wyndham hath medyd the juryorys and yaf hem mony that xuld passe on the qwhest be twyn zour modyr and hym; if ther myt ben purveyd any mene that it myt ben dasched in cas wer that it xuld passe azens zour modyr, it wer a good sport; for than he wold ben wode. He sent with his men to the afray iij. gunnys in very trowth. I have inquiryd veryly ther after. He is wode wroth that Daniel is amrel, for it is told me that on of his men is indytyd in the amrellys cort sythyn that Danyel was made amerel. I pray zu bewar in qhat felaschep ze ryd qhan ze com homward, for ther gon many fals shrewys and thevys in this contre.

Thomas Skipping rod to Londonward on Friday last past in gret hast and purposyd hym for to ben at London on Sonday be none on erandys of his maysterrys: qhat the cawse is I wote nott. On sent me word her of that knowth it for trowth.

[Footnote 202.1: [Add. MS. 34,889, f. 150.] The date of this letter seems to be towards the close of the year 1450; for though I have not met with the date of Daniel’s appointment as Admiral, which would prove the year, it will be seen by the last paragraph of No. 142 that Wyndham was indicted at that time along with Toddenham and Heydon, as one of the makers of disorder in Norfolk.]

166

SIR JOHN FASTOLF[203.1]

. . . . . . . . . .

Item, that Sir John Ingelose and the Meyer be spoke to for here worship that the man weche that herd Heydon seye the langage upon wheche he is endyted, be sent heder; for that aught not to be kept prevye but oplyshed, seyng any thyng towchyng or sownyng to treson. And, on the other part, it is to grett necye (?) to noyse any man with ought cause, &c. Hit is not here worship this mater, if hit be trew, is so longe kept prevye with theym, &c.

J. FASTOLFE.

[Footnote 203.1: [From Paston MSS., B.M.] This is a mere fragment, containing nothing but the postscript of a letter, the date of which must be either towards the end of the year 1450, or the beginning of 1451. A passage to the same effect will be found in a letter of Fastolf’s, written on the 7th January 1451.]

167

THE EARL OF OXFORD TO JOHN JERMYN[203.2]

_To my ryght trusty and intierly welbeloved John Jermyn, Shirreve of Norffolk._

[Sidenote: 1451 / JAN. 2]

Right trusty and intierly welbeloved, I grete yow wele. And where late by the Kyngs comaundment in the tyme of his Parliament, holden now last at Westminster, I was in persone at Norwich, holdyng Sessions of oir determyner[203.3] with Yelverton, on of the Kyngs Juges, by greet space and greet attendaunce, which for to a do with suych diligence in the Parliament tyme I wold a be right lothe, but for the pupplyk wele of all the shire.

It is also not oute of your remembraunce what indisposicion the Commons of bothe countes in the ende of somer last passed wer of, and how the Kyng, by the hole advyse of all the greet Councell of Ingland, to sese their rumour, send hider his said Commission; and how I have do my part therynne, I reporte me to all the world. I here a gruggyng, neverthelesse, that trow favour in your office to the pople that hath compleyned by many and grete horible billes agayn certeyn persones shuld not be shewid at this next Sessions at Lenn, ne ferther in the said Comission, which, if it so were, as God defend, myght cause a latter errour wurs than the first.

I pray yow, therfore, that ye wole write to me your disposicion how ye purpose to be demened, and how I shal take yow for th’execucion of the Kyngs Comission, and the pupplik wele of all the shire; and aftir that that ye write to me, so wole I take yow, latyng yow wete that I were lothe to labour ferther but if I wist that the Commons shuld be easid as Godds law wold; and if ony errour grow, the defaute shal not be founde in me.

I pray yow more over to gif credence to the berer her of, and the Trinite kepe yow. Wretyn at Wynch, the second day of January.

THE ERLE OF OXENFORD.

[Footnote 203.2: [From Fenn, iii. 106.] As this letter was written in the year that John Jermyn was Sheriff of Norfolk, the date must be 1451.]

[Footnote 203.3: _See_ page 161, Note 3.]

168

THE EARL OF OXFORD TO SIR JOHN FASTOLF[204.1]

_To my right trusty and intierly welbeloved Sir John Fastolff, Knyght._

[Sidenote: 1451(?) / JAN. 2]

Right trusty and intierly welbeloved, I grete yow wele, and pray yow to be right sadly advysed of the contynue of a bille of instruccion closid her ynne; and therupon, as I trust yow, to comon with suych my Lords of the Kyngs Councell as be present now at this tyme, in especiall my Lord Chaunceller, and that ye wole send me instruccyon agayn of their avise, and how I shal demene me. And the Trinite preserve yow. Wretyn at Wynch, the second day of January.

THE ERLE OF OXENFORD.

[Footnote 204.1: [From Paston MSS., B.M.] This letter, which is dated at the same place and on the same day as the preceding, was probably written in the same year also.]

169

JOHN BOCKING TO WILLIAM WAYTE[205.1]

_To William Wayte._[205.2]

[Sidenote: 1451 / JAN. 2]

Rith feithful and welbelovyd brother, Wiliam Wayte, I comaunde me to yow as the lord may to his tenant, praying you effectualy to recomaunde me to my singuler gode mayster and yours, excusyng me that I write not to hym, for I dar not envolde me in the same. And as for tydyngs her, I certifye you that all is nowght, or will be nowght. The Kyng borweth hes expense for Cristemesse; the Kyng of Aragon,[205.3] the Duc of Myleyn,[205.4] the Duc of Ostrich,[205.5] the Duc of Burgoyn[205.6] wolde ben assistent to us to make a conquest, and nothyng is aunswered, ner agreed in maner, save abydyng the grete deliberacon that at the last zall spill all to goder, &c.

The Chief Yistice[205.7] hath waited to ben assauted all this sevenyght nyghtly in hes hous, but nothing come as yett, the more pite, &c. On _oyr and determiner_[205.8] goth in to Kent, and Commissioners my Lord the Duc of York, Bouchier, my mayster,[206.1] that will not come there, _de prodicionibus_, &c., but Kent praeth hem to hang no men when thei come.

Other tydyngs as yett can I non tell you, save Ulveston is Styward of the Mydill Inne, and Isley of the Inner Inne, be cause thei wold have officz for excuse for dwellyng this tyme from her wyves, &c. Sir T. T.[206.2] lost hes primer at the Tour Hill, and sent his man to seche [_fetch_ (?)] it, and a good felaw wyshed hit in Norffolk, so he wold fetch hit there, &c. Men ween that Norffolk men wer hardier thanne thei be.

God graunte, and at the reverence of God help too that an outas[206.3] and clamour be made upon the Lord Scalez,[206.4] preying hym for well of the cuntre, neyther susteyn ner help hym ner Heydon in no wyse, and that ye crye upon my mayster and yours that he obeye not the syrcorar [_certiorari_] as yett, as ye may se be hes lettre from my mayster, rudely and in hast be me endited, of which I pray excuse, &c. And pray Blake[206.5] to do Swafham men sey sum what to the matier.

I wote well T. and H.[206.6] wil not come there at this tyme, as it is verily reported, &c. _Mitte sapientem, &c._ Brayn and I shalbe with you on Saturday nest at evyn, with the grace of Jesu, to whom I be take you. In hast, at London, the ij^de day of Januar.

By

J. BOCKYNG.

[Footnote 205.1: [From Fenn, iii. 134.] The evidence on which this letter has been assigned to the year 1451 will be seen in a footnote.]

[Footnote 205.2: This is supplied by the Editor, there being no address in the MS. itself.]

[Footnote 205.3: Alfonso V.]

[Footnote 205.4: Francis Sforza, one of the most able and successful generals of the time. He was a soldier of fortune, of peasant origin, and succeeded to the Duchy of Milan by his marriage with Bianca Maria, natural daughter of Philip Maria, the preceding Duke, whose interests he had at one time opposed as general of a league formed by the Pope and the Venetian and Florentine Republics against the Duchy.]

[Footnote 205.5: Albert, surnamed the Prodigal, brother of the Emperor Frederic III.]

[Footnote 205.6: Philip the Good.]

[Footnote 205.7: Sir John Fortescue.]

[Footnote 205.8: A commission of _oyer and terminer_ for Kent and Sussex was issued in December 1450 to Richard, Duke of York, Lord Bourchier, Sir John Fastolf, and others.--Patent Roll, 29 Hen. VI. p. 1, m. 16 _indorso_.]

[Footnote 206.1: Sir John Fastolf, whose servant Bocking was.]

[Footnote 206.2: Sir Thomas Tuddenham.]

[Footnote 206.3: An outcry.]

[Footnote 206.4: _See_ p. 196.]

[Footnote 206.5: Elsewhere mentioned as bailiff of Swaffham.]

[Footnote 206.6: Tuddenham and Heydon.]

170

WILLIAM WAYTE TO JOHN PASTON[207.1]

_To my Ryght seuere and ryght worchepfull mayster, my mayster Paston, in hast._

[Sidenote: 1451 / JAN. 3]

Ryght Reverent and ryght wurchepfull sir, I recomaunde me un to youre good maysterchep. Late yow wete that Blake the baly of Swafham cam hom from London on the Saterday after that my mayster departed from yow atte myn lord of Oxenfordis. And he told my mayster that he cam to London on Seint John day atte nyte. And he yede streyt to my lord Chaunceler and told my seyd lord that yf the Kyng pardoned sir Thomas Tudenham and Heydon her issewes that the shire of Suffolk wold paye no taxe; for what nedyth the kynge for to have the taxe of hese pore puple whanne he wyll not take hese issues of thos rych extorssioners and oppressours of hese puple. And also he told my seyd lord Chaunceler and many more lordes that yf the kynge pardon hym or graunted any _supersedeas_, London shuld with inne short tyme have as moche for to do as they hadde for to kepe London Brygge whanne the Capteyn[207.2] cam thedir; for he told hym that ther was up in Norffolk redy to ryse V M^l. comons yf they have not execucion of the _oyre_ and _terminer_. And whanne my lord Chaunceler herd this he was ryte glade therof, and dede Blake telle all this and moche more a forn the kynge and all hese lordes, that they blyssed him whanne they herden yt. And yf he hadde not a seyd this they shuld an hadd and _supersedeas_ and pardon also, for ther was made a gret suggestion that it hadde be don of grette malyce. And so the lord Scales meyntenyth Sir Thomas Tudenham in all that he may goodly, but he wyll not awow yt; but he shall come don to the _oyre determiner_ sekerly, and for to make anende atwex sir T. Tudenham and Swafham; for [he] hayth made and genttyl letter un to the parson, the bayly and the inhabitaunce of Swafham, and seth that he wyll do hese parte to sette them in reste and peas. And so my mayster understande that yf Swafham and he werne accorded that thei shuld sette lytyll be Norwych. And therfore my mayster prayeth yow that ye wyll speke with the Mayer and hese brethern that they purvey that ther be atte Lenn a sufficiaunt fellawshep to gedyr, and that ther be madde a grette noyse up on the lord Scales, bothe of Tudenham and Heydon, and for all thos that arne of that sekt, and that wyse purvyaunce ordenance he hadde how they shull be demened; for this same day was the parson of Swafham with my mayster, and they arne accorded that ther shall be of here lordshep and sufficiaunt fellawshep and they shall have here loggyng atte the Frere Menours atte Lenn. And they wyll not assentte to noone ende but as the Cety doyth. And it is here avyse that the meyre shuld purveye for hem in sum other Freres. For Tudenham and H[eydon] wyll brynge with hem sufficiaunt counceyll as any kun they gete in London; And also the Cetye must purvey that as many sufficiaunt mene as can be gette or spoke to, that they be redy yf it happe of any tryall. Also the Cetye hadde nede to have Sir Miles Stapulton ther show they shuld helpe to hese costys. Ware, Sir, atte the reverens of God be thenke yow well of all these maters. Blake was atte London on Thursday and herd no word of the stretes,[208.1] ne of Robson my lord of Oxffordis man, and or Blake cam to London Sir T. Terell hadde labored to Sir John Fastolf that Sir T. Tudenham shuld ave [been[208.2]] bownde to Sir John Fastolf in foure thowsand pounde to stande to hese rule and ordenance; and so whanne Blake cam and deysshsed all to gedyr, and so he dede Sir John Fastolf labor to the kynge and to the Chaunceler for to lette the _supersedeas_ and the pardon; and ther was grette langage atwex Blake and Tudenham; it wor to moche to wryte yt un to yow, but he hayth sore noyssed my mayster to the Kynge and to the lordes. Also Tudenham is owte of the kynges hows, and Cotton is Warderopper, my mayster shall on Monday dyne with. Also, sir, it wore grette wysdam that my mayster hadde knowleche atte Walsyngham on Fryday nest comyng how the Maire and ze be accorded, for my mayster wyle be recaled therafter. William Geney sent un to my mayster for to ascuse hym that he shuld not come to Lenn un to the Wedenesday. And, Sir, that were agrette hurte bothe to the Cyte of Norwych and for Swafham; and therfor my mayster wold that the Mayer shuld send for hym, that he be ther be tyme on the Tuesday, and that moo bille be made ayens Tudenham and Heydon, what so ever falle. The Holy Gost have you and yours in hese kepyng. Wretyn atte Rougham, the Sonday nyte nest after newe zers day in hest as it semyth.

