ii. On the back of the preceding is another draft writ of the same date

against the same parties for endeavouring to draw the prior out of the kingdom by a suit in the Court of Rome.

The paper is endorsed--’S. (?) Billæ vis. Veneris prox. post diem antedictum (?) Anno H. vj. v^to, et non necessario festinant’. Iterum supervidendum.’

_Endorsed in a later hand_-- ‘Towchynge Sir John Fastolffes landes in Norffolk and Surrye.’

[Footnote 29.1: [From Paston MSS., B.M.]]

[Footnote 29.2: He is believed to have been son of Geoffrey Chaucer, the famous poet, and his daughter Alice married William De la Pole, at this time Earl, afterwards Duke, of Suffolk.]

[Footnote 29.3: [From a Bodl. MS.]]

[[Barth. Waryn, parson of Trunche _text has “Barth,” with , for ._]]

15

ABSTRACT[30.1]

---- ---- TO WILLIAM PASTON.

[Sidenote: 1426(?)]

‘Dear and well-beloved Cousin.’ --Is in good health, but ill at ease, being informed that she is in debt to Steyard for my lord’s debt, whose soul God assoil, £7 and a pipe of wine. Knew nothing of it in my lord’s life, except of 2 pipes for herself, and one for her mother-in-law, of which she has paid 20s. Since my Lord’s death, Steyard has never asked her for it. ‘For which time, as I was at Jernemouth abiding in the Frere Carmes the time of the pestilence, his wife came unto me,’ asking the writer to be good lady to him; and he asked no more then than the above 3 pipes. He asked no more last harvest when he was sick and like to die, when John of Berneye was present. Thinks, therefore, his asking is untrue. My Lord would have made me or some of his council privy to such a debt. Hopes Paston, whom my Lord made one of his feoffees, will see ‘that ye and I be discharged anemps the King as for the debt of Steyard.’ --Dated Castre, the day after the Conversion of St. Paul. Addressed, ‘A mon tres cher et bien ame cousin, Will’m Paston soit donné.’

[This letter is endorsed in another hand, ‘W. Paston, j. feoffatorum et executorum Johannis Rothnale per lit’ Cz. (?)’ It seems, therefore, to have been written by the Lady Elizabeth, widow of Sir John Rothenhale, whose name occurs in No. 13 in connection with William Steyard of Great Yarmouth. She was the daughter of Sir Philip Branch, Kt., and had been previously married to John Clere of Ormesby. She died at Caister, the place from which this letter is dated, in 1440; and by her will, which was dated at Caister, 16th October 1438, she bequeathed all her goods at Ormesby to her son Robert Clere, and all her goods at Horning Hall, in Caister, to her son Edmund. --_See_ Blomefield’s _Norfolk_, iv. 35, vi. 392, xi. 210.]

[Footnote 30.1: [From Paston MSS., B.M.]]

[[whose name occurs in No. 13 _corrected by editor from “No. 8”_]]

16

ABSTRACT[30.2]

[Sidenote: 1426-7]

Depositions on the ---- day of ----, 5 Hen. VI., by Richard Wyoth, executor of Margery, daughter and heir of Edmund Bakon, touching the manor of Gressam which Bakon purchased, _temp._ Edw III. After the death of two brothers, Margery became sole possessor, and gave it to Wyoth and other executors to perform her will, with proviso that Philip Vache and Eliz., his wife, should have it during their lives, but that the reversion of it should be sold, giving William, son of Robert Moleyns, the first option of purchase. It was accordingly offered to him, but he refused to buy. On the death of said Eliz., however, he bought the manor for 420 marks, and held it two years, when Wyoth re-entered because part of the purchase-money was unpaid. W. Moleyns’s wife, however, induced him to accept security from Thos. Fawkoner, merchant of London, whose daughter the said William agreed that his son should marry, when he came of age; and it was arranged that meanwhile Fawkoner and Wyoth should be jointly enfeoffed of the manor, which was to be given in jointure, if the marriage took effect. The marriage did not take effect, and Fawkoner re-entered upon the manor according to the enfeoffment, but paid Wyoth nothing, till Thos. Chawsers,[31.1] Esq., a kinsman of the said Margery, made him understand that Wyoth might enter on his own portion, and had even a prior right to himself. At length Fawkoner sold his right to Chaucers and Wyoth, and released the manor on security for the payment. Wyoth then said he should have little advantage by the bargain, except in having easy days of payment; ‘et quod dictus Thomas Chaucers, pro bona voluntate quod (_sic_) erga dictum Willelmum Paston gessit, episcopum Londoni de emptione ejusdem manerii per longum tempus dilatavit, intentione ut idem Willelmus illud emeret si voluerit.’

17

ABSTRACT[31.2]

RAUF, Parson of Cressyngham, to WILLIAM PASTON, Justice.

[Sidenote: 1427-43]

Is he to deliver to John Halleman Paston’s evidences belonging to the manor of Wodhalle in Pagrave, and under what form? Hopes to see him at Norwich, on Tuesday or Wednesday after Michaelmas-day. Cressingham, 20 Sept.

On the back are written, in William Paston’s hand, some notes of a case touching ‘Frater Kensale.’

[Ralph Wolman _alias_ Harple was incumbent of Cressingham from 1427 to 1460; but this letter could not have been written later than 1443, as William Paston died in August of the following year.]

[Footnote 30.2: _Ibid._]

[Footnote 31.1: _See_ Note 2 on page 29. _See also_ Blomefield, viii. 127.]

[Footnote 31.2: [From Paston MSS., B.M.]]

18

ABSTRACT[31.3]

Mutilated Letter in French, from JOHN VAUX, Parson of Edythorp, to ----.

[Sidenote: 1426]

Only the right-hand half of the letter remains. Names mentioned--Richard de Causton, William Coule. Date lost.

[John Vaux was Rector of Edingthorp in Norfolk, in 1388. His successor was John Prentys, who was presented to the living in 1429 by the feoffees of the duchy of Lancaster.--Blomefield, xi. 29.]

[Footnote 31.3: _Ibid._]

19

ABSTRACT[32.1]

[Sidenote: 1426 / DEC. 7]

‘A grant of the Monastery of Bury to make William Paston, justice, brother of the Chapter-House.’ Day of St. Ambrose 1429.

[The description is taken from an endorsement. The document itself is printed in Yates’s _Bury St. Edmunds_, p. 156.]

[Footnote 32.1: [Add. Charter 17,226, B.M.]]

20

WILLIAM PASTON TO THE VICAR OF THE ABBOT OF CLUGNY[32.2]

[Sidenote: 1430(?)]

My ryghte worthy and worshopeful lord, I recomaunde me to yow. And for as meche [as I] conseyve verrayly that ye arn Vicar general in Inggelond of the worthy Prelate, the Abbot of Clunie, and have hys power in many grete articles, and mong other in profession of monkes in Inggelond of the seyd ordere. And in my cuntre, but a myle fro the place where I was born, is the poure hous of Bromholm of the same ordre, in wheche arn divers vertuous yongge men, monkes clad and unprofessyd, that have abedyn there. . . . Abbyte ix. or x. yeer; and be lenger delaye of here profession, many inconvenientez arne lyke to falle. And also the priour of . . . hath resigned in to your worthy handes by certeins notables and resonables causes, as it apperyth by an instrument, and a symple lettre under the comune seal of the seyd hous of Bromholm, which the berare of this hath redy to shewe yow, wher up on I prey yow wyt al my herte, and as I evere may do yow service, that it lyke to your grace to graunte of your charite, by yowr worthy lettres to the priour of Thetford in Norfolk, of the seyde ordre of Clunye, autorite and power as your ministre and depute to professe in dwe forme the seyd monkes of Bromholm unprofessed. And that it lyke yow evermore to accepte and admitte the seyd resygnacion by your seyd autoritie and power, wyth the favour of your good lordshepe in comfort and consolacion of your pouere prestes, the monkes of the seyd hous of Bromholm, and there up to graunte your worthy lettres, wittenessyng the same acceptacion and admyssion of the seyd resignacion, and al your seyd lettres to delyvere to my clerke, to wham I prey yow to gyve feith and credence touchant this matier, and to delivere it hym in alle the hast resonable. And I am your man, and evere will be by the grace of God, which evere have yow in his kepyng. Writen at Norwich the [33.1] of Aprill.

Yowres,

WILL. PASTON.

[Footnote 32.2: [From Paston MSS., B.M.] This letter is printed from a rough draft written on paper, corrected in William Paston’s own hand, and scribbled over, after his fashion, with numerous other drafts and jottings on both sides. Some of these occur upside down between the lines of this letter. At the head of the memoranda on the back are the words, ‘In parliamento, anno H. vj. viijº.’ from which we may infer the date to be at least as early.]

[Footnote 33.1: Blank in MS.]

21

ABSTRACT[33.2]

[Sidenote: 1429-30]

A Memorandum, dated 8 Henry VI., that Sir Simon Felbrigge, William Paston, &c., recovered certain land in Edithorp, Bakton, and Northwalsham, against Richard, Abbot of St. Benet’s, Hulme, John Roys, and others.

[Footnote 33.2: [From Paston MSS., B.M.]]

22

ABSTRACT[33.3]

ROBERT, LORD OF WILLUGHBY AND BEAUMESNIL, TO WILLIAM PASTON, ESQ.

[Sidenote: 1431 / JAN. 8]

Notifying that he has granted to Sir William Oldhall and Margaret, our sister, his wife, for moneys which Oldhall has lent and paid for him at need, an annuity of 120 marks on lands in Norfolk and Suffolk, in which ye (William Paston, Esq.) stand enfeoffed, to our behoof. Pont de l’Arche, 8 Jan. 1430, 9 Hen. VI.--_Signed. Fine seal, mutilated._

[Footnote 33.3: [Add. Charter 17,227, B.M.]]

23

ABSTRACT[34.1]

[Sidenote: 1432 / MAY 1]

Deed Poll, whereby Robert York, Prior of the church of St. Andrew of Broomholme, and the Convent of the same place, grant to Sir Simon Felbrygg, Knt., William Paston of Paston, and others, certain lands in Bacton Wood, &c., 1 May, 10 Henry VI. (_Fragment of seal._)

[Footnote 34.1: [Add. Charter 14,313, B.M. (Dr. Turner’s Coll.)]]

24

EDUCATION OF HENRY VI[34.2]

_Articles de Monsr. de Warrewyk[34.3] touchant le bon regime du Roy, etc._[34.4]

[Sidenote: 1432 / NOV. 9]

For the goode reule, demesnyng and seuretee of the Kynges persone, and draught of him to vertue and connyng, and eschuyng of eny thing that mighte yeve empeschement or let therto, or cause eny charge, defaulte, or blame to be leyd upon the Erle of Warrewyk at eny tyme withouten his desert, he, considering that perill and besinesse of his charge aboute the Kinges persone groweth so that that auctoritee and power yeven to him before suffiseth him nought without more therto, desireth therfor thees thinges that folowen.