Be your servaunte,

W. WAYTE.

[Footnote 207.1: [Add. MS. 34,888, f. 63.] The date of this letter is sufficiently evident.]

[Footnote 207.2: Jack Cade.]

[Footnote 208.1: _I.e._ the _estreats_.]

[Footnote 208.2: Omitted in MS.]

[[Ryght seuere and ryght worchepfull mayster _printed “ana”_]]

171

ABSTRACT[209.1]

SIR JOHN FASTOLF TO JOHN A BERNEY AND SIR THOMAS HOWES.

[Sidenote: 1451 / JAN. 7]

Sends John Bokkyng on matters to be sped at the oyer and terminer. They must remember a _certiorari_ is out of the King’s Bench, and a _procedendo_ was granted at one time ‘for certain which had not appeared in the place and pleaded.’ Has received all the stuff contained in a bill dated 28th November, made by John Davye of Yarmouth, and delivered to one Roger Metsharp, master of the little boat called _The Blythe_. Wonders they did not send the great ship with malt. Desires provisions for Lent by next ship. Remind my cousin Inglos that the man that ‘appeched’ Heydon be sent hither, if he dare stand by his words. All the indictments against Heydon are not worth a halfpenny. Howes must take John à Berney’s advice about this matter.

London, Thursday after Twelfth, 29 Hen. VI.

Let all who were on the inquest for Bardolf’s matter be indicted, whatever it cost.

_Signed._

[Footnote 209.1: [From MS. Phillipps, 9735, No. 246.]]

172

WILLIAM WAYTE TO JOHN PASTON[210.1]

_To my ryght reverent and ryght worchepfull mayster, my mayster Paston in hest posybyll._

[Sidenote: 1451 / JAN. 9]

Syr, lyke yt yow to know that my lord Scalys sent hese pursevaunt unto my mayster[210.2] on the Twelthe day, that my mayster shuld mete wyth hym atte Wynche aforn my Lord of Oxenford on the Thursday nest folwyng. And whanne my mayster cam thedyr, he delyvered my mayster a letter from my Lord Chauncheler, quych my mayster wyll shew yow atte Lenn. I shuld send yow a copy therof, but it is so longe that I had no leyser to wryte it. My mayster rode to Walsyngham on the Fryday folwyng, and ther he mette with the shereve, and the shereve lyveryd my mayster a letter from my Lord of Norffolk, qwych I send yow a copy of. And atte Walsyngham my mayster resceyvyd a letter from Osberne youre man. And ther Heydonis man made hese avaunte that he was the Justice of the Pease on Caustonheythe; and so it semyth be here contenaunce that they trost of a good zere. And, Syr, whanne my mayster cam hom on Saterday ther was lyvered my mayster a letter from Sir John Fastolf, and a neyther letter cam to me from John Bokkynge,[210.3] qwych I send you a copy of. Sir, God send us a fayre day atte[210.4] Lenn. And that ther may be pople jnow to crye up on the Lord Scales that he mayntene not Sir T. T. and H. in here wronges, as the copy of B letter makyth mencion. And, Sir, atte the reverens of God, laborth youre materis wysely and secretely, for Wyndam noysed yow sore aforn my Lord of Oxenford and my Lorde Scales that ze shuld reyse meche puple with grette arey owte of Norwyche. And therfor, Sir, late the puple be wysely and manly gydyd in here frekynge and demenynge. Also my Lord Scales sent for the parson of Sw[a]fham and divers men of the same town to mete with hym aforn my Lord of Oxenford the seyd Thursday, for to trete with hem for Sir Thomas Tudenham; and ther was the baly of Swafham and Sir Thomas Tudenham prest. And so my Lord Scales yave the parson of S. grette langage and to men of same towne. Y. and the parson answherd my Lord Scales manly in the best wyse. And ther was grette langage twexen Blake the baly and Tudenham prest that my lordys and my mayster worne acornberd therof. And so it is lyke that my Lord Scales shall make ther no loveday; and so Swafham wylbe ther in here best array. Also, Sir, Brygge was atte Walsyngham; and ther he craked grette wordes, and seyd to many divers men that it shuld be thanked alle tho that labored a yens hem. And he seyd that it worne but viij. personys, and yf men be men now it shuld be thanked hym and told hym atte Lenn. In the lest wysse he is now with the Lord Scales; the Lord Scales wyte Thomas Denyes, John Lyster and me all those indytementis. And the Lord Scales seyth that I made all the bylles and the panell; and so he is hevy lord to me and to Thomas Denyes. Prentys is atte hom with the Lord Scales; the shereve told me that he wyll do for the Cyte of Norwych as meche as he may. Sir, I wold ther worne a thowsand of good Maudby men to crye owte on Tudenham, Heydon, Prentys and Brygge for here falsse exstorciones. Also, Sir, atte the reverens of God, make an ende atwexen Sexeford and men of Salle; it lyeth in your power. I shall make redy youre forsebyll entres ayens Lenn, with the grace of God, Qwych have yow in Hese kepynge. Wretyn atte Rougham on Saterday nyte in hest.

Sir, I send yow and lewde letter be Richerd Yenneys. I beseche yow be ware to whom ze shew your letters; lete them be brente.--Be your servaunt,

W. WAYTES.

[Footnote 210.1: [Add. MS. 34,889, f. 230.] This letter was evidently written on the Saturday after the same writer’s letter of the 3rd January immediately preceding.]

[Footnote 210.2: Judge Yelverton. He was lord of the manor of Rougham, from which this letter is dated.]

[Footnote 210.3: No. 169.]

[Footnote 210.4: _Atte_ repeated in MS.]

173

ABSTRACT[212.1]

SIR JOHN FASTOLF TO THOMAS HOWYS, Clerk, and JOHN BOKKYNG, in haste.

[Sidenote: 1451 / JAN. 12]

Begs them to labour his matters, and forget not ‘that old shrew, Dallyng, for he is sore at my stomach.’ Sends by the Parson a _procedendo_ against Tudenham, which he has got out with great labour, with a letter to my brother Yelverton. ‘And as to an assize for Hikkelyng, I shall be there on in the beginning of this term; and for Tichewell in like wise.’ Bokkyng must remind my cousin Inglos about the indictments for treason of Heydon, ‘that the man might be sent up to preve the said matter.’ Fears it has slept too long. Wishes his ship _The Blythe_ sent to him.

London, 12 Jan. 29 Hen. VI.

_Signed._

Get my Lord [Oxford] and Yelverton to write a letter to Blake of the King’s house, thanking him for his friendliness to the country; ‘and forget not that Dallyng be had before my Lord and Yelverton, and make his confession before hem, &c. And let the great men that have most matters against [him] help somewhat to this good end.’

[Footnote 212.1: [From MS. Phillipps, 9735, No. 230.]]

174

ABSTRACT[212.2]

SIR J. FASTOLF TO SIR THOS. HOWYS AND JOHN BERNEY at Castre, in hast; or at his place in Pokethorp, at Norwich.

[Sidenote: 1451 / JAN. 28]

Master Hue Acton has been with him for the new evidences ensealed for the manor of Mundham, which F. has sold to the use of the Church of St. Giles that he is master of, &c. Thanks them for what they have done for him in his causes before the Commissioners of _oyer and terminer_ at Lynne, &c. Hears Appulzerd’s son expects the inquest of Mancroft in Norwich to be reversed. Speak to my cousin Inglose about this. Fastolf’s audit books. My cousin John Berney puts me in great comfort by seeing to the safeguard of my place in my absence. Would be sorry he should be injured by having respited his entry into Rokelond Toffts at my request.

Make friends in Norwich against Easter when the _oyer and terminer_ is to be held again, for I must proceed in the matter against Appulzerd.

London, 28 Jan. 29 Hen. VI.

_Signed._

Begs them to send his grain and malt in a good vessel, well accompanied, with a good wind, as he has had great losses before. Speak to the Mayor of Norwich about Appulzerd’s matter; ‘for there was no city in England that I loved and trusted most upon, till they did so unkindly to me and against truth in the Lady Bardolf’s matter.’

[This letter is referred to by Blomefield (_Hist. of Norf._ iv. 388, Note 9), and two short extracts are given from the beginning, relating to the Hospital of St. Giles.]

[Footnote 212.2: [From MS. Phillipps, 9735, No. 236.]]

175

MEMORANDA FOR PROSECUTIONS[213.1]

_Præsentationes factæ et fiendæ in audiendo et determinando._[213.2]

[Sidenote: 1451]

For as meche as the _oyer and termyner_ is thus restreynyd, not vythstandyng the wrytyngs and all the materis utterid be my Lord of Oxenford, but if ther folow sumwhat lyke to the perell lyke to be conceyved be maters that so wern utterid and be the seyd wrytyngs, ellis shall it gretly sowndyn ageyns the worchep and the weel of all the personys, lordis, and other that eyther have wreten or utterid owght, and lyke wyse of hem in whos name seche materis hath ben utterid, soo that hereaftyr, whan they have ryght gret nede to be herd, and to be wel spedde, they shul the rather fayle thereof bothen, and here enemyes the heyer up and the more bold, &c. And therfore herein men must hold fote as manhod woll wyth wysdom; and ellis _novissimus error pejor priori_.

Item, in the cyte of Norwyche must the falshodys and the fals getyngs of good ther don ben fowndyn, and thow summ maters ben not presentable, or peraventure in seche forme not corigyble ther, yet so that the mater in the self be orible and fowle, and so that summe other be sufficient, yet it semyth summe men best that all go forthe and be taken, and namely [_especially_] in this werd [_world_] that now is, &c.

Item, in lyke wyse must it be in the shier, ther me thynkyt it is reson that my Lordys sett bothe the day and the place of the Sessions, and all men kepe that wern the robberis at Gresham and to Plumstede, the shippyng of wolle ageyn the statute, that is felonye, and the lycence than, if ony be, ther shull come to lyght and disputed, and I suppose veryly be other statutes and be lawe fownde voyde, and the leveryes that Heydon hatht yoven to hem that arn not hese menyall men.

Item, the presonment of John Porter of Blykelyng.

Item, the presonment of John Langman of Swafham.

Item, the presonment of Robert Patgrys of Burnham.

Item, the extorcions in her [_their_] cortes.

Item, the prisonynge of Dallynge, and of hese obligacion mad to Sir Thomas Todenham, and howe he was presonyd at Norwyche, at Thetforthe, at Lynne, and also of many other that ben don soo too.

Item, to remembre T. Denyes of the tale that Fyncheham told whan he cam hom for Sir T. Todeham, that he be ware therof, &c.

Item, for to indyte Pryntys of a voluntary eschete that where on Symond Hamond of Patesle wheche was indyted of felonye, and because of hese goods he lete hym owte of the castell _anno xvjº Regis nunc_.

Item, for to indyte the same Prentys and William Goodwen of Swafham for the robbynge of Geffrey Sowle.

Item, the same Prentys and Goodwyn robbed Thomas Irynge of Myleham _anno xxº Regis nunc_.

Item, the same Prentys toke of Wylliam Dallynge at Norwyche v. mark for smytynge of of hese feteris whan he was there in preson _anno xixº Regis nunc_.

Item, to indyte the baly of Swaffham, T. Todenham, Heydon, Prentys, of felonye as excercarys [_accessaries_].

Item, to speke to Feraris for hese mater at Thyrnyng. Item, to indyte a cowper at Geyton wheche slow a tenaunt of Danyell at Geyton. Hese name is Thomas Dowce that was slayn; and ther kan no man indyte hym, for Sir T. Todenham maynteynyth hym, and therfore he were worthy to be indyted as excercary, _anno xxvº Regis nunc_.

Item, to indyte Heydon, because he rydyth armyd ayens the statute and the commyssion of the peas.

Item, for takyng awey of John of Berneys haborjoun at Walsyngham.

Item, to inquere what they dede to Alexaunder Reve of Cokely Clay.

Item, what they dedyn to Shragger, and to hese sone, for they stokked hym and hese sone at Swafham.

Item, what they deden to Gachecroft at Methewold.

Item, to enquere what they deden to a chanon of Ingham; he was arestid, and set in prison at Swafham, and [they] dede hym make a obligacioun [_forced him to give a bond_].

Item, how that be her comaundment Emond Wyghtton was arestid at Hempton, and put in the stokks at Fakenham more than iij. dayis, till he made a fyn of v. marks, and yet he spent and yave xl_s._ besyde.

Item, for to endyte Knatesale, John of Woode, Robert of Woode, for Ferers mater.

Item, that William Kelynge of Castlelaker under eschetor, how that he rydyth armed, and reysith many men ayens the peas; he met wyth the Byschop at West Dereham with x. men of armys.

Item, of extorcious amerciaments take of the Prior of Westacre at Narforthe and Swafham, and hese man there set openly and shamefully and gret oppression in stokks, and a flok of hoggs taken; and be whyche appressions and extorcions was the Prior of Westacre compellid to yeven Sir T. Todenham a fee of xl_s._ a yere, and to make Shuldam her styward, and yeven hym a fee of xl_s._ a yere there. W. Yelverton and all other aforn hym had but xxvj_s._ viij_d._; but of these and of many mo wers it is a gret foly to laboren in as for any indytements, but if ye be ryght seker of the sherefes office; for if he lyst, he may returne men i nowe of Swafham, and seche as ye wold have for the enquest of the hunderid, and it is the more to drede of the undyrschereff that they arn asented, and drawe all aftyr her draught. And that they wold that no sessions shuld be because of the massage that he sent to my mayster be Nicholas Dowyldays clerks, and therfore ther must be the begynnynge of all these maters, as ye wold save your worchepis, and eschewe shame and the peryll, &c.

* * *

(_At the bottom of the page_)--M^dm of [_blank_] groond and of the extorcions of Sporlle.

On the back of this document occur the following further memoranda in two columns:

_Maters sterid to hurt of both parties._

Sir John Fastolf,} Est’.[216.2] Bisshoppis Wif. }

The Priour of Norwich,} The Cite. }

The Abbot of Wendlyng,} Est’. The Cite. }

The Abbot of Leiston,} Est’. William Jeney. }

Gregory Guybon, } --[216.3] Perpoynt. }

John Tatleshale, } Robert Mortymer. }

The Lady Bardolf,} Sir John Fastolf.}

The Lord Moleyns,} John Paston. }

_Ambidexter._[216.1]

Dux Norff.} Stockton, Dux Suff. } Est’.

Ed. Wynter, } John Mariot.}

Ferrers, } Est’. Hobbes Wif. }

Prior Walsyngham,} Est’. Ric. Doget. }

Mondford,} Est’. Danyell. }

Sir John Curson, } Est’. Maister John Selet.}

Sir John Curson,} Est’. Will. Thurton. }

[Footnote 213.1: [From Paston MSS., B.M.] This paper must belong to the early part of the year 1451, when it was proposed to indict Tuddenham and Heydon at Norwich.]

[Footnote 213.2: This title is taken from a contemporaneous endorsement.]

[Footnote 216.1: This term is applied to a juror who receives money of both parties in a suit.]

[Footnote 216.2: This abbreviated word is probably _Estreat_, indicating that an extract or official copy of the indictment had been made.]

[Footnote 216.3: Blank in MS.]

176

OPPRESSIONS OF TUDDENHAM AND HEYDON[216.4]

These be names of men that arne myschevesly oppressed and wronged by Sir T. Tudenham and Heydon and here adherentes:--

Yelverton. Fastolf. Gregorius Gybon. Joh. Maryot. Paston. Ferrers. Berney. Straunge. Framyngham. Trenchemer. Joh. Jenney, Senior. Joh. Damme. Nicholaus Grome. Joh. Ode. Joh. Knevet. Robert Clyfton. Thomas Hypgame. Homines de Swafham. Joh. atte Howe of Helloughton. Simon Blake. Joh. Botwryghe, Clerk. Item, many men indyted in Norffolk and Suffolk be Tudenham and Heydon, &c. Ric. Wryght of Saham.

[Footnote 216.4: [From Paston MSS., B.M.] This paper no doubt belongs to the same period as the last.]

[[_The intended order of the list is ambiguous. The names _Yelverton, Fastolf, // Paston_ and _Gybon, Maryot, // Ferrers_ were shown in two columns straddling a page break, followed by the remaining names in a single column._]]

177

FRIAR BRACKLEY TO JOHN PASTON[217.1]

[Sidenote: 1451(?)]

Primo. Sciat vestra veneranda discretio quod Episcopus hujus diocesis est Thomæ Danyell et suis fautoribus maxime benevolus et in ipso episcopo T. T., J. H.,[217.2] et suis complicibus est ipsius confidentia maxima, &c.

2º Si justiciarii pacis hujus comitatus omnes et singuli debeant sua autoritate pacis media pro eorum posse per totum Norfolch. comitatum diligenter conservare et pacis ejusdem perturbatores carceri vel castro proprio mancipari facere, quæritur quare dictus episcopus, pacis, ut creditur, justiciarius, non vult in hac parte hujusmodi pacis perturbatoribus resistere; sed magis eisdem in talibus insolenciis favorem et auxilium in omnibus præbere.

3º Si quærantur consiliarii dicti Episcopi, certum est quod Prior monachorum, M. J. Celot, J. Bulman, T. T.,[218.1] J. H.,[218.2] J. W.,[218.3] Johannes Yates cum consimilibus ceteris sunt etiam consiliarii dicti Danielis.

4º Cum, secundum Apostolum,[218.4] furta, homicidia et talia vicia eis similia sunt abhominabilia Deo et hominibus, ac utriusque legis divinæ et humanæ contraria sacratis sanccionibus, in tantum quod non solum qui talia agunt digni sunt morte, sed etiam qui conscenciunt agentibus; ex quibus certe verisimiliter concluditur quod non solum Kervere, latro, et Daniel famulus, furator equi ac murre satis notorius, puniretur una cum fautoribus ejus.

5º Vestra discretio dicta Christi in Ewangelio diligenter consideret, ‘Si in viridi ligno hæc faciant, in arido quid fiet?’[218.5]

6º Non solum hæc pensare debetis pro vestræ personæ defensione seu vestræ familiæ, sed magis movere vos debet zelus et amor rei publice totius vestræ patriæ.

7º Si ista indilate et cum omni possibili celeritate citius non reformaveritis, timendum valde supponitur de insurreccione plebis, quod absit omnino.

8º Novitque discretio vestra ex paucis indigestis plura politice percipere. Statui pro præsenti tempore finem scribendi imponere.

[Footnote 217.1: [Add. MS. 34,889, f. 158.] This undated letter may have been written in February or March 1451, when Tuddenham and Heydon hoped to regain their ascendency. Though not addressed, we may presume that it was written to John Paston.]

[Footnote 217.2: Sir Thomas Tuddenham and John Heydon.]

[Footnote 218.1: Sir Thomas Tuddenham.]

[Footnote 218.2: John Heydon.]

[Footnote 218.3: John Wyndham.]

[Footnote 218.4: The reference appears to be to Romans i. 29-32.]

[Footnote 218.5: Luke xxiii. 31.]

178

JAMES GLOYS TO JOHN PASTON[219.1]

_To my right reverente and wurchepfull Mayster, John Paston, Esquyer, be this delivered in hast._

[Sidenote: 1451 / MARCH 1]

Right reverent and wurchepfull Sir, I recomand me to you, besechyng you to wete that Wharles told me that Partrych seid that his lord[219.2] knewe wele that ye were entred pesibilly in the maner of Gresham; where fore, he seid, thow the tenauntes and fermors pay you the rents and fermes the tyme that ye be in possession, his seid lord, thow he entre ageyn, wuld never aske it them. Item, the seid Partrych seid to Wharles that his lord wull come down hym self and entre in the seid maner within short tyme. Wharles wull not discharge your baly of xvvj_s._ and viij_d._, which he toke the seid baly enseled in a purs. The seid Wharles told my mayster, John of Berney, at the court, that he repented hym that he payd you any peny till he had be distreyned; and he seid than pleynly that he wull nomore pay till he were distreyned. I have be there divers tymes for to distreyn hym, and I cowde never do it but if [_unless_] I wuld a distreyned hym in his moders hous, and there I durst not for her cursyng. The baly of the hundred told me that Wharles spake to hym in cas he had be distreyned that he wold have gete hym a replevy; and the baly bad hym kete a replevy of his mayster and he wold serve it.

Item, the maner londs at Gresham, with othre tenaunts londs that be fallyn in your hands ben letyn to ferme. I can gete no tenaunte to dwell in the maner hous. And if the rede shuld be caryed thens, the tenaunts shuld thynk that ye fered sum new entre, and it shuld sore discomfort hem, for thei whisshed whan it was caried to the maner that it had be leyd ther thus pesibly ij. yer afore. Asfor the obligacyon that ye shuld have of the parson of Cressyngham, he seth he cam never at Cressyngham syth he spake with you, and that he be heste it you not till Fastyngong.[220.1] His hors ben stolyn, and therfore he may not ryde.