Furst, that considering that the charge of the reule, demesnyng, and governance, and also of nourture of the Kinges persone resteth upon the said Erle whiles it shal like the king, and the perille, daunger, and blame if eny lak or defaulte, were in eny of thees, the whiche lak or defaulte mighte be caused by ungodely or unvertuous men, if eny suche were aboute his persone; he desireth therfore, for the goode of the King, and for his owne seuretee, to have power and auctoritee to name, ordeigne, and assigne, and for cause that shal be thought to him resonable to remoeve thoo that [shal] be aboute the Kinges persone, of what estate or condicion that thei be, not entending to comprehende in this desir the Stuard, Chamberlein, Tresoror, Contrerollor, ne Sergeantz of offices, save suche as serve aboute the Kinges persone and for his mouth.

_Responsio._ As toward the namyng, ordeignance, and assignacion beforesaid, it is agreed, so that he take in noon of the iiij. knightes ne squyers for the body without th’advis of my Lord of Bedford,[35.1] him being in England, and him being out, of my Lord of Gloucestre[35.2] and of the remenant of the Kinges Counsail.

* * *

Item, the said Erle desireth that where he shal have eny persone in his discrecion suspect of mysgovernance, and not behoveful nor expedient to be aboute the King, except th’estates of the hous, that he may putte hem from excercise and occupacion of the Kinges service till that he shal mowe have speche with my Lordes of Bedford or of Gloucestre, and with the other Lordes of the Kinges Counsaile, to that ende that, the defaulte of eny suche persone knowen unto him, shal mowe ordeigne therupon as theim shel thenke expedient and behoveful.

_Responsio._ It is agreed as it is desired.

* * *

Item, the said Erle desireth that, for sikenesse and other causes necessaries and resonables, he may, by warnyng to my Lordes of Bedford or Gloucestre and the Kinges Counsail, be and stande freely descharged of the saide occupacion and besinesse about the Kinges persone, under the favour and goode grace of the King, my Lordes of Bedford and Gloucestre, and other Lordes of the Kinges Counsail.

_Responsio._ It is agreed as it is desired.

* * *

Item, that considering howe, blessed be God, the King is growen in yeers, in stature of his persone, and also in conceite and knouleche of his hiegh and royalle auctoritee and estat, the whiche naturelly causen him, and from day to day as he groweth shul causen him, more and more to grucche with chastising, and to lothe it, so that it may resonably be doubted leste he wol conceive ayeins the said Erle, or eny other that wol take upon him to chastise him for his defaultes, displesir, or indignacion therfore, the whiche, without due assistence, is not easy to be born: It like, therfore, to my Lord of Gloucestre, and to alle the Lordes of the Kinges Counsail, to promitte to the said Erle, and assure him, that thei shul fermely and trewely assisten him in the excercise of the charge and occupacion that he hathe aboute the Kinges persone, namely in chastising of him for his defaultes, and supporte the said Erle therinne; and if the King at eny tyme wol conceyve for that cause indignacion ayeins the said Erle, my said Lord of Gloucestre, and Lordes, shul do alle her [_i.e._ their] trewe diligence and power to remoeve the King therfro.

_Responsio._ It is agreed as it is desired.

* * *

Item, the said Erle desireth that for asmuche as it shal be necessarie to remoeve the Kinges persone at diverse tymes into sundry places, as the cases mowe require, that he may have power and auctoritee to remoeve the King, by his discrecion, into what place him thenketh necessarie for the helthe of his body and seuretee of his persone.

_Responsio._ It is agreed as it is desired.

* * *

Item, sith the said Erle hath take upon him the governance of the Kinges persone, he desireth that alle th’estates, officers, and servantz of the Kinges hous, of what estate and condicion thei be, have special commandement and charge yeven by my Lordes of Bedford and Gloucestre, and by the Lordes of the Kinges Counsail, that in alle manere thinges seyn and advised by the said Erles descrecion, that is, for the Kinges estate, worship, helthe, and profit, by his commandement and ordeignance, thei be attendant and obeissant in accomplisshing therof.

_Responsio._ It is agreed as it is desired.

* * *

Item, for asmuche as the said Erle hath knouleche that in speche that hath be had unto the King at part and in prive, not hering the said Erle nor eny of the knightes set aboute his persone, nor assigned by the said Erle, he hath be stured by summe from his lernyng, and spoken to of diverse materes not behovefull, the seid Erle doubting the harme that mighte falle to the King, and the inconvenientz that mighte ensue of suche speche at part if it were suffred, desireth that in al speche to be had with the King, he or oon of the iiij. knightes, or sum persone to be assigned by the said Erle, be present and prive to it.

_Responsio_. This article is agreed, excepting suche persones as for nieghnesse of blood, and for their estate, owe of reson to be suffred to speke with the King.

* * *

Item, to th’entent that it may be knowen to the King that it procedeth of th’assent, advis, and agreement of my Lord of Gloucestre, and alle my Lordes of the Kinges Counsail, that the King be chastised for his defaultes or trespasses, and that for awe therof he forbere the more to do mys, and entende the more besily to vertu and to lernyng, the said Erle desireth that my Lord of Gloucestre, and my said other Lords of the Counsail, or great part of hem, that is to say, the Chanceller and Tresorer, and of everych estate in the Counsail, spirituell and temporell, summe come to the Kinges presence, and there to make to be declared to him theire agreement in that behalve.

_Responsio._ Whan the King cometh next to London, all his Counsail shal come to his presence, and there this shal be declared to him.

* * *

Item, the said Erle, that all his dayes hath, aboven alle other erthely thinges, desired, and ever shal, to kepe his trouthe and worship unblemysshed and unhurt, and maye not for all that lette malicious and untrewe men to make informacions of his persone, suche as thei may not, ne dare not, stand by, ne be not trewe, besecheth therfore my Lord of Gloucestre, and alle my said Lords of the Counsail, that if thei, or eny of hem, have be enformed of eny thing that may be or soune to his charge or defaulte, and namely in his occupacion and reule aboute the Kinges persone, that the said Erle may have knowleche therof, to th’entent that he may answer therto, and not dwelle in hevy or synistre conceit or opinion, withoute his desert and without answere.

_Responsio._ It is agreed.

CROMWELL.

H. GLOUCESTRE.

J. EBOR. P. ELIEN.

W. LINCOLN. J. BATHON., Canc. J. ROFFEN.

SUFFOLK. H. STAFFORD.

J. HUNTYNGTON.

The foregoing document is written on a skin of parchment docqueted with the words printed in italics at the head. The following memorandum is also endorsed-- ‘xxixº die Novembris anno undecimo apud Westm. lecti fuerunt præsentes articuli coram dominis infra et subscribentibus et ad eosdem Responsiones dabantur secundum quod infra patet, præsentibus dominis infrascriptis.’ There are also other endorsements, but of a later date.

[Footnote 34.2: [Add. Charter 17,228, B.M.]]

[Footnote 34.3: Richard de Beauchamp, Earl of Warwick, who died in 1439.]

[Footnote 34.4: This title is taken from a contemporary endorsement.]

[Footnote 35.1: John, Duke of Bedford, Regent of France, the King’s uncle, brother of the late King Henry V.]

[Footnote 35.2: Humphrey, Duke of Gloucester, Protector of England, another uncle of the King, being the youngest brother of Henry V. He was called ‘the Good Duke Humphrey.’]

25

DALLING’S PETITION[38.1]

[Sidenote: 1433(?)]

Prefixed to this document in Fenn is the following title:-- ‘A Petition to the Commons of England against Sir William Paston, Knight, a Judge of the Common Pleas, by William Dalling.’ This heading, however, has been taken from a more modern endorsement. No contemporaneous document, so far as I am aware, gives Judge Paston the designation of knight, or speaks of him as Sir William. In this petition itself he is called simply William Paston, one of the Justices; and although his name occurs frequently on the Patent Rolls, in commissions of the peace, of gaol delivery, and the like, down to the year of his death, the word ‘miles’ is never appended to it.

The original commencement of this document has been crossed out. It was in these words:--

Plesit to the righte sage and wyse Communes of this present Parlement, that wher every Justice of the Kyng is sworne that he shulde not take no fees ne reward for to be of councell with noo man, but oonly wyth our Soverayne Lorde the Kyng, and therto thei be swore. And ther is oon Will’ Paston, one of the Justice of our Soverayne Lorde in the Comene Place, taketh fees and rewarde.

On the back of the original document is written, in a hand of the time, ‘Falsa billa Will’i Dalling, ad Parliamentum tempore quo Henr. Grey fuit vicecomes ante annum terciodecimum Regis Henr. vj^{ti}.’ Henry Grey was sheriff of Norfolk in 1430, and again in 1433-4. The Parliament referred to must either have been that of 8 Hen. VI. (1429-30) or that of 12 Hen. VI. (1433), which sat till 21st December. Probably the latter.

[Sidenote: 1434(?)]

Plese it to Commines of the present Parlement, that William Paston, on of the Justice of oure Saverayne Lorde Kyng, takyth diverse fees and rewardes of diverses persones withinne the shir of Norffolk and Suffolk, and is with holde with every matere in the sayde contrees, that is for to sey:--Of the Toune of Yernemuth, 1_s._ yerly; of the Abot of Seyn Benetys. xxvj_s._ viij_d._; of the Prior of Seyn Feithes, xx_s._; ‘and of my Lady Rothenhale,[39.1] xx_s_’; and of the Prior of Norwich, x_s._; and of the Prior of Penteney, xx_s._; and of the Toun of Lenn, xl_s._; and of the Prior of Walsyngham, xx_s._; and of Katherine Shelton,[39.2] x. mrc. ayeins the Kyng for to be of hir councell for to destroye the right of the Kyng and of his warde, that is for to sey, Raf,[39.3] soon and eyer of John Shelton.

[Footnote 38.1: [From Fenn, iii. 14.]]

[Footnote 39.1: This sentence in the original has a line drawn over it. She was a widow of Sir John Rothenhale, Knight, and dying at Caister, by Yarmouth, in 1440, was buried in Norwich Cathedral.--F. _See_ Nos. 13 and 15, _ante_.]

[Footnote 39.2: Catharine, widow of William Shelton, Esq., and daughter of Simon Barret, was grandmother to Ralph, and died in 1456.--F.]

[Footnote 39.3: Sir Ralph Shelton, Knight, son and heir of John Shelton, Esq., was born in 1430. He married Margaret, daughter of Robert Clere, Esq. of Ormesby, and was High Sheriff of Norfolk.--F.]