Item, Gonnore kept a court at Routon the Thursday[220.2] next after Seynt Mathy[220.3] the Appostell, and it was told me that Bettes was ther with hym; wherefore I rode theder. And be cause that it was a fraunchised town and within the Duchye,[220.4] and also that Gonnor had gret rewle in the seid town, I toke with me the baly of the hundred and set hym with me in my Lord of Norffolks warant, and than yede in to the court ther as Gonnor and Bettes wern. The seid baly told Gonnor of this warant, and Gonnor rebuked hym so that he durst not a rest the seid Bettes. Than I toke it up on me and arested hym myself as he sate be Gonnor. Gonnor desired than to se my warant, and I shewed it hym, and he seid he wold obey it as the lawe wold. And he proferyd me suerte, men of the seid town of Routon. Than I told hym, and [_i.e._ if] he wold be bownd hym self with othre I would agre ther to, but I wuld have no shipmen that had nought, ner such men that rought [_cared_] never, and thei were onys on the see, wheder thei come ageyn or noght. Than Bettes toke Gonnor a _supersedias_ that he had of Wychyngham twelmoneth ago for anothre man that asked suerte of the seid Bettes. I wold have had it, and he wold not lete me have it, ner shewe it me but in his hands. Than I told hym that it was noght, and he seid it was gode i nowe. I bad hym take it me for my discharge, and he seid pleynly I shuld not have it. Than I told hym I wold have my prisoner. The seid Gonnor seid I shuld not have hym, and dede set alle the tenaunts up on me and made a gret noyse, and seydyn alle pleynly I shuld not have hym yf he wold abyde with hem. Than I told Gonnor that I shuld certifie a rescuse, and prayd the baly of the hundred that he wold record the same. Item, the seid Gonnor seid I myght have favoryd the seid Bettes the more be cause the seid Bettes was my mayster Stapylton man, and that his men shuld not be bownd and I shuld go lose. He seid I shuld be tyed or aght longe and alle my feleshep bothyn; but, God yeld hym, he hath yovyn me iiij. days respyte. Than I told hym it shuld never ly in his power to bynde me, ner non of my feleshep so fast but that it shuld be in your power to make hym to losyn us, and if that he abode in Norffolk he shuld be made to seke the skyrts of his sadill or Esterne. And if he had kept his wey that nyght I shuld have kept hym trewe covenaunte, for I lay on wayte up on hym on the heth as he shuld have comen humward, and if I myght have met with hym I shuld have had Bettes from hym; but he had leyd such wetche that he had aspied us or he cam fully at us; and he remembered Wyndhams manhood, that iiij. swyft fete were better than ij. hands, and he toke his hors with the spores and rode to Felbrygge Hall as fast as he myght rydyn, and I suppose he lay ther all that nyght.

Item, the seid Gonnor manased and thret John of Beston for he wuld not warn hym her of; and he dede sease alle his lond in Routon, and warned hym that he shuld not occupy his lyme kyll ner no lond that he had in Routon; and he mad his avaunte whan I was gon, if that I had not brought the baly of the hundred with me I shuld never have go thens; and yet, not withstandyng that I brought the baly with me, and thei had wust where myn hors had stond I shuld have be wele betyn. All this language had thei whan that I was gon.

Item, the seid Gonnor seid after that I was gon to the tenaunts of the seid town, that his _supersedias_ was noght, and as for the rescuse, he shuld purvey a mene to excuse it. Where fore and it pleasyd you to send my mastres word how that I shuld be demened with the seid Bettes, and wheder that ye wuld I shuld a rest hym ageyn or nought, and to purvey such a mene for Gonnor that he myght ley his bost, it shuld be gret comfort to all yowr frendes and tenauntes ther abowtyn.

Item, I have be at my mayster Stapilton with your writtes, and he made it right straunge for to ensele hem. He seid that he knew of nown such inquiscion takyn at Swafham beforn hym; he seid if it were presented ther, it was presented in his absens, whill that he was in his inne; wherfore he seid he wold not ensele hem till he sey the bokes. Whan I had answeryd hym ther to, than he seid he wold comown with my mayster Yelverton her of whan he come home, and til he had spok with hym he wold not ensele hem. I told hym my mayster Yelverton had enseled hem. Thann he seid he knew not my mayster Yelverton seale. He shewed it to Gonnor, and asked hym wheder it was his seall or noght. Gonnor seid it was his sealle. Than my mayster Stapilton brake ought of this mater and spake to me of the a restyng of Bettes and makyng of affray up on Gonnor. He seid Gonnor cam to hym to compleyn up on me. I told hym that Gonnor had enformed hym as it plesyd hym, for I had yove hym no cause to compleyn of me, and if it pleased hym to her myn excuse he shuld fynd me in no defaute. Whan he had herd myn excuse, he cowde not blame me. Meche othre langage we had, for I was with hym ner an ower. Than he asked me wheder the inquisicion was taken be fore the justice of the peas or the justice of the _oyer determyner_. I told hym be for the justic of the peas, for I seid it was the cessyons of the peas at Swafham. Than he bad me put up my warants, for he seid he wold not ensele hem till he had comowned with my maister Yelverton. I told hym it shuld not nede to comown with my mayster Yelverton, ner labor hym therfore, for I seid it myght not hurt thow he enseled hem not; for I seid the writts were executed, and that the shereff had mad ought warants of them, and his warants were executed, and so the seid writts shuld stand you in litill avayll, save only, I told hym, ye desiryd his sealle, because it was fownd before othre lords with hym, and that he stode in the _teste_ of the said writts, and that was cause of my comyng theder. Than he wend I had comyn for to assayn hym, for forthwith he enseled hem, but me thynk be his langage he hath be labored of the toder part.

Item, and it pleased your gode maystershep to gete of my mayster Yelverton a _supersedias_ for John Osborn and an othre for me. We suppose that Gonnor and Bettes wull do us arest, and we wuld the _supersedias_ that we haue ought of the Chauncery were kept till more nede were. My mastres[222.1] recomand her to you, and prayth you to hold her excused that she write yow no letter, for myche of the mater that she shuld have wrete to you I had wrete in my letter or she knew ther of; and also she knew not of so redy a massanger as I had. And it plesyd your gode maystershep to send us a pardon for to assoylyn Gonnor this holy tyme of Lentyn, the rather be cause of this gret bulle,[223.1] we shuld leve in the more reste and peas, and kepe the more our pacyence than we do. The Holy Trynyte have you in His kepyng. Wretyn on the Monday next after Seynt Mathie[223.2] the Appostell, in hast.

Your pore servaunte,

JAMES GLOYS.

[Footnote 219.1: [From Paston MSS., B.M.] This letter was written in the spring of 1451, when John Paston had re-entered Gresham.]

[Footnote 219.2: Lord Molyns.]

[Footnote 220.1: Fastingong, or Shrove Tuesday, fell upon the 9th March in 1451.]

[Footnote 220.2: 25th February.]

[Footnote 220.3: St. Matthias, whose day was the 24th February.]

[Footnote 220.4: The Duchy of Lancaster.]

[Footnote 222.1: Margaret Paston.]

[Footnote 223.1: Probably a bull of indulgence issued at the close of the year of jubilee 1450, for the benefit of those who had not been able to visit Rome that year.]

[Footnote 223.2: St. Matthias. His day was the 24th February.]

179

JAMES GLOYS TO JOHN PASTON[223.3]

_To my right reverent and wurchepfull mayster, John Paston, Esquyer, be this delivered in hast._

[Sidenote: 1451 / MARCH 2]

Right reverent and wurchepfull Sir, I recomaund me to you, prayng you to wete that I have labored divers men that ben enpaneld atwix my mastres, your moder, and Wyndham.[223.4] Ther be many of them woll do her parte, and ther ben summe that wull not passe ther upon, for thei ben aferd that the werd [_world_] shuld turne. It is noysed in Norwhich that my Lord of Oxenford, my mayster Yelverton, and ye, and John Damme shuld be endited in Kent for mayntenaunce of the _oyer determyner_ in Norffolk; and this, with othre feryth sore men of Norwhich. I trow my mastres writyth to you here of more clerly. Item, Wyndham hath be divers tymes at my mastres Cler, and mad hym erands to her, and told her that he was sued in my mastres, your moders name but he supposyd that she knew not there of. He thought that ye and James Gresham had do it un malyce, my mastres your moders unknowyng. But whan he knew that I labored the enqueste, than he sent my mastres Clere word how that he knew wele that it was my mastres your moders labore. Item, he told my Lady of Morle[224.1] of this sute, and he seid that he wend that my seid lady had mad an hend a twix them for the seid sute. Item, Heydons men brought his awyn hors and his sadyll thourgh Aylsham on Monday, and thei comyn in at the Busshoppes gates at Norwhich and comyn over Tomelond and in to the Abbey. Thei a bedyn there all that nyght, and ij. days after, wenyng to men of the town that Heydon had go over the fery, and so in to the Abbey; and sythyn thei seid thei shuld go to London for Heydon. Item, sum seyn that Heydon shuld be mad a knyght, and myche othre langage ther is which causyth men to ben aferd, wenyng that he shuld have a rewle ageyn. Item, there were ij. men at John Betes of Holt; thei had langage of the Lord Moleyns. If it please yow to enquere of Symond, brynger of this letter, he shall enforme you of her langage. Item, Gonnor was wetched at Felbrygge Halle with xl. persones of the Lady Felbryggs[224.2] tenaunts and mor that night that I lay on wayte up on hym, and he durst not go home on the next day till they brought hym home. Thei mad a compleynt to my Lady Felbrygge, and my mastres had excused it. Item, the manase Burflet, and wull sease his lond. Symond shall telle yow how thei wer answered. Item, as for the subsidy that Sir Herry I[nglos] and the Lady Felbrygge shuld payn, the meyr knowe not yet veryly what thei schuld pay, for thei have not cast the valew of her londs. The bill closyd in this letter maketh mensyon of the valew of divers gentelmens londs that [ben] examyned in Norwhich. We can not know what Calthorp payth, for we can not speke with the shereffe, ner the undre [shereffe], ner no man that gadered that hundred ther as Calthorp dwellytht. The Holy Trynyte have you in his kepyng. Wr[etyn] the Tuesday next after Seynt Mathie,[225.1] in hast.

Your pore servaunt,

JAMES GLO[YS].

[Footnote 223.3: [From Paston MSS., B.M.] From what it mentions about Gonnor, this letter will be seen to be of the same year as the last. The fears entertained of Heydon recovering his influence are also indicative of the spring of 1451. The letter is slightly mutilated in the margin at the bottom.]

[Footnote 223.4: John Wyndham, Esq. of Felbrigg.]

[Footnote 224.1: _See_ p. 84, Note 2.]

[Footnote 224.2: Catherine, widow of Sir Simon Felbrigg, was lady of the manor of Felbrigg, of which Wyndham only had the lease at this time, though he afterwards became the proprietor. --_See_ Blomefield, viii. 112.]

[Footnote 225.1: St. Matthias. --_See_ p. 223, Note 2.]

180

MARGARET PASTON TO JOHN PASTON[225.2]

_To my rith wurshepfull hosbond, Jon Paston._

[Sidenote: 1451 / MARCH 3]

Rith worchipfull hosbond, I recommawnd me to yow, praying you to wete that ther is a gret noyse in this town, that my Lord of Oxforth and Yelverton and ye ben endytid in Kent for mayntenyng of the oyer determyner; and Jon Dame is endytyd ther also of treson, be cawse that he dede Heydon endytyn[225.3] of treson for takyng down of the quarter of the man. And the pepyll that ben ayens Ser Thomas Todenham and Heydon ben sore aferd be cawse of this noyse, and of other langage that is had bothe in this town and in the contre, that these seyd Todenham and Heydon shuld ben as well at ese, and have as grett rewill as ever they hadde.

Jamys Gloys tellith me that he hath sent yow word of Heydonys hors and of other thyngs, mor of whiche I was purposid to asent yow word of. The Holy Trinyte have yow in kepyng. Wretyn at Norwiche, the Weddenysday next after Seynt Mathy.[225.1]

Yowris,

M. P.

[Footnote 225.1: St. Matthias. --_See_ p. 223, Note 2.]

[Footnote 225.2: [From Fenn, iii. 288.] It will be seen that this letter contains a distinct reference to the last which was written the day before it. Indeed, the information contained in this letter is nearly all anticipated in that of Gloys.]

[Footnote 225.3: _i.e._ caused Heydon to be indicted.]

181

DENYES TO JOHN PASTON[226.1]

_To my maister Paston._

[Sidenote: 1451 / MARCH 4]

Right wurshipfull sir, and my right good maister, I recomaunde me to yow. It is so that up on an hasty sodeyn warnyng I departid from London and spake not with yow at my departyng, Wherof I was full sory. I pray yow, neverthelesse, that ye wole eftsones speke to William White with my Lord Cardinall, for I desire his maistership and good will and wole do to my power. And as touchyng to that that he semith I haf don agayn hym, in good feith I wole abide your rule or, by Seynt Kateryne, his owen rule. He is a gentilman and I wole don it with good will. I am right sory ye had not set me thorgh with hym erst I went, for I haf prayed yow ther of, as ye know your self dyvers tymes. The Holy Trynite preserve yow. Wretyn at Wevenho the iiii. day of Merche.

Your servaunt,

DENYES.

* * *

Sir, my Lord[226.2] hath kept sessions at Colchestre, and my maister Yelverton with hym, and he desired me to write to yow to be wel ware if ony fals suggestion or lesynges wer made by Tuddenham and Heydon and that to your power thei be answerd in his absence. As for my Lord Scales, her be seven of housold meny indited of felony, which are strong thefes. Item, I pray yow, write in hast to the Meir of Norwich to gif credens to me whan I come to hym, and if ye so do I shal shape their articles in billes in to a nother facion I trust, and make thaym redy and delyver thaym resonably wele. My Lord purposeth to be at London the ende of the first weke of Lent, and not erst. I pray your maistership, se sum meane that White do me not that harme in the Chauncery wherof ye sent me word by Brayn, for, as God sauf my soule at the day of Jugement, I fonde surete for the pees, but the Maister of the Rolles[227.1] ful untruly recordeth that surete takyn as a baile, wher of treuth it was otherwise, and ful synnefully ruleth that mater, and never wold suffir me to execute the acte but lettid me, notwithstandyng it is a law private in the self as I shal clerly declare whan I come. The Holy Trinite preserve yow. I write to yow thus that ye may kyt awey this lower part of this lettre.

[Footnote 226.1: [Add. MS. 34,889, f. 169.] This letter must have been written in a year when Easter fell after the 20th April, as Lent does not appear to have begun on the 4th March; and as it was during the life of Cardinal Kempe, we may pretty safely fix it to the year 1451. The year 1454, indeed, might be possible as regards Easter, but there is no indication here of those troubles of which the writer complains so bitterly in that year on the 20th March. _See_ No. 239.]

[Footnote 226.2: The Earl of Oxford.]

[Footnote 227.1: Thomas de Kirkeby.]

182

MARGARET PASTON TO JOHN PASTON[227.2]

_To my Ryth worshipfull hosband, John Paston._

[Sidenote: 1451 / MARCH 15]

Rith wurchipfull hosbond, I recommawnd me to yow, desiring hertily to her of yowr welfar; preying you to wete that Herry Halmannys wif sent to me word on Saterday last past that Prentys thretyth her hosbond sor, and John Robyns, for suche thynges as Prentys seyth that they haue donn ayens hym; he seyth he shall make hem so besy or he leve hem that he shall make hem not wurth apeny; and they ben aferd that he woll hold hem conuawnt if he have powyr ther to. It is seyd her that the kyng shuld com in to this contre, and sir Thomas Todenham and Heydon arn well cheryeshid with hym. And also it is seyd they shall have as grett rewill in this contre as evyr they hadde, and many more folkes arn sory therfore than mery. Sir Thomas Todenhamys man and Heydonys sowyn this sedde all abowte the contre, that here maysteris shull cum hom in hast in here prosperite and be als well att esse as ever they wer. As for that ye dessyryd that I shuld enquyr wher any stuff is of yowris, I wot not how to don ther with, for if ever wer aspyid that hath of yowr stuff, and we had it from hym, other that have more ther of wold ben ware be hym, and avoyd seche stuff as they have of yowris. I suppose John Osbern shall tell yow whan ye com hom agode meen to wete wher meche ther of is becom. Jamys Gloys is ayen to Gressam and I suppose John Damme shall tell yow what he hath donn ther. Yowr tenawntis wold fayn that summe mene of yowris shuld abyde amongis hem, for they ben in gred diswyr what they may do; the langage is so grett on the tother party that it maketh the tenawntis sor afferd that ye shuld not regoyse itt. I send to yow a letter be Colynys of Frawnceys Costard what dedis he woll don. It was told me also that the Lord Molyns was lyke to have aday ayens yow att Thetford at the next assyse. On [_one_] that loueth yow rythwell told me how it was told hym so, and warnyd me therof in secrete wyse. Itt is gode to ben war of ther falsed. I pray yow that ye woll send me word in hast, if ye woll have red to your levery as ye wer avysid, and if ye woll not, &c. And also I pray yow that ye woll do bey ij. gode hattis for your sonys for I can none getyn in this town. Mor tydynges can I not send yow yett. The Holy Trinyte have yow in his kepyng. Wretyn att Norwiche on the fyrst Monday of Lent.

Yowris,

M. P.

[Footnote 227.2: [Add. MS. 34,888, f. 55.] This letter would appear to be of the same year as No. 184, written a fortnight later. Both letters speak of rumours that Tuddenham and Heydon will regain their ascendency.]

183

MARGARET PASTON TO JOHN PASTON[228.1]

_To my right wurchipfull husbond, John Paston, be this delyverid in hast._

[Sidenote: 1451(?) / [MAR. 22]]

Right wurchipfull hosbond, I recomawnd me to yow, beseching yow that ye be not displeasid with me, thow my symplenesse cawsed yow for to be displeasid with me. Be my trowth, it is not my will nother to do ne sey that shuld cawse yow for to be displeasid; and if I have do, I am sory therof, and will amend itt. Wherefor I beseche yow to forgeve me, and that ye bere none hevynesse in your hert ayens me, for your displeasans shuld be to hevy to me to indure with.

I send yow the roll that ye sent for, in selyd, be the brynger her of; it was fownd in your trussing cofor. As for hering, I have bowt an horslode for iiij^s. vj^d. I can gett none ell [_eels_] yett; as for bever [_i.e. drinkables_], ther is promysid me somme, but I myt not gete it yett. I sent to Jone Petche to have an answer for the wyndowis, for she myt not come to me. And she sent me word that she had spoke therof to Thomas Ingham, and he seyd that he shuld speke with yow hymself, and he shuld accord with yow wel jnow, and seyd to her it was not her part to desyr of hym to stop the lyts; and also he seyd itt was not his parte to do itt, be cawse the place is his but for yeris.

And as for all other eronds that ye have commandid for to be do, thei shal be do als sone as thei may be do. The blissid Trynyte have yow in his keping. Wretyn at Norwyche, on the Monday next after Seynt Edward.

Yowris,

M. P.

[Footnote 228.1: [From Fenn, iii. 238.] The date of this letter is quite uncertain. Fenn assigns it to the year 1454, when Lent began very late, as it is evident the herrings and eels referred to were intended as provision for that season. This conjecture may be correct; but it must be noted that John Paston was at home at Norwich, if not in the beginning of Lent, at least on the fourth Sunday of Lent in 1454. Moreover, if the date of this letter, ‘Monday next after St. Edward,’ means after the 18th March, which was the day of St. Edward the King and Martyr, the year 1451 would suit rather better than 1454; for, in the former year, the Monday after St. Edward’s day would be the 22nd of March, and Ash Wednesday the 10th, while in the latter the Monday after St. Edward would be the 25th, and Ash Wednesday the 6th, so that the provision of herrings would be very late.]

184

MARGARET PASTON TO JOHN PASTON[230.1]

_To my right wurchepfull husbond, John Paston, [be]yng in the Inner Tempill, be this delivered in hast._

[Sidenote: 1451 / MARCH 30]

Right wurchepfull husbond, I recomaund me to you, prayng you to wete that myn unkyll Phylyp Berney[230.2] was at Lynne this last weke, and he was at inne at the baylyffes hows of Lynne, and Partrych[230.3] came in to the same place whill myn unkyll was ther. And the seid Partrych was wele aqueyntyd with the balyffe, and the balyffe told hym that he sent a letter to the Lord Molyns, and that the Lord Molyns had sent hym a nother letter, letyng hym wete that he purposyd hym to be at Lynne thes weke. Than Partrych seid that he had word that the seid lord purposyd hym to be ther at that tyme; but he seid summe men supposyd that he wuld not come here; and the balyffe seid that he was right glad that he shuld come in to this countre. On of myn unkyll men herd all this langage, and told it myn unkill. The baly ner Patrych knewe not at that tyme what myn unkyll was to us ward. Also I purposyd me to have sent to Stapylton, as ye sent me word be James Gresham, and it is told me that he is to London. Item, it is noysed abowte Gresham and all that contre that the Lord Molyns shuld be there in hast. Item, Gonnore had right gret langage, and he trostyd that the word [_world_] shall turne sumwhat after ther entent. Othre tydynges have we non, but that Tudenham and Heydon shuld have ageyn the rewle in this contre, assmych as ever thei had or more. The Holy Trynyte have you in kepyng. Wretyn at Norwhich un the Tuesday next before Mydlentesonday.[230.4]

Yowre,

M. P.

[Footnote 230.1: [From Paston MSS., B.M.] This letter, like several of those preceding, speaks of a juncture in which it was expected that Tuddenham and Heydon would regain their influence. The adherents of Lord Molyns were also in hopes that he would shortly be in Norfolk and re-enter Gresham. The date must therefore be 1451.]

[Footnote 230.2: Philip Berney, Esq. of Caston. He was a brother of Margaret Mauteby, who was Margaret Paston’s mother.]

[Footnote 230.3: _See_ p. 101, Note 4.]

[Footnote 230.4: Mid-Lent Sunday fell on the 4th April in 1451.]

185

PETITION FROM THE TOWN OF SWAFFHAM[231.1]

_To the ryght wise, noble, and discrete Comons of this present Parlement._

[Sidenote: 1451]

Mekely besechyn, bewailyn, and shewyn the pouer and simple inhabitaunts in the toun of Swafham, in the counte of Norfolk, that where Sir Thomas Tudenham of Oxburgh, knyght, this xvj. yeeris last passid before the day of the Acte of Resumpcion in the last Parlement before this,[231.2] hath ocupied and governed the lordship and maner of Swafham forsaid, with the appertenauncez, as styward and fermer of the same; in which ocupacion and governaunce the said Sir Thomas, and othre his servauntz and adherentz in a rolle to this peticion annexed named, han petously and synnefully don and comitted the trespasez, offencez, wronges, extorcyons, mayntenauncez,[231.3] imbraceryes,[231.4] oppressions, and perjuryes in the seid rolle conteyned; and of dyverse and many articles ther of, and of many othre wrongs, and of that that the said Sir Thomas is a comon extorcioner, the same Sir Thomas be fore the ryght noble, true, and pleyn lord, our good and gracious lord the Erle of Oxenford, and othre the Kyngs commissioners of _oire determyner_ withynne the same shire, the said Sir Thomas Tudenham, and othre his servauntz and adherentz arn indited.

Please it your noble wisdamis to conceyve that it hath be the comon law of the land of long tyme that if a comon theef were, in ony cuntre, so often indited or detect of so many offencez he shuld not, by the law of the lande, be late to baile ne meynprise, but be kept in prison til he were put to answere of swich crymes as he were so detect of. And also please your greet wisdams to conceyve that all the Juges of the Kynges Benche, of long and late tyme sittyng in their place, laudablely han usid to comitte to prison, with oute baile or meynprise, for a tyme, al persones that han be detecte before theym of any ryot or greet cruel offence agayn the peas, which offence myght a be subvercyon of the law by ony liklynesse; and advertisyng the greet mischeves that this noble roialme hath oftyn standyn in for the greet extorcyons and oppressions that hath be don in the same,[232.1] and how greet a subvercyon of the lawe and of the polityk governaunce of the land suych extorcyon is; and of your prudent and sage wisdams lyke yow to make requisicion to the Kyng our soverain Lord, and to the Lords espirituallx and temporelx in this present Parlement assembled, that by the consideracion that the said Sir Thomas wold never apere, in his persone, ne by his atturney, at no sesions of _oir determyner_ holden in the said counte; plese the Kyng and Lords forsaid, to comitte the said Sir Thomas Tudenham to preson, ther to abide til in to the tyme that he to the said inditements hath answerid, and to the billes and compleynts of the said inhabitauntz in fourme of law.