26

ABSTRACT[39.4]

[Sidenote: 1435 / SEPT. 26]

Lease made at Castre, on Monday before Michaelmas 14 Henry VI., by Geoffrey Walle, surveyor of the manors of Sir John Fastolf, to John Rakesond, son of Geoffrey Rakesond of Ormesby, of a messuage of Fastolf’s in Ormesby, called Reppes Place, etc.

[Footnote 39.4: [Phillipps MS., 9,735, No. 264.]]

27

ABSTRACT[40.1]

[Sidenote: 1435 / SEPT. 30]

A _vidimus_ or official attestation of two indentures relative to the custody of the castle of Le Mans between Sir John Fastolf, governor of Anjou and Maine, and captain of Le Mans under the Duke of Bedford, and Matthew Goth [Gough] and Thomas Gower as his lieutenants. The first indenture is for the quarter from 1st October to 31st December 1434, the second for the three quarters following, to 30th September 1435. A retinue is to be maintained of twenty-four lances and the ‘archiers de la personne dudit Mathieu,’ viz., sixty mounted and fourteen on foot, and 222 archers besides. Mounted archers to have 12_d._ a day, etc.

The document is authenticated by the _garde du scel des obligations de la Viconté de Rouen_, on the 8th March 1448 (i.e. 1449).

28

NOTE[40.2]

[Sidenote: 1432-5]

Building accounts of William Granere, master of the works at Caistre in 11, 12, and 13 Henry VI.

[Footnote 40.1: [Add. Charter 17,237, B.M.]]

[Footnote 40.2: [Add. Charters 17,229-31, B.M.]]

29

JOHN GYNE TO JOHN PASTON[40.3]

_To the worthy and worshipful sir and my good maister, John Paston of Trynyte hall in Cambrigge_

[Sidenote: 1435-6]

Right worthy and worshipfull sir, and my good maister, I comaund me to yow. Like it yow to witte that on the Soneday next after the Ascencion of oure Lord, in the high weye betwex Cambrigge and the Bekyntre toward Newmarket, I fonde a purs with money ther inne. Th’entent of this my symple lettre is this, that it please to your good Maistership by weye of charite, and of your gentilnesse, to witte if ony of youre knowleche or ony other, swich as yow semeth best in your discrecion, have lost swich a purs, and, the toknes ther of told, he shal have it ageyn, what that ever he be, by the grace of oure Lord, Who ever have yow in his blissed kepyng. Wretyn at Sneylewell the Moneday next after the seid Soneday. By youre pover servaunt,

JOHN GYN.

[Footnote 40.3: [Add. MS. 34,888, f. 4.] Fenn has written on the MS. of this letter the date ‘_circa_ 1435-6,’ which, I agree with him, must have been about the time that it was written.]

30

WILLIAM PASTON TO LORD ----[41.1]

[Sidenote: 1436]

Paston recomaund hym to youre good lordeship, willyng with all his herte to doo yow servise to his symple power. And as touching the maner of Walsham he seyth that at your comaundement he wille be redy to shewe yow and preve that the seid maner and all the vesture and crop therof this yeer by trewe title in lawe and conscience is his owen trewly, bowth and in gret party payed for, and that John Roys never hadde non estate in the seid maner, but oonly occupied it by suffraunce of the seid Paston and other feffes in the seid maner, and that be bargayn of the seid maner th’estate that the seid Roys shuld have hadde in the seid maner and in stoor therof shul have be condicionel to be voide and nought for defaute of payement, and that the seid John Roys ne kept not his dayes of the payementz, &c.; and that the seid William Paston, in the lyve of the seid John Roys, for defaute of payment entred in the seid maner with the seid the crop and the vesture of this yeer therof than therupon, and that the seid John Roys never at noo tyme payed to the seid John Baxtere sith the seid bargeyn, nother for the seid bargeyn ne for the dette he aught to hym, more thaune an C. and xl. marcz, wherof he borwed ageyn of the seid John Baxtere xl_li._; and over that he oweth and beforn the seid bargeyn aught by his obligacion to the seid John Baxtere, of trew dette of mony borwed, other xl_li._, and hath hadde and taken the profitz of the seid maner by iij. hool yer before his deth to the value of xxx_li._ and more, and that he receyved in his said bargayn of the seid John Baxtere xl. marcz worth of stoor; the which iiii^{xx}li. of dette and xxx_li._ of the profitz of the seid maner, and xl. marcz worth of stoor, maketh the somme of Cxxxvi_li._ xiij_s._ iiij_d._ Wherof, thogh the lawe wille it not, were abated, if conscience required it, Cxl. marcz payed by the seid John Roys and x_li._ for the value of the seid crop, over the value of the verray ferme of the seid maner for this yeer, yet remanyneth dwe to the executoures of the seid John Baxter liij_li._ vj_s._ viij_d._, and all the title and interesse of the seid John Roys his heyres and assignes in the seid maner lawfully and in conscience extincted and adnulled. Wher upon the said Paston lowly besecheth your good lordeship that if it may be preved this mater be trew that ye wille not be displesed thogh he desire to have his fre disposicion of the seid maner.

On the back of this letter are the following memoranda:--

‘Hæc billa . . . . . . [testatur][42.1] quod Johannes Baxtere vendidit Johanni Roys mesuagium suum [vocatum][42.1] Walccham place, cum toto stauro ibidem vivo et mortuo in Bryanes, cum omnibus aliis terris et tenementis suis, liberis et nativis, cum pertinentiis, ex parte occidentali ecclesiæ North Walsham, et molendinum ventriticum et mesuagium nuper Rogeri atte Hille, cum omnibus redditibus et servitiis pertinentibus dictis mesuagio et tenemento ubicumque fuerint in comitatu Norffolk, pro iijC. marcis et l. marcis; unde dictus Johannes Roys solvit dicto Johanni Baxtere die Jovis proximo ante festum Apostolorum Simonis et Judæ anno regni regis Henrici VI. xij., C. m., et habet diem solvendi residuum, videlicet ad festum Nativitatis Domini et festum sancti Michaelis proximo futurum xl. marcas annuatim, quousque dictæ CCC. marcæ et l. marcæ plenarie persolvantur. Datum die Jovis prædicto. Hæc prædicta de manu Thomæ Whitewelle.’

Then after two further imperfect entries relating to the same matter:--

‘Memorandum, quod licet esset concordatum quod W. Roys haberet barganium, &c., quod, ut credo, non ita erit, tunc in festo Nativitatis Domini anno regni regis Henrici VI. xvº debentur executoribus de eodem barganio C. marcæ præter et ultra Cxl. marcas per Johannem Roys in vita sua solutas et xl_li._ de antiquo per dictum Johannem Roys Johanni Baxter debitas, videlicet per obligacionem suam xxxv_li._ inde, et ex mutua sua obligacione v_li._ de Perey Noble (?), ut patet per papirum dicti Baxter, et ultra xl_li._ per dictum Johannem Baxter post dictum barganium dicti Johanni Roys per obligacionem . . . ejusdem Johannis Roys præstitas. Memorandum eciam quod dictus Johannes Roys nec uxor ejus unquam protulerunt aliquem denarium solvendum dictis . . . dicti Johannis Baxter nec Willelmo Paston post mortem dicti Baxter. Set circa Nativitatem Domini anno regni dicti regis xiiijº et in quadragesima tunc proximo sequente uxor dicti Roys apud Paston dixit quod habuit xx. marcas paratas ad solvendum. Et sic dixit Johannes Roys tempore quo Domina Skales fuit apud Paston, videlicet ix. die Januarii dicto anno xiiijº et sic omnibus temporibus quibus dictus J. Roys et uxor ejus ut prædicitur dixerunt quod habuerunt xx. marcas paratas ad solvendum semper fuerunt arretro xl_li._ absque dictis xl_li._ novi debiti et xl_li._ antiqui debiti.’

[Footnote 41.1: [Add. MS. 34,889, f. 140.]]

[Footnote 42.1: Mutilated.]

31

NOTE

[Sidenote: 1436 / MAY 19]

Fenn mentions an indenture, dated 19th May 1436, 14 Henry VI., and signed by the Earl (afterwards Duke) of Suffolk, from which he has given a facsimile of Suffolk’s signature. See vol. i. p. 36.--The original of this indenture I have not met with.

32

ABSTRACT[43.1]

[Sidenote: 1438 / AUG. 18]

Sir H. Inglose notifies his agreement with John Topy of Wyndham, jun., in an action for trespass done to him at Stalham. Dilhams, Monday after the Assumption of Our Lady, 16 Henry VI.

[Footnote 43.1: [Add. Charter 17,232, B.M.]]

33

JOHN WILLOUGHBY TO LORD BEAUMONT[44.1]

_To my ryght noble and ryght [dra]dde lord, my Lord Beaumont._

[Sidenote: 1432-40]

Ryght wursshipfull sire, my ryghte noble, and ryghte dradde lorde, after dyw recommendacion to yowr reverens, please hit yow to know that yowr lordesship luste to empointe me to abyde yowr noble avys touching the landis of Latemer, which my Lorde Latemer holdith ate this day. My lord, I muste, and owe of dywte, abyde yowre empoyntement, and shall; how be hit I have be confortid to complaine me to my lordis and yow of the grete wronge that I have. But, sir, y have soe verray truste one yowre lordesship that I refuse all counsaille, abyding yowre empointemente and rewell, as my diwte is to doo; byseching yow, my lord, to remembre yow and compasse of yowre servaunt, and that ye lust of yowr grace to comyne with my Lord of Salisbury, and to fele him in the mater, and as ye fele him, hit please yowre lordesship I may have knowlege; and whate yowre pore bedman may do to yowre plesire, I ame redy ate yowre comaundement ate all howris, which knowith God, Hoe have yow, my ryghte noble lord, in His blessid gouvernauns.

Write ate Broke, the v. day of Marche.

Your pore bedman and servant,

JOHN WYLUGHBY.

[Footnote 44.1: [From Paston MSS., B.M.] The writer of this letter was the father of Robert, first Lord Willoughby de Broke, who afterwards laid claim to the barony of Latimer, as being descended from Elizabeth, sister and sole heir of John Nevill, fifth Lord Latimer, who died in 1430. He was, however, unsuccessful, as the title had been revived in 1432 by a writ of summons to George Nevill, a son of Ralph, first Earl of Westmoreland. This George died in 1469, and was succeeded by his grandson, Richard Neville, then an infant of two years old, who had summons to Parliament as Lord Latimer in 1492. The Lord Latimer here spoken of seems to be George Nevill, and it is probable that the letter was written between 1432 and 1440, as John, Lord Beaumont, was created Viscount in the latter year, while he is not so addressed here.]

34

AGNES PASTON TO WILLIAM PASTON[45.1]

_To my worshepefull housbond, W. Paston, be this letter takyn_

[Sidenote: 1440(?)]

Dere housbond, I recomaunde me to yow, &c. Blessyd be God I sende yow gode tydynggs of the comyng, and the brynggyn hoom, of the gentylwomman[45.2] that ye wetyn of fro Redham, this same nyght, acordyng to poyntmen [_appointment_] that ye made ther for yowr self.

And as for the furste aqweyntaunce be twhen John Paston[45.3] and the seyde gentylwomman, she made hym gentil cher in gyntyl wise, and seyde, he was verrayly your son. And so I hope ther shall nede no gret trete be twyxe hym.

The parson of Stocton[45.4] toold me, yif ye wolde byin her a goune, here moder wolde yeve ther to a godely furre. The goune nedyth for to be had; and of colour it wolde be a godely blew, or erlys a bryghte sangueyn.

I prey yow do byen for me ij. pypys of gold.[45.5] Your stewes[45.6] do weel.

The Holy Trinite have you in governaunce.

Wretyn at Paston, in hast, the Wednesday next after _Deus qui errantibus_,[45.7] for defaute of a good secretarye. Yowres,

AGN. PASTON.

[Footnote 45.1: [From Fenn, i. 2.] This letter must have been written some little time before the marriage of John Paston and Margaret Mauteby, which seems to have been about 1440.]

[Footnote 45.2: Margaret, daughter and heir of John Mauteby, shortly afterwards married to John Paston, Esq.]

[Footnote 45.3: Son of William and Agnes Paston.]

[Footnote 45.4: Laurence Baldware was rector of Stockton ‘about 1440.’ --Blomefield, viii. 49.]

[Footnote 45.5: Gold thread on pipes or rolls, for needlework or embroidery.--F.]

[Footnote 45.6: Ponds to keep fish alive for present use.--F.]

[Footnote 45.7: The Collect for the Third Sunday after Easter.]

35

ABSTRACT[46.1]

[Sidenote: About 1440]

Draft Lease by Sir Simon Felbrygge; Oliver Groos, Esq.; John Berney of Redham, Esq.; William Paston of Paston; Thomas Stodhagh; Roger Taillour of Stafford Bernyngham; and Thomas Newport of Runham, executors of Robert Mawteby and John his son, to Margery, widow of the said John, of ‘two parts of manors, &c.’ and the reversion, &c., which they lately held along with Sir Miles Stapleton, Sir William Argenten, Sir John Hevenyngham, Sir John Carbonell, Sir William Calthorpe, John Boys, Esq., and William Caston, Esq., now deceased, by deed of Robert Mawteby. The remainder, after Margery’s death, is to go to Margaret, daughter of the said John and Margery, and the heirs of her body; then to Peter Mauteby, son of Robert and uncle of Margaret; then to Alianora, widow of Robert; then to Alianora, widow of William Calthorp and sister of Robert Mawteby, with reversion to the trustees to fulfil the will.

[This paper is addressed to John Berney of Reedham, and appears, by an endorsement, to have been transmitted along with a letter of William Paston. The date is fixed by the contents within pretty narrow limits, for it is after the death of John Boys, Esq., which was in August 1439 (Inquis. _post mortem_, 18 Hen. VI., No. 2), and before that of Sir Simon Felbrigg in 1442 (Inquis. _p. m._, 21 Hen. VI., No. 33). It is easy to see, in fact, that the document had something to do with the marriage settlement of John Paston and Margaret Mauteby, which was about 1440.]

36

ROBERT REPPS TO JOHN PASTON[46.2]

_A mon tresreverent et treshonerable Maister John Paston soit doné._

[Sidenote: 1440 / NOV. 1]

Salvete, &c. Tytyngs, the Duk of Orlyawnce[46.3] hath made his oath upon the Sacrement, and usyd it, never for to bere armes ayenst Englond, in the presence of the Kyng and all the Lordes, except my Lord of Gloucestre.[46.4] And proving my seyde Lord of Gloucestre agreyd never to hys delyveraunce, qwan the masse began he toke his barge, &c.

God yef grace the seide Lord of Orlyaunce be trewe, for this same weke shall he to ward Fraunce.

Also Freynchmen and Pykardes, a gret nowmbre, kome to Arfleet,[47.1] for to arescuyd [_have rescued_] it; and our Lordes wyth here smal pusaunce manly bytte [_beat_] them, and pytte hem to flyte, and, blyssyd be our Lord, have take the seide cite of Arflet; the qwych is a great juell to all Englond, and in especiall to our cuntre.

Moreover there is j. [_i.e._ one] kome in to Englond, a Knyght out of Spayne, wyth a kercheff of plesaunce i wrapped aboute hys arme; the qwych Knyght wyl renne a cours wyth a sharpe spere for his sovereyn lady sake; qwom other [_either_] Sir Richard Wodvyle[47.2] or Sir Christofore Talbot[47.3] shall delyver, to the wyrchip of Englond and of hem selff, be Goddes grace.

Ferthermore, ye be remembryd that an esquyer of Suffolk, callyd John Lyston, recoveryd _in assisa novæ disseisinæ_[47.4] vij^c [700] marc in damages ayenst Sir Robert Wyngfeld, &c. In avoydyng of the payement of the seid vij. c. marc, the seide Sir Robert Wyngfeld sotylly hath outlaywed the seide John Lyston in Notyngham shir, be the vertue of qwch outlagare, all maner of chattell to the seide John Lyston apperteynyng, arn acruwyd on to the Kyng, &c. And anon as the seide utlagare was certyfyed, my Lord Tresorer[47.5] graunted the seid vij. c. marc to my Lord of Norffolk, for the arrerag of hys sowde [_pay_] qwyl he was in Scotland; and, acordyng to this assignement forseide, taylles [_tallies_] delyvered. And my Lord of Norffolk hath relesyd the same vij. c. marc to Sir Robert Wyngfeld. And here is greet hevyng an shovyng be my Lord of Suffolk and all his counsell for to aspye hough this mater kam aboute, &c.

Sir, I beseche recomende me on to my mastres your modyr, to my mastres your wyff, and to my mastres your suster, _et omnibus alijs quorum interest_, &c.

Sir, I pray you, wyth all myn hert, hold me excusyd that I wryte thus homly and briefly on to you, for truly convenable space suffycyd me nowt.

No more atte this tyme, butte the Trynyte have you in proteccion, &c.; and qwan your leysyr is, resorte ageyn on to your college, the Inner Temple, for ther ben many qwych sor desyr your presence, Welles and othyr, &c.

Wretyn in le fest de touts Seynts, entre Messe et Mateyns, _calamo festinante_, &c.

Yours,

ROB. REPPES.

[Footnote 46.1: [From Paston MSS., B.M.]]

[Footnote 46.2: [From Fenn, i. 4.] This letter was written in 1440, the year of the release of the Duke of Orleans.]

[Footnote 46.3: Charles, Duke of Orleans, who was taken prisoner at the battle of Agincourt in 1415, and had never since been released.]

[Footnote 46.4: Humphrey, Duke of Gloucester, uncle of the King, and before this time Protector.]

[Footnote 47.1: Harfleur.]

[Footnote 47.2: Afterwards Earl Rivers, father of Elizabeth, Queen of Edward IV.]

[Footnote 47.3: Third son of John, the famous Earl of Shrewsbury.]

[Footnote 47.4: _i.e._, in an assize of novel disseisin--an ancient law process.]

[Footnote 47.5: Ralph, Lord Cromwell.]

37

ABSTRACT[48.1]

---- ---- TO FRIAR BRACKLEY (?).

[Sidenote: About 1440 (?)]

Touching a suit of Reynold Rowse against William Burgeys. This suit was instituted originally for 5_s._ 4_d._ of rent; but when Rouse found he could not prevail by right, he maliciously sued the other for trespass in having fished his water, and driven him away by force. He afterwards got him arrested for treachery upon an obligation (_i.e._, a bond). Burgeys complained to Justice Paston, who counselled him not to plead; ‘For zyf thu do, he seyd, thu xalte hafe the werse, be thi case never so trewe, for he is feid with my Lord of [N]orthfolke, and mech he is of he [_sic_] counsel; and also, thu canst no man of lawe in Northfolke ne in Sowthfolke to be with the azens hym; and, for [s]othe no more myth I qwan I had a ple azens hym; and therfor myn counsel is, that thu make an end qwat so ever the pay, for he xal elles on do the and brynge the to nowte.’

[This letter is mutilated, and in part defaced. It is addressed on the back-- ‘Be this take to Mayster Brele (?) of the Greye Freres.’ Although the name seems to be written Brele, it was probably intended for Friar Brackley of Norwich, of whom we have several letters of a later period. The date must be between the year 1429, when William Paston was made a judge, and 1444, when he died; and as the name of Reginald Rows occurs in Blomefield (_Hist. of Norfolk_, ix. 441) ‘about 1440,’ this letter will probably not be far out of its true place if inserted in that year.]

[Footnote 48.1: [From Paston MSS., B.M.]]

38

MARGARET PASTON TO JOHN PASTON[49.1]

_To my worshepfull husbond, John Paston, abidyng at Petyrhous in Cambrigg._

[Sidenote: After 1440]

Ryth reverent and worsepful husbon, I recomawnde me to zow with alle myn sympyl herte, and prey zow to wete that there come up xi. hundyr Flemyns at Waxham, quereof wer takyn, and kylte, and dronchyn [_drowned_] viij. hundryte. And thei had nowte a be, ze xul a be atte home this Qwesontyde, and I suppose that ze xul be atte home er owte long be.

I thanke yow hertely for my lettyr, for I hadde none of zow syn I spooke with zow last of for the matyr of Jon Mariot; the qwest passyd nowte of that day, for my Lorde of Norfolke was in towne for Wedyrbys matyr,[49.2] qwer for he wolde nowt latyd pase off, for further (?) of I kowe [_know_?] Fynch ne Bylbys makethe no purwyans for hys gode.

No mor I wryte to zow atte this tyme, but the Holy Trenyte hawe zow in kepyng. Wretyn in Norweche, on Trenyte Sune day.

Yowr,

MARKARYTE PASTON.

[Footnote 49.1: [From Fenn, iii. 18.] The date of this letter is uncertain. From the fact of John Paston’s residence at Peter House in Cambridge, it would appear, as Fenn remarks, to have been written early in his married life, and we know that he was married as early as 1440.]

[Footnote 49.2: Probably Thomas Wetherby, who was Mayor of Norwich in 1432-3, is referred to. He took offence at the Aldermen and Commons of the city for not naming the person he wished as his successor, and for some years afterwards showed his hostility by instigating prosecutions against the city, causing their attorneys to abandon their pleas, and so forth.]

39

SIR JOHN FASTOLF TO HENRY INGLOSE AND JOHN BERNEY[50.1]

_To my ryght wel belovyd cosyns, Herry Inglese and Johan Berney, Escuiers._

[Sidenote: After 1440 (?)]