And more over, where that the said Sir Thomas Tudenham hath, among many othre greet wrongs, ful synnefully causid a writte of assise of novell dissessyn[232.2] to be brought ageyn John Aleyn and xxiij othre of the said toune, in the name of the Abbot of Sawtre,[232.3] and causid that assise to passe by perjury, as in the first article in the rolle to this peticion annext it is more opinly conteyned, please your greet wisdams, for the reverens of God by that concideracion, that the jurry of the said assise durst not, for drede of the horrible menaces of the said Sir Thomas, othrewise do but be for sworn in gevyng their verdite in the same assise, in which case the said inhabitauntz, for pyte and remorce of their concyencez, wer lothe to sew a writ of atteynte,[233.1] to pray the Kynge and Lords forsaid to ordeyn, by auctorite of this present Parlement, that the said writ of assisse, verdit, recoverer, and the jugement ther of, with every othre circumstaunce therof, be voide, revokd, and adnulled, for the love of God.

* * *

[233.2]Item, compleyneth John Bladsmyth of Swafham of that that where John, late Pryour of Penteney,[233.3] predecessor of the prior that now is, and the covent of the same place, the Munday next aftir the fest of Seynt Mathew the Evangelist, the xiij. yeer of the kyng, our soverain lord that now is, at Swafham forsaid, lete to ferme to the forsaid John Bladsmyth certeyn londs, rents, tenements, and pasture,[233.4]----

[Footnote 231.1: [From Paston MSS., B.M.] This is a rough draft of a Petition which seems to have been intended for presentation to Parliament in the beginning of the year 1451. Parliament was prorogued on the 18th December 1450 till the 20th January following, but it did not actually meet again for despatch of business till the 29th April. It would appear from this Petition that Sir Thomas Tuddenham and his adherents were indicted before the Earl of Oxford at the sessions of _oyer and terminer_ which sat on the 2nd March 1451.]

[Footnote 231.2: This must be the Act of Resumption of 28 Henry VI.--See _Rolls of Parliament_, v. 183.]

[Footnote 231.3: _See_ p. 167, Note 3.]

[Footnote 231.4: _See_ p. 167, Note 5.]

[Footnote 232.1: [Original note here in margin.] Answer neyther to the billes ne inditeing forseid, ne to non of theym.]

[Footnote 232.2: _See_ p. 47, Note 4.]

[Footnote 232.3: A Cistercian monastery in Huntingdonshire.]

[Footnote 233.1: A writ to inquire whether a jury gave a false verdict.]

[Footnote 233.2: This is written on the back.]

[Footnote 233.3: John de Tyrington. He was succeeded in 1449 by Richard Pentney.]

[Footnote 233.4: The sentence breaks off thus abruptly in the MS.]

186

ABSTRACT[233.5]

SIR JOHN FASTOLF TO SIR THOS. HOWYS, Parson of Castlecombe, at Castre.

[Sidenote: 1451 / APRIL 13]

Received a letter from them, 3rd April, with the last account of Sir Jo. Kyrtelyng and Intewod. Understands Rob. Norwych will not occupy as undersheriff, because Jenneys had given him language not to his pleasure, and so Aleyn is to occupy, who is not F.’s wellwiller; but Howys has provided a remedy with the sheriff. When the _venire facias_ is made out, I will try and get it sent you, and I shall have Paston’s advice. Knows well the obstinate will of false Dallyng, but Bokkyng must speak with him, and entreat him in his best manner.--Margaret Bryg’s matter.

As to the oyer and terminer, it is certain Heydon and Tuddenham will be at Norwich with all the maintenance and fellowship they can. It is said Justice Prysot will be there. You must do your best to keep your friends steadfast; and I in the meantime will labour here, and send you word how the world is set. Men of the city of Norwich have good audience and favour among the Lords, and are waiting an answer of their matters. Has delivered up the shipmen, and left the ship here for causes which he will write; ‘for the rayse hath been full costuys, except they came in saufftee.’

London, 13 April, 29 Hen. VI.

[Footnote 233.5: [From MS. Phillipps, 9735, No. 231.]]

187

MARGARET PASTON TO JOHN PASTON[234.1]

_To my right wurchepfull howsbond, John Paston._

[Sidenote: 1451 / APRIL 16]

Right wurchepfull howsbond, I recomand me to yow, prayng yow to wete that the Parson of Oxened[234.2] told me that Wyndham told hym that Sweynnysthorp[234.3] is hold of the Kyng be the therd part or the fourt part of a knyt fye, and ho so ever had the maner of Sweynsthorp, he shuld fynde an armyd man, in tyme of werre in the castell of Norwhic, xl. days to his owyn cost, and that ye shuld pay xxx^s. to the Kyng yerly owth of the seyd maner; and it is fond also that your fader shuld a died seysyd, and that ye shuld a entyryd ther in as heyr after your fader dysseys, and that ye shuld be now up on the age of xxx. wynter.

The Trinite have yow in hys kepyng. Wreten at Norwhic, the Friday next a fore Seynt George.

Yowrs,

M. PASTON.

[Footnote 234.1: [From Fenn, iii. 84.] The date of this letter depends upon the age of John Paston, who, in November 1444, was found to be twenty-three years old. As he is now ‘upon the age of thirty winters,’ this letter was probably written in 1451.]

[Footnote 234.2: His name was Laurence Baldewar.]

[Footnote 234.3: In 1444, according to Blomefield (_Hist. of Norf._ iv. 40), a rent-charge out of the manor of Swainsthorp was settled by John and Agnes Paston, the eldest son and the widow of William Paston, the Justice, to find a priest to sing for the soul of the said William in the chapel of our Lady the Great in Norwich Cathedral.]

188

ABSTRACT[234.4]

SIR JOHN FASTOLF TO SIR THOS. HOWYS, at Castre in Flegg.

[Sidenote: 1451 / APRIL 21]

Sends two _venire facias_ for Beyton in Norfolk and Bradwell in Suffolk, returnable _in quindena Paschæ_, which is a short day. You must deliver them in haste to the Sheriff by Paston’s advice, by whom I send them. Labour to the Sheriff for the return of such panels as will speak for me, and not be shamed, for great labour will be made by Wentworth’s party. ‘Entreat the Sheriff as well ye can by reasonable rewards, rather than fail,’ for they have taken as false an issue as can be with me ‘by H. [_i.e._ Heydon’s] advice for cold love.’ I had traversed the plea in the inquisition that I had disseised Sir Hue Fastolf; but they put it now that I had only a joint interest in the manor. The names you sent for Bradwell are like to do well, except Hopton, who has married with the Lady Wentworth. I am also in doubt of one Reppes of Heringflete, who is Heydon’s man. Had purposed to have been at the oyer and terminer this time, but cannot, &c.

Horshighdoun, 21 April, 29 Hen. VI.

_Signed._

[Footnote 234.4: [From MS. Phillipps, 9735, No. 243.]]

189

DEBENHAM, TYMPERLEY, AND WHITE TO JOHN PASTON[235.1]

[Sidenote: 1451 / MAY 2]

Maister Paston, we comaund us to you, lattyng you witt that the Sheriff is noght so hole as he was, for now he wille shewe but a part of his frendeshippe. And also there is grete prese off pepill, and fewe frendes, as ferr as we can feel yitt. And therfore be ye sadly avised wheder ye seme best to come your self, or send or, &c., for we will assay in as much as in us is to prevaile to your entente. And yett, if it neded, we wolde have a man to giffe us informacion, or shewe evidence after the case requireth. Also the Shereffe enformed us that he hath writyng from the Kyng that he shall make such a panell to aquyte the Lord Moleynes. And also he tolde us, and as ferr as we can conceyve and feel, the Shereff wille panell gentylmen to aquyte the Lorde, and jowroures to a quyte his men; and we suppose that it is be the mocion and meanes of the othir party. And yif any meanes of tretie be proferd, we know not what meane shulde be to your pleasir. And therfore we wolde fayne have mor knowlege, yiff ye think it were to doo.

No more at this tyme, bot the holy Trinite have you in his kepyng. Wretin at Walsyngham, in hast, the secund day of May.--Be your trewe and feithfull frendes,

DEBENHAM, TYMPERLEY, AND WHITE.

And also, Sir, as we conceyve, the Lord Moleynes shall not be quyte before Thurseday; in as muche as he was indyted before the Justice, we undirstand he shall not be quyte but before the Justice. Wherfore we avise you, iff ye think it be to doo, to send your frendes in the meane tyme, and come your self to your place at Sperham, and there abyde unto tyme that we have knowlege how the saide mater will drawe, and till that we may have worde from you, and ye from us, &c.

[Footnote 235.1: [From Paston MSS., B.M.] As this letter speaks of the indictment and expected acquittal of Lord Molyns, the date must be 1451. This letter is written on parchment.]

190

W. LOMNOR TO JOHN PASTON[236.1]

[Sidenote: 1451 / MAY (?)]

Ryght worchipfulle Sir, yours goode cosynes and frendes avyse yow to come to Walsyngham, and that ye be there to morw betymes at vj. on the clok; for the Lord Moleyns offreth a trete for the goodes, and amendes to be made, or he goth ought of this contre, and if it be not taken, his men shulle justifie; wherupon your title might be hurte. The Lord Skales, the Justis, and other knygtes and squyeres merveyle grettly ye come not, and thow they that have not so true and evident mater as ye have concelle yow to be absent; yet I wolde ye dede as ye be desyrd be that felaship, for many wolde yow right welle. Whanne ye come, I shalle telle yow more.

The Lorde Moleyns shulde not have be aquyte of his comaundement, hadde he not sworen on a boke, sweche evidens was ayens hym; and ther is no jentelman wolde aquite his men for no goode, &c.

W. LOMNOR.

[Footnote 236.1: [From Paston MSS., B.M.] This letter has no address, but there can be no doubt from the contents it was intended for John Paston. It was evidently written about the same time as the last, while the Sessions was sitting at Walsingham, and Paston’s suit against Lord Molyns was still pending.]

191

SIR JOHN HEVENINGHAM TO MARGARET PASTON[237.1]

_To my ryght worchipffull cosyn, Margarete Paston, be this letter delivered._

[Sidenote: 1451(?) / MAY 7]

Ryght worchipffull and welbeloved cosyn, I commaunde me to you as herteli as I can, thankyng you off your goode chere the last tyme I was with you. And, worchippffull cosyn, please that you to calle un to your remembrauns I wrote un to you for my cosyn Anneys Loveday to have ben in your service, and I reseyved from you a letter that your wyll was goode, but durst not to in to the tyme ye hadde spoke with my cosyn your husbonde.

Worchippffull cosyn, I have labored for hir in othir placez, but I can not have my entent as yet. Wherffor yff that hit please you to have hyr with you to in to the tyme that a mastris may be purveyeid for hir, I pray you ther off, and I shall contente you ffor hir boarde, that ye shal be wel pleased; for, cosyn, and I hadde a wyff, I wolde not care for hir. And ther as she is, she is not well at hir ease, for she is at Robert Lethum; and therfor I pray you herteli that ye wyll tendre this my writyng, and I beseche you that in cas be that ye wyll fulffylle hit that ye wel sende my cosyn Will Staunton for hir, and I shal kepe you trewe promys, as I have be for wretyn. And I beseche Almyghti Jesu preserve you. Wretyn at Hevenyngham, on the vij. day off May, &c.

Your oune cosyn,

JOHN HEVENYNGHAM, Knyght.

[Footnote 237.1: [From Fenn, iii. 144.] The date of this letter is doubtful, but it was evidently written at a time when John Paston had been for some considerable time absent from Norwich, which appears to have been the case in the beginning of May 1451. The writer of this letter died in July 1453.]