Ryght wel belovyd cosyns, I comaund me to yow. And please you to hafe in knoulege that at whyche tyme ye were delyvered out of pryson by the moyen of ij. prysonners that y delyvered yow, whyche, as ye know wel, one was Burd Vynollys and the other Johan de Seint Johan dit Dolot, and in lyke wyse I boughte anothyr prysonner clepyt Johan Villers for the delyveraunce of Mautbye[50.2] Sqwyer, whyche mater ye knowythe welle. And for as moche as my wrytynges that makyth mencion of that delyveraunce of the said Mautbye be not in my warde, y pray you that ye wolle undre your seelys certyffye me the trouthe how the said Mautbye was delyveryd by my moyen. Y hafe found a cedule that makyth mencion of that prysonner, of whyche I sende you a double, to be better avertysed of the mater. And therfor, as my trust ys yn yow that ye sende me your gode remembraunce in as goodly haste as ye may. And our Lord kepe you. Wryt at Londone the v. day of November.

JOHN FASTOLF, _Chevalier_.

[Footnote 50.1: [MS. in Pembroke College, Cambridge.] The date of this letter is quite uncertain; but as Fastolf is believed to have returned from abroad about 1440, we presume it was not earlier than that year.]]

[Footnote 50.2: No doubt John Mauteby, son-in-law of John Berney and father of Margaret Paston. _See_ Blomefield’s _Norfolk_, xi. 228.]

[[Herry Inglese _text unchanged: normal spelling is “Inglose”_]]

40

ABSTRACT[50.3]

[Sidenote: 1441 / MAY 7]

Letters Patent, dated 7th May 19 Henry VI., by which Richard, Duke of York, Earl of March, etc., lieutenant and governor of France, grants to his beloved councillor, Sir John Fastolf, an annuity of £20.

[Footnote 50.3: [Add. Charter 14,598, B.M. (D. Turner’s Coll.)]]

41

ABSTRACT[51.1]

[Sidenote: 1441 / OCT. 14]

Sir Thomas Keryell, lieutenant of Calais, notifies that his servant, John à Bekkes, mariner, master of his ship _Bonaventure_, has sold it to Sir John Fastolf, and that he agrees to the sale. Calais, 14th October 1441. Signed ‘R. Wenlok.’ (_Fine seal, mutilated._)

[Footnote 51.1: [Add. Charter 17,233, B.M.]]

42

NOTE

[Sidenote: 1442]

A proviso occurs for William Paston and Robert and Esmond Clere in an Act of Parliament 20 Henry VI., securing to them certain copyhold lands with two mansions thereon in Paston and Edithorp, Norfolk, held by the feoffees of the duchy of Lancaster, in exchange for other lands, called Charterhold, with two mansions thereon, in the same places.--_Rolls of Parliament_, v. 59.

43

ABSTRACT[51.2]

JOHN AND MARGARET PASTON.

[Sidenote: 1442 / APRIL 15]

Indenture tripartite, whereby Sir Simon Felbrigge, Oliver Groos, Esq., and William Paston, feoffees of Robert Mauteby, Esq., deceased, at the request of Margaret, wife of John Paston, daughter and heir of John Mauteby, son and heir of said Robert, and in consideration that the said John Paston and Margaret now have issue a son, John, whereby John Paston the father is by the law of England, for term of his life of the inheritance of his said wife, ---- grant and confirm to the said John Paston the manors of Mauteby, Sparham, Basyngham, Westbekham, Matelask, and Briston, the manor of Salle called Kirkehalle, and the manor called Fleghalle in Wynterton, Somerton, Ormesby, Martham, Horseye, Waxstonesham, and Pallyng, and 100_s._ rent in Castre by Norwich and Merkeshale, Norfolk; and the manor of Freton in Suffolk; with certain reversions on the death of Eleanor, wife of Thomas Chambre, Esq., formerly wife of the said Robert Mauteby, Margery, wife of Ralph Garneys, Esq., mother of the said Margaret, formerly wife of John Mauteby, and of Edward Mauteby, Esq., and Thomas Mauteby, Esq., sons of the said Robert. To hold to the said John Paston, with remainder to Margaret and the heirs of her body; with contingent remainders in tail to Edw. Mauteby, Thomas Mauteby, &c.

Dated Mauteby, 15 April, 20 Hen. VI.

[Footnote 51.2: [From a Bodl. MS.]]

44

ABSTRACT[52.1]

[Sidenote: 1442 / APRIL 20]

Grant by John, Duke of Norfolk, to William Berdewell, Esq., of an annuity of 10 marks out of Stonham, Suffolk. Framlingham, 20th April 20 Henry VI.

[Footnote 52.1: [Add. Charter 17,234, B.M.]]

45

ABSTRACT[52.2]

ELEANOR CHAMBRE TO WILLIAM PASTON.

[Sidenote: About 1442]

Thanks him for what he did for her at Sparham at their last interview. He then expected to have more leisure to attend to her affairs at London after this Hallowmass, when he would ordain that she should have lawful estate for life in the partition made ‘betwixt you and me, to for such that was there for my husband and for me at that time.’ Begs him to do it now, and deliver it to her brother, John Chambre, or her servant, John Coke, the bearer. Sends the deed of annuity under her husband’s signet and hers, which she must pay to Paston’s children.

Welouby, Sunday after St. Martin.

[Alianore, widow of Robert Mauteby, Esq., remarried Thomas Chambers, Esq., lord of Sparham in her right, in 20 Henry VI. Her son, John Mauteby, was the father of Margaret, wife of John Paston. --_See_ Blomefield, xi. 228.]

[Footnote 52.2: [From Paston MSS., B.M.]]

46

DEPOSITION AGAINST JOHN HAWTEYN[52.3]

[Sidenote: 1443 / SEPT. 8]

Primo suggessit Sanctissimo Papæ mentiendo quod coactus et constrictus [fuisset] metu parentum ordinem[52.4] intrare; secundo quod in insufficienti et prohibita ætate et in eodem ordine invite esset professus; Et tertio, quod ita fuerat invallatus et inclusus in ordinis arctitudine ut sibi tempus opportunum exeundi acquirere nequiret. Contra quæ sic depono, non per ficta et fantastice ymaginata, sed per visa et audita a fide dignis denunciata. Et primo, contra primum articulum, viz., quod metu parentum etc. quia, ut asserunt fide media quam plures fide digni quorum nomina perlongum esset enarrare, quod alter parentum, suple pater, neci submersionis suffocatus fuerat in Themisia diu antequam ordinem ingressus est prænotatus Johannes; ergo, dissonum videtur quod metu parentum ingressus est, sed tantum alterius parentis. Secundo, contra secundum articulum, scilicet quod ex insufficienti etc., quia per vere visa et audita a fide dignis personis contra illud testimonium perhibere volentibus verum est asserere quod xiiij^cim annorum fuerat ætatis antequam indutus esset; quod sic evidet, quia natus erat in Swapham Markett, in loco qui Delgate dicitur, ubi parentes ejus commorabantur, quando primo intraverant villam antedictam pro annuali stipendio dato Thomæ Delgate, cujus erat ipsa mansio, et istud ad testimonium Adæ Ram, Roberti Sergaunte, Agnetis Ymay commatris[53.1] sæpedicti Johannis Hawteyn et Katerinæ Gannok, uxoris compatris[53.1] Johannis Hawteyn prædicti, viz. Johannis Gannok qui obiit anno Domini mccccxxxiiijº. Istis transactis, parentes dicti Johannis, viz. Haymundus Hawteyn, pater ejus, et Claricia Hawteyn mater ejus, conjunctim emerunt mansionem in eadem villa, viz. Swapham Markett, a Martino Waron anno regni Regis Ricardi Secundi post conquestum xxijº, quod datum, suple Regis Ricardi, præcessit nativitas Johannis Hawteyn in Delgate per testimonia præallegata. De facili ergo, probatur quod sit ætatis annorum xliiijºr ad minus, enumerando a xxijº anno regni Regis Ricardi Secundi post conquestum usque ad annum xxj^m Henrici Sexti.

* * *

Omnia in hac cedula quo ad Hawteyn dicta fuerunt Jacobo Gresham viijº die Septembris anno Regis Henrici vj^ti xxijº, prout scribuntur. Frater Johannes Alburugh dicit quod hoc medio intravit Johannes Hawteyn in ordinem. Circa xij. annum ætatis suæ missus fuit London’ essend’ cum quodam Thoma Brown modo apprenticii; quod actum fuit, quodque sibi non bene complacuit, et cucurrit ad Fratres et dixit quod fuit nepos Alburugh, et ea de causa Reverendus Magister Walden[54.1] interrogavit eum si vellet esse frater, et dixit quod vellet et humiliter rogavit ex caritate. Et veraciter scit quod fuit ætatis xiiij. annorum et amplius tempore professionis suæ et moram traxit ibidem per iij. vel iiij. annos. Et postea fuit apud Maldon per duos annos, et ab illo loco exiit. Deinde captus et Norwico incarceratus per dimidium annum. Et postea in domo de Blakney per iiijºr annos mansit, et ibidem fuit terminarius et hospes; et cucurrit ab inde cum vestibus officii de domo hospicii furtive et cepit librum (?) Alburugh avunculi sui et canciavit illum apud Aylesham pro iiij. marcis et dimidia, quas dictus Alburugh solvit pro libro rehabendo.

Et addidit idem Johannes Hawteyn vel Alburugh frater et avunculus dicti Johannis Hawteyn quod Johannes Hawteyn apostata fuit natus apud Swafham Market circa iiij. annum post transitum patris sui a Scheryngton usque Swafham. Et dicit quod Robertus frater ejus fuit pluris ætatis quam Johannes fuit per iiijºr annos, et dictus Robertus fuit natus apud Scherynton.

Et serviens Daubeney dicit quod Hamond Hawteyn transivit a Scheryngton usque Swafham tempore quo Thomas Erpyngham custodivit Regem R. in Turre London.[54.2]

Stephanus Plattyng de Aylesham pro vero dicit quod ad Festum Purificationis Beatæ Mariæ anno regni Regis Henrici vj^ti xxjº elapsi fuerunt xxviijº anni postquam ipse primo habitavit in dicta villa de Aylesham; quo tempore Claricia quæ fuit uxor Hamonis Hawteyn fuit vidua et commorans in messuagium nunc Johannis Draper de Aylesham, et postea nupta fuit Petro Fysch, cæco, qui insimul vixerunt vj. vel vij. annos, et post obitum dicti Petri dicta Claricia cepit in virum Willelmum Punyant de Aylesham. Et ad dictum festum Purificationis Beatæ Mariæ dicto anno xxjº dicti Ponyant et Claricia insimul in matrimonio cohabitaverunt per xxij. annos. Hoc de Pounyant cum Claricia affirmant. Et dicit idem Ponyant quod frater Johannes Hawteyn professus fuit post matrimonium inter ipsum et præfatam Clariciam et quod ipse ad ultimum exitum suum de ordine prædicto dimisit capam suam in domo dicti Ponyant apud Aylesham.

Willelmus Barbour dicit quod quo ad nativitatem Johannis Hawteyn penitus ignorat, sed dicit quod habet quendam (_sic_) filiam ætatis xliiijºr annorum, et ultra vel circa, et dicit quod Johannes Hawteyn est talis ætatis. Et dicit quod Tiphania soror Hawteyn est manens in villa ultra London vocata Hawehunte, sed in quo comitatu ignorat.

This paper is endorsed, ‘Hauteyn, Oxened.’

[Footnote 52.3: [From Paston MSS., B.M.]]

[Footnote 52.4: The Order of Carmelites. --_See_ Note 1 on page 54.]

[Footnote 53.1: _Compater_ and _commater_ (in French _compère_ and _commère_) correspond in meaning to the old English word _gossip_, _i.e._ god-sib, or related in baptism--generally applied to godfathers and godmothers.]

[Footnote 54.1: The celebrated Thomas Netter of Walden, provincial of the Carmelite order in England; a great opponent of Wycliffe.]

[Footnote 54.2: Richard II. was committed to the Tower in 1399, just before his formal resignation of the crown.]

47

MARGARET PASTON TO JOHN PASTON[55.1]

_To my rygth worchepful husbond, John Paston, dwellyng in the Inner Temple at London, in hast._

[Sidenote: 1443 / SEPT. 28]

Ryth worchipful hosbon, I recomande me to yow, desyryng hertely to her of yowr wilfar, thanckyng God of yowr a mendyng of the grete dysese that ye have hade; and I thancke yow for the letter that ye sent me, for be my trowthe my moder and I wer nowth in hertys es fro the tyme that we woste of yowr sekenesse, tyl we woste verely of your a mendyng. My moder be hestyd a nodyr ymmage of wax of the weytte of yow to oyer Lady of Walsyngham, and sche sent iiij. nobelys to the iiij. Orderys of Frerys at Norweche to pray for yow, and I have be hestyd to gon on pylgreymmays to Walsingham, and to Sent Levenardys[55.2] for yow; be my trowth I had never so hevy a sesyn as I had from the tyme that I woste of yowr sekenesse tyl I woste of yowr a mendyng, and zyth myn hert is in no grete esse, ne nowth xal be, tyl I wott that ze ben very hal. Your fader[56.1] and myn was dysday sevenyth [_this day se’nnight_] at Bekelys for a matyr of the Pryor of Bromholme, and he lay at Gerlyston that nyth, and was ther tyl it was ix. of the cloke, and the toder day. And I sentte thedyr for a goune, and my moder seyde that I xulde have dan [_then_], tyl I had be ther a non, and so thei cowde non gete.

My fader Garneyss[56.2] senttee me worde that he xulde ben her the nexch weke, and my emme [_uncle_] also, and pleyn hem her with herr hawkys, and thei xulde have me hom with hem; and so God help me, I xal exscusse me of myn goyng dedyr yf I may, for I sopose that I xal redelyer have tydyngys from yow herr dan I xulde have ther. I xal sende my modyr a tokyn that sche toke me, for I sopose the time is cum that I xulde sendeth her, yf I kepe the be hest that I have made; I sopose I have tolde yow wat it was. I pray yow hertely that [ye] wol wochesaf to sende me a letter as hastely as ze may, yf wryhyn be non dysesse to yow, and that ye wollen wochesaf to sende me worde quowe your sor dott. Yf I mythe have had my wylle, I xulde a seyne yow er dystyme; I wolde ye wern at hom, yf it wer your ese, and your sor myth ben as wyl lokyth to her as it tys ther ze ben, now lever dan a goune zow [_though_] it wer of scarlette. I pray yow yf your sor be hol, and so that ze may indur to ryde, wan my fader com to London, that ze wol askyn leve, and com hom wan the hors xul be sentte hom a zeyn, for I hope ze xulde be kepte as tenderly herr as ze ben at London. I may non leyser have to do wrytyn half a quarter so meche as I xulde sey [_say_] to yow yf I myth speke with yow. I xall sende yow a nothyr letter as hastely as I may. I thanke yow that ze wolde wochesaffe to remember my gyrdyl, and that ze wolde wryte to me at the tyme, for I sopose that wrytyng was non esse for yow. All myth God have yow in his kepyn, and sende yow helth. Wretyn at Oxenede, in ryth grete hast, on Sent Mikyllys Evyn.

Yorys,

M. PASTON.

My modyr grette yow wel, and sendyth yow Goddys blyssyng and hers; and sche prayeth yow, and I pray yow also, that ye be wel dyetyd of mete and drynke, for that is the grettest helpe that ye may have now to your helthe ward. Your sone[57.1] faryth wel, blyssyd be God.

[Footnote 55.1: [From Fenn, iii. 20.] This letter was written after the birth of John Paston’s eldest son, who was born in 1442, and cannot be later than 1443, as William Paston, who is mentioned, died in August of the year following.]

[Footnote 55.2: St. Leonard’s Priory, Norwich.]

[Footnote 56.1: William Paston.]

[Footnote 56.2: Perhaps her godfather. The family of Garneys were Lords of Gelderstone, the place called by Margaret Paston Gerlyston, a few lines above.]

[Footnote 57.1: Almost certainly his eldest son, John, afterwards Sir John Paston.]

[[yf wryhyn be non dysesse to yow _text unchanged: error for “wrytyn”?_]]

48

ABSTRACT[57.2]

LAND IN PASTON.

[Sidenote: 1443 / OCT. 17]

Warrant to Sir Roger Frenles, Knight, Chief Steward of the Duchy lands in Norfolk and other counties, and Sir Thomas Tudenham, particular Steward of the lordship and manor of Gymyngham, to demise (_dimittere et tradere_) to the undertenants (_bassis tenentibus_) specified in an act of Parliament, certain charterhold land in Paston and Edithorp granted to the King by William Paston, Robert Clere, and Edmund Clere in exchange for certain parcels of copyhold land, in accordance with an act of the last Parliament holden at Westminster. The copyhold land granted to them consisted of 36½ acres 9 perches 1½ qr. of a perch and 1 pekke of land, pasture, heath, and marsh, with two houses built on certain parcels thereof, with ¼ of a rood of waste land [not belonging to the Duchy?] in Paston; and it was given in recompense for 36½ acres 26½ perches and half a quarter of a perch, half a ‘pekke’ and one ‘naylle’ of land, pasture, and heath, called ‘Chartrehold,’ with two houses built on certain parcels thereof, in Paston and Edithorp, which are to be annexed to the Duchy. These parcels are specified in an inquisition dated 18 May 18 Hen. VI., remaining in the treasury of the Duchy, which was taken by virtue of letters of the Cardinal to Lord Bardolf and others.

17 Oct. 22 Hen. VI.

[Footnote 57.2: [From the Chancery Roll of the Duchy of Lancaster, 22 Hen. VI., Y. 2 c., No. 79.]]

49

WILLIAM PASTON AND WILLIAM JOYE[58.1]

[Sidenote: 1444]

Hec sunt hostilmenta et vutensilia domus, bona et catalla, que Willelmus Paston, in indentura presentibus annexa nominatus, tradidit et dimisit Willelmo Joye in eadem indentura nominato, secundum formam ejusdem indenture, ex communi assensu eorundem Willelmi et Willelmi, per Robertum Gynne, Johannem Albon de Paston et alios appreciata, assignata et specificata, modo subsequenti, videlicet: tres equi precii quinque marcarum; quatuor vacce, quelibet precii vij_s._ vj_d._; una juvenca brendyt precii v_s._; unus tauriculus, precii iiij_s._; una juvencula dowet precii iij_s._; due sues, quelibet precii iij_s._ iiij_d._; tres porculi, quilibet precii xvj_d._; tres porcelli, quilibet precii xij_d._; quatuor alii porcelli, quilibet precii viij_d._; una carecta, precii vj_s._ viij_d._; apparatus carette, videlicet una sella, unum par des stroppys; duo paria dez trayses, precii ij_s._; due caruce cum les hokys et stappilles; unum par rotarum; due herpice, precii v_s._; quatuor paria dez trayses ad aratrum, precii viij_d._; due furse fimose, precii vj_d._; una vanga, precii iij_d._; unus tribulus, precii iij_d._

Hec sunt blada et alia hostilmenta et utensilia domus, bona et catalla, per predictum Willelmum Paston predicto Willelmo Joye secundum formam dicte indenture similiter dimissa et non appreciata, videlicet: sex quarteria frumenti; xxv. quarteria ordei; viij. quarteria avenarum; quidam tassus pisarum in fine australi antique grangie messuagii predicti, qui est altitudinis iij. virgarum et iij. quarteriorum unius virge, et quidam alius tassus vescarum in boriali fine ejusdem grangie, altitudinis iij. virgarum et j. quarterii unius virge; qui quidem duo tassi fuerunt vesture xij. acrarum et dimidii, et dimidii rode terre; iij. vasa vocata Kelerys; j. Gilyngsat; iiij. stondes pro servitio; j. stonde in coquina; ij. patelle cum ligaminibus ferreis; j. parva patella cum ligamine ferreo; j. magna olla ennea [_ænea_]; alia olla ennea minor; j. parva olla ennea; j. tabula; j. par des trostelles; j. longum hostium jacens in boteria; j. par des trestelles, j. trow, ij. bolles, j. morter, j. thede, j. temse, j. mashsterell, j. tankard cum ligamine ferreo; j. bultyngpoke, j. magna trow pro farina, cista pro farina, j. fleshoke, j. tripes ferreum, j. veru ferreum; j. aunderun, j. par de tongys, j. lach’gres ennua, j. seturis, j. magnum lavacrum pendens, j. kynderkyn, ij. soos leeke, j. par de belwes, j. magnum planke super mensam coquine hargour; iij. perapsides; iij. disci; iij. sauserys de pewter; iij. perapsides; iij. disci; j. magnus discus, vj. sissorn, iij. ciphi de ligno, j. chayer; duo longa scanna, j. scannum mediocre longitudinis; ij. scanna vocata buffet stoles; ij. bankar; j. gladius, ij. ferra vocata aplates; j. chirne; j. chyrnyng staf; j. curta falx; j. candelabrum ferreum; j. parvum salerium; j. beryngsceppes, unum par dez pepyrquens, ij. uteri, j. cadus cum vergous; j. parva cista in boteria; j. selura supra servisiam; j. metesetell; j. pykforke; iij. longa bordclothis; j. towayll, j. san . . . et j. walet pro autumpno; j. lucerna; ij. vomeri et ij. cultri que ponderant xvij. li. et dim.; j. carectula, Anglice, a carre; j. sunvectorium (?); ij. novi rowintrees et j. curtum lignum in le carthows; ij. veteres bige; j. par rotarum ferratarum; ij. kemell cum hopys ferreis; j. frena, j. pelvis; viij. sacci; iiij. longa ligna fraxinora in pistrina; j. fetyrlok.