192

SIR THOMAS HOWYS TO SIR JOHN FASTOLF[238.1]

_To my reverent and worchepfull mayster, Sir John Fastolf, Knyght, be this lettre delyvered._

[Sidenote: 1451 / MAY 9]

Right reverent and worchipfull maister, I recomaunde me louly un to yow. Please you to wete the Sonday next after the Fest of the Invencion of the Cros,[238.2] the ix. day of May, at Castre, I receyved a lettre from you by your clerk, W. Barker, the tenure wherof I shall do spede in all hast goodly. But for the more special cause of my wrytyng at this tyme is to gef you relacion of the un true demenyng of this oure determyner, by the parcialte of the Jugez of it; for whan the Counsell of the cite of Norwich, of the toun of Swafham, youres, my Maister Inglose,[238.3] Pastons, and many other playntyfs had put in and declared, bothe by writyng and by woord by fore the Jugez, the lawfull excepcions in many wise, the Juges by ther wilfulnesse myght nat fynde in ther hert to gef, not als moche as a bek nor a twynclyng of ther eye toward, but toke it to deriscion, God reforme such parcialte; and by cause Prisot[238.4] thought that yf the Sessions of the oyer determyner had be holden at Norwich as they bygonne, he supposed it shuld nat so fast passe to th’entent of Tudenham and Heydon and ther felawes, as it shuld do ell[es] in other place, but enjorned to Walsyngham, wher they have grettist rule, ther to be holden on Tuesday, iiij^te day of May.

This knowing, my Maister Yelverton,[238.5] Genney, and other myght weel conceyve how the governaunce of the oyer determyner shuld procede, for it was the most parcial place of alle the shire, and thedre wer cleped alle the frendez, knyghteys, and esquiers, and gentilmen that wolde in nowise do other wise than they wolde. And the seid Tudenham, Heydon, and other oppressours of ther set come doun theder, as I understand, with iiij^c. [400] hors and more; and consideryng how ther wellwillers wer ther assembled at ther instaunce, it had be right jowpertous and ferefull for any of the pleyntyfs to have be present, for ther was nat one of the pleyntyfs ner compleynuantez ther, but your right feithfull and trusty weel willer John Paston. And my Maister Yelverton seid full discretly, and countrolled the seid Prisot when he seid, sittyng, in the Guyhalle of Norwich, these wordys to the Meyre and Commonalte, ‘A, Sir Meyre and your brethren, as to the processe of youre compleyntez, we wole put them in contynuance, but in all other we wole procede;’ which wordys Yelverton thought right parciall. And by side this the seid Prisot wolde suffre no man that was lerned to speke for the pleyntyfs, but took it as a venom, and took them by the nose at every thred woord whiche myght weel by knowe for open parcialte.

And as for the Lord Scalys, ye knowe well what he is toward you, and namely for Hikelyng matter. Also to knowe som of your feynt frendes, at that tyme that my Lord Norffolk sat at Norwich up on the oyer determyner, Sir John Hevyngham myht nat fynde it in his hert to go iiij. furlong from his duellyng place to the shirehouse, but now he cowd ryde from Norwich to Walsyngham to syt as one of the Commyssioners. As to the rule of other, that ye wolde have supposed your wellewillers, how they have byhavyd them at Walsyngham, I shall sende yow woord in all hast whan Bernay[239.1] come hom to Castr, for he is nat yet come from Walsyngham. But this I knowe well, that they founde none obstacle ner impedyment in ther consciens in all your matter; but how they have do with Norwich, Swafham, and Paston, I am nat yet clerly informed; I suppose they arn put in respite. I here sey Heydon seweth for an ende to be had with the cite of Norwich, and as to the namys of them that passed on ther acquitaile ayenst yow, Broyn can weell informe yow. I understand that Sir Robert Conyers, Calthorp, Mundford wer capteyns, and Maister Ric. Doget also.

Item, as for the ij. _venire facias_ ye sent to be retorned for your manorz of Bradwell and Beyton, I have do them to be retorned of suche namys as I have sent woord before, savyng sume be take, and except out. Moreover, as for the mater of Sir John Sibton, Geney and Raulyns gef ful counsell that it shuld abyde tyl the mater of Bradwell myght procede, so that bothe maters myght take up on a day, for they sey it wold drawe xx. marc to labour the Jure to London, and yet it wer hard to bryng about. And they gef you counsell in all wise that ye labour to have Yelverton Juge at that tyme, and in all wise bothe in that materz and in all other, that ye be war that Prisot have not to have do in any wise, for than all wole be nought. Of alle other materz I shall send you woord in all hast goodly, for at thys tyme I had no leyser by cause of the hasty comyng up of Hug Fen, whom I beseche yow to fele of the demenyng of the oyer determyner, for he can telle yow moche and [_i.e._ if] he wole; whether he wole or nay, I can nat sey, for I know wele he was at Walsyngham. And I beseche All myghty Jesu have yow in his mercyfull governaunce. Wrete at Castre, the Sonday, ix. day of May anno xxixº Regis Henrici vj^ti.

* * *

_On the back of the letter is written--_

I prey yow be nowth displesed thow I have nowt subscribed my name withinne forth, for it is of neclygens, quoth Howys, Parson of Castlecomb.

[Footnote 238.1: [From Fenn, iii. 116.]]

[Footnote 238.2: The 3rd of May.]

[Footnote 238.3: Sir Harry Inglos.]

[Footnote 238.4: John Prisot, Chief Justice of the Common Pleas.]

[Footnote 238.5: William Yelverton, Justice of the King’s Bench, afterwards knighted by Edward IV.]

[Footnote 239.1: Probably Philip Berney.]

193

JOHN OSBERN TO JOHN PASTON[241.1]

_To my ryght reverent and worchepful Master, John Paston, be this delyverid._

[Sidenote: 1451 / MAY 27]

Plese it your masterchep to wete that I have spoke wyth the Shereff[241.2] at hese placez, mevyng to hym, as for that that was left wyth hese Under shereff, it is your wyl he shuld send a man of hese for it; for thow it were more ye wold gladly he shuld take it; he thanked yow, and sayde hese Under shereff was at London, and hymselff had non deserved, and if he had he wold a take it. And whan I departyd from hym, I desyerid hym a yen to send therffore, and than he seyde it shuld abyde tyl ye come hom, wherby I conceyve he wold have it, and be gladde to take it. Moreover, I remembred hym of hese promyses made before to yow at London, when he took hese oth and charche, and that ye were wyth hym when he toke hese oth, and oder dyvers tymes; and for tho promyses made be hym to yow at that tyme, and other tymes at the oyer determyner at Lynne, ye proposed yow be the trust that ye have in hym for to atempte and rere accions that shuld be to the avayle of hym and of hese office. He wold a know what the accions shuld be. I sayde I coude not telle hym, and than he seyde he wold do for yow that he may, excepte for the aquitell of the Lord Molyns men, in so meche as the Kyng hath wrete to hym for to shewe favour to the Lord Moleyns and hese men, and as he seyth the indytement longyth to the Kyng, and not to yow, and the Lord Molyns a gret lord. Also, as he seyth, now late the Lord Molyns hath sent hym a letter, and my Lord of Norffolk anoder, for to shew favour in these indytements, he darnot abide the joporte of that, that he shuld offende the Kinges commaundment. He know not how the Kyng may be informed of hym, and what shal be seyde to hym.

And than I sayde as for any joporte that he shuld abyde in any thing that he doth for yow, or be your desyre, you have offered hym, and wol performet, sufficient sewerte for to sawe hym harmeles, and therfore I supposid ther wold non resonable man thynk but that he myght do for yow wyth owte any joporte. And then he seyde he myth non sewerte take that passid C_li._; and the Lord Molyns is a gret lord, he myght soon cause hym to lese that, and meche mo. Than I sayde, be that meane, in defawte of a Shereff, every man may be put from hese lyvelod; and thann he seyde iff it were for the lyvelode, men wold take hem the nerer for to abyde a joporte; but be hese feyth, as he swore, if the Kyng wryte ayan to hym he wol no lenger abyde the joporte of the Kyngges wrytyng, but he trustyth to Godde to inpanell seche men as shuln to hise knowleche be indeferent, and non comon jurors. As me semyth it wold do goode and [_if_] ye wolde gett a comaundment of the Kyng to the Shereff for to shew yow favour, and to inpanell jantelmen, and not for to favour non seche riotts, &c.; for he seyde that he sent yow the letter that the Kyng sent hym, and ye seyde a man shuld gete seche on for a noble.

Item, I remembred hym of the promyses that he hath made to Temperley, and that if he wold make yow very trew promys, ye wold rewarde hym as meche as he wold desire, or any other resonable man for him, and asmoche and mor then any adverserry ye have wold gef hym; than he seyde he toke never no mony of non of hem alle. There was proferid hym at Walsyngham for the Lord Molyns xx. nobles, he had not a peny; moreover, I proferid hym, if he wold make yow promys that ye myght veryly trust upon hym, ye wold geff hym in hande as he wold desire, or to leve a summe if he wold a named it in a mene mannys hand, and seche as he hath trust to. And then he seyde, if he myght do for yow, or if he do any thyng for yow, then he wol take yowre mony wyth a good wyl; and other promys I coude not have of hym, but that he wol do for yow all that he may, excepte for the inditements. I conceyve veryly he hath made promys to do hese part that they shul be a quytte, but I suppose he hath made non other promys ayens yow for the lyvelode; but he lokyth aftyr a gret brybe, but it is not for to trust hym veryly wyth owte that he may not chese. I suppose he had no wrytyng fro my Lord of Norffolk as he seyde.

I was at Framyngham for to a spoke wyth Tymperley, Debnam, or Berry, and they were all ought. My Lord, as he came from London, he was at Yepysweche on Moneday, and when he wythowth the town toward Framyngham, he had all hese men ryde forth afore a gret pase, for he wolde felwe softely; and when hese men were owte of syght, he rode wyth v. men to a squieris place of hese therby, and on Tewsday, rodde my Lady to hym; and so I dede nought at Framyngham. No more at thys tyme, but All myghty Jesu spede yow, and have yow in hese kepyng. Wrete at Norwiche, the Thursday next aftyr Sent Austyn, &c.

Be your servunt,

JOHN OSBERN.

[Footnote 241.1: [From Fenn, iii. 308.] At the date of this letter Lord Molyns had probably been acquitted, but the action against his men was still pending. The year must therefore be 1451. The date ‘Thursday next after St. Austin’ is understood by Fenn to be after the Feast of St. Austin, or Augustine, Bishop of Hippo, which was celebrated on the 28th of August; but the dates of the preceding letters make it more probable that the writer means St. Augustine, the apostle of England, whose day was the 26th of May.]

[Footnote 241.2: John Jermyn. --_See_ page 183, Note 2.]

194

AGNES PASTON TO JOHN PASTON[243.1]

_To [Herry][243.2] Barker of Synt Clements Parys, in Norwych, to delyver to my Master John Paston, in haste_.

[Sidenote: 1451 or later]

On Thurisday the wall was mad zarde hey, and a good wylle be fore evyn it reyned so sore that they were fayne to helle the wall, and leve werke. And the water is fallyn so sore that it standyt ondyr the wall a fote deppe to Ballys warde [i.e. _towards the land of a neighbour named Ball_]. And on Friday after sakeryng, one come fro cherch warde, and schoffe doune all that was thereon, and trad on the wall and brake sum, and wente over; but I cannot zet wete hoo it was. And Warne Kynges wyfe, as she went over the style, she cursyd Ball, and seyde that he had zevyn aweye the waye, and so it prevyt be John Paston is words. And after, Kyngs folke and odyr come and cryid on Annes Ball, seying to her the same. Zystyrnevyn wan I xul goo to my bede, the Vycare[244.1] seyde that Warne Kyng and Warne Harman, betwyxte messe and matynsse, toke Sir Roberd[244.2] in the vestry, and bad hym sey to me, verely the wall xulde doun a gayne. And wan the Vycar tolde me I wyste ther of no worde, nor zet do be Sir Roberde, for he syth he were loth to make any stryfe. And wan I com out of the cherch, Roberd Emundes schowyd me how I was amercyde for seute of corte the laste zer vj_d._, and seyd it was xij_d._ tylle Warne Kyng and he gat it awey vj_d._

I send zou word how John Jamys was demenyd at Cromere, to send to Jamys Gressham how he xall be demenyd. Gaffrey Benchard, Alexander Glover, heywards,[244.3] tokyn a dystresse of John Jamys or the bond tenent of A. Paston, calde Reynalds, in Cromer, the xxviij^ti yer of thys Kyng, and W. Goodwyn, Baly of Cromer, with the seyd J. Jamys, with forsse toke awey the dysstres, wech was ij. horsse and a plowe. And Good be with zou.

Be ANNES PASTON, your Modur.

[Footnote 243.1: [From Paston MSS., B.M.] As this letter refers to the 28th year of Henry VI., seemingly as a past date, it cannot well be earlier than 1451. But probably it is not much, if at all, later.]

[Footnote 243.2: The Christian name _Herry_ is crossed out, and _Meye_ (?) appears to be written over.]

[Footnote 244.1: William Pope was vicar of Paston from 1447 to 1455.]

[Footnote 244.2: Probably the Vicar’s Curate.]

[Footnote 244.3: Haywards were (originally) persons who guarded a farm and crops in the night, and blew a horn on an alarm or robbers.--Halliwell.]

195

AGNES PASTON TO JOHN PASTON[245.1]

_To John Paston be thys byll deliverd in hast._

[Sidenote: 1451 or later]

I spacke thys day with a man of Paston syde, and he told me that a man of Paston told hym that Paston men wold not goo presessyon ferther than the chyrche yerde on Sent Markys day,[245.2] for he seyd the presessyon wey was stoppyd in, and seyd with in chort tyme men hopyd that the wall chuld be broke doun ageyn. Item, he seyd that I was amercyid for stoppyng of the seyd [way][245.3] at the last generall court, butt he cowd not tell who meche the mercyment was. And he that told it me askyd the man that told it hym if he had the mercyment in hys exstrete for to distreyn there fore; and he seid nay, but seyd he that chuld do it chuld bettyr doe take it up on hym than he chuld. Item, the same man told me that he mett with a man of Blyclyng, hyght Barker, that cam late fro London, and he told hym that I had a sute att London ageyn Wareyn Herman of Paston, and seyd that Roberd Branton was hys attornnye, and seyd he seygh hym ryght besy for hym att London. And for yete not yor sustyr;[245.4] and God have yow in kepyng. Wretyn att Norwyche the xij. day of May,

Be yor modyr,

A. PASTON.

[Footnote 245.1: [From Paston MSS., B.M.] This letter has the appearance, to judge from its contents, of being perhaps a few weeks later than the preceding one. It is, however, in a different hand.]

[Footnote 245.2: April 25.]

[Footnote 245.3: Omitted in MS.]

[Footnote 245.4: Elizabeth Paston?]

196

AGNES PASTON TO JOHN PASTON[246.1]

_John Paston, dwellyng in the Tempyll at London, be thys letter delyverd in hast._

[Sidenote: 1451 or later]

I grete yow wele, and lete yow wete that on the Sonday befor Sent Edmond, after evyn songe, Augnes Ball com to me to my closett and bad me good evyn, and Clement Spycer with hyr. And I acsyd hym what he wold? And he askyd me why I had stoppyd in the Kyngs wey? And I seyd to hym I stoppyd no wey butt myn owyn, and askyd hym why he had sold my lond to John Ball? And he sor [_swore_] he was nevyr a cordyd with your fadyr; and I told hym if hys fadyr had do as he dede, he wold a be a chamyd to a seyd as he seyd. And all that tyme Waryn Herman lenyd ovyr the parklos[246.2] and lystynd what we seyd, and seyd that the chaunge was a rewly chaunge, for the towne was un do therby, and is the werse by an C_li._ And I told hym it was no curtese to medyll hym in a mater butt if he wer callyd to councell; and prowdly goyn forthe with me in the cherche, he seyd the stoppyng of the wey xuld coste me xx. nobylls, and zet it shuld downe ageyn. And I lete hym wete he that putte it downe chull pay therfor. Also he seyd that it was well don that I sett men to werke to owle[246.3] meney whyll I was her, butt in the ende I chale lese my coste. Than he askyd me why I had a wey hys hey at Walsham, seyng to me he wold he had wyst it whan it was karryd, and he chuld a lettyd it; and I told hym it was myn owyn grownde, and for myn owyn I wold holde it; and he bad me take iiij. acre and go no ferther. And thus churtly he departyd from me in the cherche zerde. And syt [_since_] I spacke with a serteyn man, and acsyd hym if he herd owt sey why the dyner was mad att Norfolkys howse, and he told me [he] herd sey that serteyn men had sentt to London to gete a commyssyon owt of the chaunstre to putt downe ageyn the wall and the dyk.

I receyvyd yor letter by Robert Reppys thys day after thys letter wretyn thus far. I have red it, butt I conn yeve yow non aunswer mor than I have wretyn, save the wyfe of Harman hathe the name of owr Lady, whos blyssyn ye have and myn. Wretyn at Paston, on the day after Sent Edmond,[247.1]

Be yowyr modyr,

AUGNES PASTON.

[Footnote 246.1: [From Fenn, iii. 44.] This letter of Agnes Paston’s refers to the same subject of dispute as the two preceding, and was probably written after them; but the exact year is not certain.]

[Footnote 246.2: The half door of her ‘closet’ or pew in church.]

[Footnote 246.3: ‘To owl,’ says Fenn, ‘may signify to deceive, as an owler is a person who carries contraband goods in the night; though I rather think it means in this place to oil, that is, to smooth to her purpose; but q.?’ The explanation certainly is not very satisfactory. From the definition of ‘owler’ we might perhaps conjecture with more probability that ‘to owl’ was to work in the night time. Did Agnes Paston, to avoid interruption, set men to build the wall by night?]

[Footnote 247.1: St. Edmund’s day was the 16th November.]

197

MARGARET PASTON TO JOHN PASTON[247.2]

_To my rygth worshipfull hosbond, John Paston, be this delyverid in hast._

[Sidenote: 1451 / [JUNE 3]]

Rygth wurchipfull hosbond, I recommawnd me to yow, desyring hertyly to her of your welfar, preying yow to wete that itt was told me this weke that ther is afayr plase to sell in Seynt Laueransis parysch, and stant ner the chirche, and by the water syde, the whiche place Toppis hath to sell. Pyte alyster [_a dyer_] bowgth itt of Toppis and now, for defawt of payment, Toppis hath enterid ayen therinne, and shall selle itt in hast, as it is told me. The seyd lyster dwellyth therinne at this tym, but he shall owte, for he is hald rygth apore man. I suppose if ye lyke to bye itt when ye com hom, ye shall mowe have itt of Toppis als godechepe or better than another shuld. Als for tydyngs, we have none gode in this contre; I pray God send us gode. Itt was told me that Rychard Sowthwell hath enterid in the maner of Hale,[248.1] the whiche is the Lady Boysys,[248.2] and kepyth itt with strength with seche another felashep as hath be att Brayston, and wastyth and dispoylyth all that theris; and the Lady Boys, as it is told me, is to London to compleyn to the Kyng and to the Lordys ther of. Itt semyth it was not for nowgth that he held with Charlys and his felashep. I prey yow that ye wol vowchesawf to speke to Jamys Gloys to bye the Ungwentum Album that I spake to hym for; and that ye woll remembr your fayr dowgteris gyrdyl. I hope ye shull be at hom so sone that I woll do wryte nomor tydyngs to yow. The blyssid Trinyte have yow in his keping, and send yow gode spede in all that ye woll spede well inne. Wretyn at Norwyche on the Asencion day.

Yours,

M. P.

[Footnote 247.2: [From Fenn, iii. 424.] Reference is made in this letter to the forcible entry of Daniel into Brayston in 1450, and, from the terms of the allusion, that event must have been pretty recent. The date of this letter, however, cannot be earlier than 1451, as Lady Boys must have been a widow at the time, and she only became so in December 1450. --_See_ Letter 162, p. 198.]

[Footnote 248.1: Holm Hale.]

[Footnote 248.2: Sibilla, daughter and heir of Sir Robert Ylley, and widow of Sir Roger Boys, Knight. She was alive after 1450.--F.]

198

JAMES GRESHAM TO [JOHN PASTON][248.3]

[Sidenote: 1451 / June?]

Please it your maistership to wete that, as touchyng Blake of the Kyngges hous, I spak with hym, and he told me that if the Lord Moleyns wold take suyche appoyntement as ye agreed to, that he shuld lete me wete therof on Satirday after noon, as I tolde yow whanne ye dyd on your botes, &c. And sith that tyme I herd no word of hym. Item, there is laboured a _supersedeas_ for alle them that th’exigend[248.4] is ageyn, that arn convycted by record of my Lord of Oxenford, except ij. men which the Lord M. gyveth no fors of. Item, I send yow Treshams letter and a copie of the same. Item, I send yow the _cerciorari_ for my maistresse your modir. Item, I send yow the _scire facias_ for Osbern and Foke _versus_ Heydon and Wyndam. Item, I send yow a _distringas_ ageynst Tudenham, &c. Item, I beseche yow if it may be in cas my Lord of Oxenford have not Holt hundred, that ye wole take it to suyche on as yow seme best, for it is told me that Pertriche laboureth therfore. And that is by the setting on of Heydon, &c. As touchyng the _capias_ ageynst Pertrich, and the _pros._ a geynst Costard, &c., it wole not be hadde, &c.

[Footnote 248.3: [From Paston MSS., B.M.] This letter is anonymous, but it is in James Gresham’s handwriting. In Letter 190 we have Lord Molyns offering to treat with Paston for the injury done to his property at Gresham. Apparently Paston has now mentioned what terms he would accept. From what is said of the _supersedeas_, it would seem that this letter was written not long before the next, which is dated on Trinity Sunday.]

[Footnote 248.4: A writ of _exigent_ lies where the defendant in a personal action cannot be found, or anything of his to distrain. The sheriff is therein directed to proclaim him on five county court days, requiring him to appear on pain of outlawry.]

199

JOHN BERNEY TO JOHN PASTON[249.1]

_To the Ryght worshpful John Paston, Esquyer._

[Sidenote: 1451 / JUNE 20]

Ryght worshipfull, &c. Please zou to comfort and help my pouer tenaunt, Symond Sparre, whech ys a restyd by warant, at the sute of the Lord Scalys, for Sir T. Tudynham shepp. And, Sir, uppon Fryday last passyd, Blake, the Kynges secratory, tolde me that there was delyvered a _supersedyas_ for all men in that sute. But, Sir, as my verry trust is in zou for this, lat it be easyd, as I may doo for zou, &c.; for, Sir, I may not attent, by cause I am ocupyed with my suster, for hir husbond, Sir Rychard Veuuter,[249.2] dessessyd upoon Fryday last, &c. Wretyn in gret hast upon Trenyte Sunday.

Be zoure pouer cosyn,

JOHN BERNEYE.

[Footnote 249.1: [From Paston MSS., B.M.] For the date of this letter see Note 3 on last page. Trinity Sunday fell on the 20th of June in 1451.]

[Footnote 249.2: Blomefield mentions a Sir Richard Veutre, who presented to the living of Cockthorp in 1450.--_Hist. Norf._ ix. 218.]

200

NOTE

[Sidenote: 1451 / JUNE 28]

A letter of Sir John Fastolf to Sir Thomas Howes, dated 28th June 1451, 29 Henry VI., is mentioned by Fenn in vol. iii., p. 133, in a footnote, and the following sentence extracted:-- ‘The untrouthe of the Pryour of Hykelyng draweth away my devotion in such causes.’ The original of this