_In dorso_--

Summa catall’ infrascriptorum et appreciat’, v_li._ 19_s._ 8_d._ Summa granorum infrascriptorum ultra persas (?) et vesias, iiij_li._ xviij_s._ iiij_d._ Quarterium frumenti ad iiij_s._, quarterium ordei ij_s._ iiij_d._, et querterium avenarum ad ij_s._ Item, vestura xij. acrarum et di., et di. rod. pisarum et vescar’. Item, dicta vestura piseii et vescar. ad l_s._, lacr’ ad iiij_s._ de xij. acr’ et di. rod. non lax.

Summa totalis, xiiij_li._ viij_s._

[Footnote 58.1: [From Douce Charters in Bibl. Bodl., No. 18.]]

50

OXNEAD AND FRIAR HAWTEYN[60.1]

[Sidenote: 1443-9]

This day at x. of the clok Edmund Paston and the parson of Oxened went owth of the Manor doun to Wantown Gapp, for thei herd tydynges that the freyr[60.2] was comyng; and with the seyd frier came John Cates and on Whalter Herman of Wheytte, and Wylliam Yemmys of Burgh, the frieres man. And Edmund Paston seyd to John Cates Welcome, and he askyd hem what here[60.3] cause was in commyng. The Frier seyd he cam for to speke with the gode lady, and Edmund seyd that he shuld speke with her. At this tyme sche was so ocupied he myth not speke with her. And he seyd that he shuld assay; and he cam redyng fro Wantown Gappe to the grete Cate; and there he lyted and knokkyd on the gate; and we folwyd as yarn as we myth; and ther was with in John Jaallere and John Edmundes, and asked the friere what he wold; and he seyd that he wuld comyn inne for to speke with the gode ladi of the hows. And thei seyd nay, he shuld not come in. And than cam on Edmund Paston and the parson, and asked hym what was cause of his comyng at this tyme. And he seyd for to entre in the maner of Oxened, the which his fader was possessid of and his auncestres from kyng Edward the thred on to Colbys tyme, and that he had fownd a tayll ther of in the kynges bokes. And than Edmund Paston answeryd hym and seyd that it wher best declaryng of his evydence in Westminster hall. And he seyd a geyn, so he shuld whan he myth. And he seyd to hem that come with hym, ‘Serys, I chargge yow ber record how that I am kept owth with stronge hand, and may not take poscession.’ And evyn forth with he presyd to the gate ward to a leyd hand on the gate. And than the seyd Edmund put hym fro the gate and seyd, ‘Ne wer for reverence of thy lord and myn, and thow leyst any hand on the gate I xall sey thye hert blod or thow myn.’ And than the seyd frier seyd scornfully that he myth thanke his mayster. And than the seyd Edmund seyd that he myth sey his lord ryght wele; and than he stowpyd doun and toke up herd and delivered to his man, seying to hem that come with hym, ‘I charge yow all of the kynges behalffe ye bere record that I take here poscession of myn inheritance.’ And Edmund seyd that this takyng of poscession skylled nowgt. And than the friere seyd that sen he myth not have it nowe, he shuld come a geyn a nothir tyme. Edmund is rede forth to Heydon. It was told us this afternon that ther wer iij. men come fro Skeyton and mette with the frier in the feld and spoke with hym a gode while, and than redyn the same wey that they come.

[Footnote 60.1: [Add. MS. 34,888, f. 19.] This paper, like No. 63, which also refers to Friar Hauteyn’s claim to Oxnead, can be assigned to no definite year; but its date must be before the death of Edmund Paston in 1449. It is indorsed in a later hand: ‘A Frier came to take possession of the mannor of Oxned.’]

[Footnote 60.2: John Hauteyn.]

[Footnote 60.3: _here_ (or _her_) for _their_.]

[[fro Wantown Gappe to the grete Cate _text unchanged: error for “Gate”?_]]

51

JAMES GRESHAM TO WILLIAM PASTON[61.1]

_To my right worthy and worshepfull Lord, William Paston, Justice, in hast._

[Sidenote: 1444 / JAN. 29]

Please it your good Lordship to wete that the Chief Justice of the Kynggs Benche[61.2] recomaundeth hym to yow, and is right sory of the matier that is cause of your noun comyng hedir, but he wole do al that he can or may for yow. He hath hadde a cyetica [sciatica] that hath letted hym a gret while to ride, and dar not yet come on non horses bak, and ther for he hath spoke to the Lordes of the Conseill, and enformed hem of your sekenesse and his also, that he may not ride at these next assizes to Estgrynsted; and though thoe assizes discontynue _puer noun venue dez Justicez_, he hopeth to be excused and ye also. And as for the remenant of the assizes, he shall purvey to be ther by water. And Almyghty Jesu make yow heyle and strong.

Wretyn right simply the Wednesseday next to fore ye Fest of the Purificacion of Our Lady at London.

By your most symple servaunt,

JAMYS GRESHAM.

[Footnote 61.1: [From Fenn, iii. 26.] ‘From a memorandum,’ says Fenn, ‘on the back of this letter, dated in April 1444, it is probable that it was written on the 30th of January 1443.’ Did Fenn mean the 30th of January 1443-4? In the side-note immediately below the letter, he dates it in his usual exact manner, ‘Wednesday, 30th of January 1443, 22 H. vi.’ But unfortunately there is an error here. January in the 22d year of Henry VI., means January 1444 according to the modern computation, or 1443 in the style formerly in use, by which the year was reckoned from the 25th of March. But the 30th of January was a Wednesday in 1443, only according to the modern computation of the year,--that is to say, it was a Wednesday in the year 1442-3, not in 1443-4. I imagine, however, that the ‘30th of January’ should have been ‘29th of January,’ and that Fenn really meant 1443-4, corresponding with the 22nd year of Henry VI.; for the memorandum to which he refers is a draft agreement, dated on Passion Sunday, 22 Hen. VI., A.D. 1444.]

[Footnote 61.2: The celebrated Sir John Fortescue.]

52

JOHN GYNEY TO WILLIAM PASTON[62.1]

_To the worthy and worshipfull Sir and good Lord and Maister, William Paston, on of the Justices of oure Sovereign Lord, of his Commone Benche at Westminster._

[Sidenote: Not later than 1444]

Right worthy and worshipfull Sir, and my good Lord and Maister, I recomaund me to yow. And where as ye, by your lettre direct to my Lady, your wyf, wold that my seid Lady shuld have Robert Tebald and me to geder, as sone as she myght, and the evidences which the seid Robert receyved of yow at your last beyng at Norwich, and that I shuld amende the defautes therinne, and that that doon there shuld of Baxteres Place of Honyng be taken estate to yow and to other, as your seid lettre requireth: Prey and beseche yow to witte that, on the Friday next after your departyng fro Paston, Thomas Walysh and William Burgh, in his owen persone, and the seid Thomas by William Inges and William Walsyngham, his attornies, by his lettre under his seal, where [_were_] at Honyng, and delyvred to my Lady Scarlet seson [_seisin_] in the seid place, and Colbyes and Donnynges in Walsham. And the seid Thomas Walyssh, as the seid Tebald told me, wold not enseale the seid lettre of attornie til the parson of Ingeworth come to hym therfore, and required hym to don it. Wychyngham in his owen persone in the nyght next beforn the seid Friday, as the seid Tebald infourmeth me, come to the same Tebaldes hows, and desired hym to enseale acquytaunce, as he seid, and the same Robert refused to don it.

Nertheless, whether it were acquytaunce or were not, the same Robert kan not seye, for he myght noo sight have there of. And the seid Wychyngham the same nyght rood to John Willyot, and desired of hym the same, and refused also to don it. What is the best to be don in this matier my seid Lady, your wyf, kan not thynke with owt your advis and counseile. Wherfore as touchyng the takyng of th’estate to yow and other, as in your seid lettre is conteigned, is yet right nought doon.

The Holy Trinite have yow in his blissed kepyng. Wretyn at North Walsham, the Thursday next after the Purificacion of oure Lady.

My seid Lady, your wyf, preyeth yow to be remembred of here grene gynger of almondes for Lente, and of the leche of Orwelde, for here seknes encreseth dayly upon here, whereof she is sore a ferd.

By youre servunt,

JOHN GYNEY.

[Footnote 62.1: [From Fenn, iii. 28.] There is nothing to be said of the date of this letter, except that it is not later than 1444, when William Paston died.]

53

ABSTRACT[63.1]

[Sidenote: 1444 / MARCH 15]

Indenture between the Prior and Convent of the Monastery of St. Andrew, Bromholme, impropriators of the Church of St. Margaret, Paston, and John Partrik, vicar of the said church, of the first part, William Paston of Paston, of the second part, and Edmund Palmer of Wytton, of the third part, relative to lands in Baketon and Wytton, and containing amongst other things a grant by the Prior and Convent to the said John Partrik, at the instance of the said William Paston, in consideration of which masses, called _certeynes_, are to be performed every Friday for the souls of William Paston and Agnes his wife, and the obit of Clement Paston, William’s father, is to kept yearly on St. Botolph’s day (17th June). Dated 15th March 22 Henry VI. Confirmed by Walter, Bishop of Norwich, and John, the Prior of the Cathedral of Norwich, and the chapter of that church, 11th and 21st March 1446[-7].

[Footnote 63.1: [Add. Charter 14,571, B.M. (D. Turner’s Coll.)]]

[[Confirmed by Walter _text has “Comfirmed”_]]

54

ABSTRACT[64.1]

JOHN MARYOT TO WILLIAM PASTON, Justice.

[Sidenote: Before 1444]

Is ready to fulfil the indentures of Becham made by W. P. with his late mother, if W. P. will send ‘the indenture of our part,’ that Maryot may know the terms and his own title. Will make no bargain else.--Crowmer, Monday after Our Lady’s Nativity.

[Footnote 64.1: [From Paston MSS., B.M.] This and the following letter are quite uncertain in point of date, except that they were of course written before the death of William Paston, to whom they were addressed.]

55

ABSTRACT[64.2]

WILLIAM WOTTON DE PAGRAVE TO JUSTICE PASTON.

Sends his wife to him to explain some business about lands in Lytyl Pagrave, of which a woman of Sporle has already spoken to him; also touching some land at Castleacre.--_On parchment._

[Footnote 64.2: [From Paston MSS., B.M.]]

56

---- ---- TO JOHN PASTON[64.3]

[Sidenote: 1444]

Righte reverent and my most worshipful maister, I recomaund me to yow. Please it yow to wite that I sende yow a copie of a verdite take before my maister Roberd Clere by vertu of a writ _diem clausit extremum_,[64.4] whiche writ I sende yow also with this, of whiche verdite the wordis arn as it folwith:--

_Inquisicio capta apud Wynterton, secundo die Novembris anno regni Regis Henrici vj^ti post conquestum vicesimo tertio, coram Roberto Clere escaetore domini Regis in com. Norfolk et Suffolk, virtute brevis domini Regis sibi directi et presenti Inquisitioni consuti, per sacramentum Johannis Berkyng, Nicholai Pikeryng, Johannis Chapell, Johannis Jekkys, Willelmi Stiwardson, Roberti Hosele, Johannis Topy, Johannis Wacy, Johannis Rychers, Thomæ Broun, Walteri Heylok, Willelmi Stotevyle, Thomæ Mason, Roberti Marche, Johannis Kechon, legalium et proborum hominum in hac parte pro domino Rege juratorum: Qui dicunt super sacramentum suum quod Willelmus Paston nominatus in dicto brevi nulla terras et tenementa tenuit de domino Rege in capite die quo obiit in comitatu predicto. Et quod obiit quarto decimo die mensis Augusti, anno regni domini Regis predicti xxij. Et quod Johannes Paston filius ipsius Willelmi est hæres ejus propinquior, et ætatis xxiij. annorum._

Ther is founde more of other thyngges be the same verdite touchyng other matieris, whiche he will not certifie yet. And for as moche as my maister Clere wetyth well that the seid verdite touchyng my maister your fader, hoes soule God assoyle, must have other maner of makyng thanne he kan make, he recomaundith hym to my maistres your moder, and yow also; and prey yow that ye will do it make as effectuel and availeabill for the wel of my maister your fader and yow as ye kan, and sele it with your seall, or what seall ellys ye will, in his name, and sealle it also with as many of other seales as ther be jerores, and delyvere it to William Bondes, his depute, to delyvere into the Chauncelre. And if William Bondes be fro London or this may be redy, thanne purveye ye for the speed of this matier in youre best wise; and what so ever ye do, or sey, or write, or seale, or avouche in this matier in my maister Cleris name, he shall avowe it, and [_i.e._ if] it shulde coste hym gret parte of his good.

Sir, ther is noon enquerre take in Suffolk, for as moche as my maister your fader helde no londe ther but be my maistres your moder; but if ye will that he shall inquere ther as sone as he may wete it, it shall be doo; and if this forseide verdite may serve for bothe, he is right glad therof. He tolde me that he seide to the jurores, whiche have sealed her verdite: ‘Seris, I wot well this verdite after my makyng is not effectuel in lawe, and therfore may happe it shall be makid newe at London, and ellys peraventure I shulde be amercied in the Kyngges Courte; and therfore I truste yow, and [_i.e._ if] it be newe mad and newe sealed, ye will avowe it.’ And thei seide with a good herte ya; these wordes wern seide _in secreta confessione_ to v. or vj. of the reuleris of the seide jurre whiche he kan truste righte well. He preyith yow to holde hym excused that he writyth not to yow for this matier, for he is ocupied in other wise. He badde me write in this fourme to yow, which he supposith ye will beleve, and he knoweth alle this writyng, and is well concented and agreed therto. Sir, ther arn xv. jurores abowe to certifie ye, as many as ye will: but lete these men that be tottid be certified, for thei be the rewleris and t . . . . he spk (?) &c. Sir, atte reverence of God, if I shall make ony purvyaunce in this cuntre for my maistres comyng hom, lete me have reson[able] warnyng, and so God me helpe, and I shall do my dever. I here no tydyngges of Thom’ yet. My maistres Garneys, your moder, . . . . . .[66.1] Berney, and my maisteris your sonys and my maister your brother arn heyle and mery, and recommend hem to yow. And I beseche your [mastership][66.1] that this sympil skrowe may recomaund me to my reverant and worshipful maistres, your moder. And I prey our Lord of his . . . . . .[66.1] bothe moche worship and wilfare, and graunte me to do and labour that is to your bothenerys pleaser.[66.2]

Writen the Saterday next. . . . . . .[66.3]

This letter appears to have been used as a wrapper for others. It is endorsed, ‘Literæ diversorum directæ J. Paston receptæ apud London per diversos annos ante festum Michaelis anno xxxiiij Hen. VI. Literæ Fastolff pro Costid (?). Literæ W. Wayt pro tempore suæ tribulationis. Literæ Windham.’

[Footnote 64.3: [From Paston MSS., B.M.] This letter is without a signature or address, and who the writer was does not appear. It was evidently written soon after the taking of the inquisition on the death of William Paston, the Judge, the date of which is given in the extract as 2nd November 23 Henry VI., _i.e._ 1444.]

[Footnote 64.4: _See_ p. 16, Note 1.]

[Footnote 66.1: Mutilated.]

[Footnote 66.2: _I.e._, that which is to the pleasure of you both (?).]

[Footnote 66.3: A little mutilated at bottom.]

[[quarto decimo die mensis Augusti _printed “dccimo”_]]

[[In the following letter, interlineations (Footnotes 67-2, 68-1) are shown in brackets [ ] immediately after the original word.]]

57

WILL OF EDMUND NORMAN[67.1]

[Sidenote: 1444 / DEC. 6]

In Dei nomine, amen. Ego Edmundus Norman de Fylby, compos mentis, die Dominica in festo sancti Nicholai Episcopi, anno domini M^lmo iiij^c xl. iiij.^to, condo testamentum meum in hunc mundum (_sic_). In primis do et lego animam meam Deo Patri, &c., corpusque meum sepeliendum in ecclesia sancti Petri de Crowmere. Item, summo altari ecclesiæ prædictæ xl_d._ [vjs. viijd.[67.2]] Item, emendacioni ejusdem ecclesiæ xl_d._ [vjs. viijd.[67.2]] Item, summo altari ecclesiæ de Fylby xl_d._ Item, emendationi ecclesiæ de Fylby prædictæ vel fenestræ de novo faciendæ et intrando in parte boriali ecclesiæ prædictæ in fine occidentali, x. marcas. Item, Edmondo, capellano sancti Johannis Baptistæ in eadem ecclesia, xl_d._ Item, volo quod omnes feoffati in terris et tenementis remittant jus suum Edmundo Clere armigero, magistro meo, ut ipse vendat et disponat cum aliis executoribus meis pro salute animæ meæ, et patris, matris, et omnium quibuscumque teneor. Item, cuilibet ordini fratrum de Jernemoth, vj_s._ viii_d._ Item, fratribus ordinis Minorum de Walsyngham vj_s._ viii_d._ Item, lego Willelmo Bondis omnia bona mea existentia in hospicio meo London’, [de Clifforde] videlicet lectum et indumenta mea. Item, lego Roberto Baketon et uxori ejus, firmario meo in Fylby, omnia utencilia mea infra mansionem meam ibidem præter lectum plumale postea legatum. Item, Edmundo filio dicti Roberti, filiolo meo, xl_s._ Item, filiabus ejusdem Roberti, Elizabethæ et Margaretæ, cuilibet xx_s._ Item, Edmundo filio Roberti Norman de Ormesby, vj_s._ viii_d._ Item, Ricardo Kemp, xxvj_s._ viij_d._ Item, Johanni Grave, sonam meam deargent’.[67.3] Item, Nicholao Pekeryng de Fylby, meum optimum lectum plumale infra mansionem meam apud Fylby. Item, Johanni Spencer de Crowmere, xx_s._ Item, uxori Johannis Couche, pro labore et diligentia suis circa me dum infirmabar, vj_s._ viij_d._ Item, Edmundo Bataly capellano vj_s._ viii_d._ [xxs. [68.1]] Item, lego Thomæ Stalham et uxori ejus meum lectum plumale apud Norwicum. Item, die obitus mei ad exequias, cuilibet capellano iiij_d._ et clerico, j_d._ Item, ad distribuendum inter pauperes die sepulturæ, xl_d._ Residuum vero bonorum meorum non legatorum do et lego executoribus meis, quos ordino et constituto Edmundum Clere, armigerum, Magistrum meum Robertum Clere, Willelmum Bondes, Nicholaum Pekeryng, Magistrum Johannem Semecrofte et Ricardum Kemp, ut ipsi disponant pro salute animæ meæ.

[68.2]Et lego dicto Edmundo Clere pro labore suo x_li._ si vult. Et Roberto Clere C_s._, et similiter cuilibet aliorum executorum xl_s._

Item, lego Pers. de Crowmere iij_s._ iiij_d._

Item, volo quod in fenestra ecclesiæ de Fylby tres[68.3] ymagines, videlicet, una ymago sancti Edmundi, alter[a] Sancti Johannis Baptistæ, alia Sanctæ Mariæ, et ibidem fiat scriptio:--_Orate pro animabus Johannis Norman seniori, Margaretæ uxoris ejus, et Edmundi filii prædicti_ et tale armo (_sic_). [_Here follows a sketch of a shield, the upper part marked as silver and the lower black, with the word _‘Katerwole’_ (?) upon it._]

[Footnote 67.1: [Add. MS. 34,888, f. 10.]]

[Footnote 67.2: Interlineations by another hand.]

[Footnote 67.3: Here occurs an illegible interlineation, in which only ‘xs.’ is visible.]

[Footnote 68.1: Interlineations by another hand.]

[Footnote 68.2: What follows is in a different hand, apparently the same as that of the interlineations noticed above.]

[Footnote 68.3: Corrected from ‘quatuor.’]

58

THE DUKE OF NORFOLK TO JOHN PASTON[68.4]

_To our right trusti and welbelovid John Paston, Squier. The Duc of Norff._

[Sidenote: Before 1444 (?)]

Trusti and right welbelovid, we grete you weel, lating you witte that for the trust that as weel we, as the heires of Edmund Swathyng, have unto you, we have appointed you to be one of the makeres up indifferently of the evydences betwix us and the seide heires. Wherfor we pray you hertily, that ye wil yeve attendaunce at such day and place as ye and our right trusti and welbelovid frende William Yelverton, with oure welbelovid servaunt Jenney, shal mow attende to the making up of the seide evidencez; and we shal send summe of our servauntz to awayte upon you for your reward and costis, that ye shal be pleasid with by the grace of God, who have you ever in his keping.

Wreten undir our signet in oure Castel of Framlyngham,

the xviij. day of ----.

{ JOHN[69.1] } NORFF. { MOWBRAY. }

[Footnote 68.4: [From Fenn, i. 10.] Fenn thinks this letter must have been written before 1444, when Yelverton was made a judge. This is, doubtless, most probable. There is, however, an Edmund Swathing, Esq., mentioned by Blomefield (_Hist. of Norfolk_,