clxxv. This letter, dated May 19, 1515, evidently belongs to an earlier

date. It is apparently in reply to Epist. cx. dated April 27, from Paris, and written by Erasmus during his stay there in 1511.

[425] The date of the death of More’s first wife it is not easy exactly to fix. Cresacre More says, ‘His wife Jane, as long as she lived, which was but some six years, brought unto him almost every year a child.’--_Life of Sir T. More_, p. 40. This would bring her death to 1511, or 1512.

[426] _Philomorus_, p. 71.

[427] See Brewer, i. preface p. xl et seq., and authorities there cited.

[428] ‘_In Brixium Germanum falsa scribentem de Chordigera._’ ‘_In eundem: Versus excerpti e Chordigera Brixii_;’ ‘_Postea de eadem Chordigera_;’ ‘_Epigramma Mori alludens ad versus superiores: Aliud de eodem_,’ &c.--_Mori Epigrammata._

[429] See the several epigrams relating to Brixius in _Mori Epigrammata_. For the wearisome correspondence which resulted from the publication of these epigrams and the ‘_Antimorus_’ of Brixius in reply, see Eras. _Op._ iii., index under the head ‘Brixius (Germanus).’ See also _Philomorus_, p. 71.

[430] Eras. _Op._ iii. pp. 460, 461. See also ‘_Richardi Pacei ... de Fructu qui ex doctrina percipitur, liber_.’ Basle, 1517, Oct. And Cresacre More’s _Life of More_, App.

[431] Brewer, i. 3723.

[432] Ibid. 3752, 3821.

[433] Ibid. 3809.

[434] Brewer, i. xlvii, and No. 3820. Edward Lord Howard to Henry VIII.

[435] Eras. _Op._ iii. p. 461. Compare _Enchiridion_, ‘Canon VI.’

[436] Colet, and Erasmus, and More, notwithstanding their very severe condemnation of the wars of the period, and wars in general, never went so far as to lay down the doctrine, that ‘_All_ War is unlawful to the Christian.’

[437] Eras. _Op._ iii. p. 461, A, E.

[438] Knight’s _Life of Colet_, p. 207, note quoted from _Antiq. Britann._, Sub. Wil. Warham, ed. Han. p. 306.

[439] Brewer, Nic. West to Henry VIII. 3838.

[440] Brewer, i. 3780.

[441] Ibid. 3857. Sir E. Howard to Wolsey.

[442] Henry VIII. to Cardinal Bainbridge. Brewer, i. 3876.

[443] Brewer, i. 3876.

[444] Ibid. 3903, Sir E. Howard to Henry VIII.

[445] Ibid. 4005, Echyngham to Wolsey.

[446] Brewer, i. 4019, Thomas Lord Howard to Wolsey; 4020, Thomas Lord Howard to Henry VIII.

[447] Ibid. 4055, Henry VIII. to his ambassadors in Arragon.

[448] Ibid. 4075, Fox to Wolsey.

[449] Ibid. 3977, 5761.

[450] Eras. Epist. cxix. Brewer, i. 4427, Erasmus to Ammonius.

[451] Erasmi _Epigrammata_: Basle, 1518, p. 353; and Eras. _Op._ i. p. 1224, F.

[452] _De Deditione Nerviæ, Mori Epigrammata_: Basle, 1518, p. 263, and ed. 1522, p. 98.

[453] For the particulars mentioned in this section, it will be seen how much I am indebted to Mr. Brewer. See vol. i. of his Calendar, preface pp. l-lv, in addition to the particular authorities cited.

[454] Eras. Epist. cxiv. Brewer, i. 1652.

[455] See mention of Aldridge in Eras. Epist. dcclxxxii.

[456] _Compendium Vitæ Erasmi_: Eras. _Op._ i. preface.

[457] Eras. Epist. cxvii. Brewer, i. 1847.

[458] Eras. Epist. cxv. Brewer, i. 4336. The allusion to the ‘De Copia’ (printed in May 1512) fixes the date.

[459] Eras. Epist. cxxix. Brewer, i. 4576. See also Brewer, i. 2013, which belongs to the same autumn. Epist. cxli.

[460] From the letters referred to by Brewer, i. p. 963, Nos. 5731 (Eras. Epist. clxv.), 5732, 5733, and 5734, it would seem that he had undertaken the education of a boy to whom he had been ‘_more than a father_.’ This does not prove that he was in the habit at Cambridge of taking private pupils, as possibly this boy was placed under his care somewhat in the same way as More had been placed with Cardinal Morton.

[461] See Eras. Epist. cl. Brewer, i. 4528.

[462] Eras. Epist. cxix. Brewer, i. 4427.

[463] Brewer, i. 4428.

[464] Eras. Epist. cxxxi. Brewer, i. 2001, under the date 1511. The allusion to the King of Scots, as well as the passage quoted, fix the date 1513. See also Eras. Epist. cxxix. Brewer, i. 4576.

[465] Eras. Epist. cxxxi. Brewer, i. 2001.

[466] 5 Henry VIII. c. i.

[467] Brewer, i. 4819. Notes of a speech in this parliament.

[468] Eras. Epist. cxliv.

[469] Compare More’s _Epigrams_, headed: ‘Populus consentiens Regnum dat et aufert,’ and ‘Bonum Principem esse patrem non dominum.’

[470] Eras. Epist. cxliv. and published among ‘Auctarium Selectarum aliquot Epistolarum Erasmi,’ &c. Basil, 1518, p. 62. The above extracts are abridged in the translation.

[471] Eras. Epist. cxliii.

[472] Eras. Germano Brixio: Eras. Epist. mccxxxix.

[473] Brewer, i. 4845, 5173, and 4727.

[474] Eras. Epist. cxv. Eras. _Op._ iii. p. 107, D. Brewer, i. 4336.

[475] Eras. Epist. cxv. Eras. _Op._ iii. p. 106, E and F.

[476] Eras. Epist. cxv.

[477] Eras. _Op._ iii. p. 785, A.

[478] Eras. _Op._ iii. p. 785, A, C.

[479] _Ibid._ p. 457, A. See also Eras. Epist. viii. App.

[480] The companion of Erasmus was, according to the ‘Colloquy,’ ‘_Gratianus Pullus_, an Englishman, learned and pious, but with less liking for this part of religion than I could wish.’ ‘A _Wickliffite_, I fancy!’ suggested the other spokesman in the ‘Colloquy.’ ‘I do not think so’ (was the reply), ‘_although he had read his books_, somewhere or other.’--_Colloquia_: Basle, 1526, p. 597. In his letter to Justus Jonas, Erasmus mentions that Colet was in the habit of reading heretical books.--Eras. _Op._ iii. p. 460, A. It has been suggested also (_Pilgrimages to Walsingham_, &c. by J. G. Nichols, F.S.A. Westminster, 1849, p. 127), that as in the same letter he describes Colet as wearing _black_ vestments (_pullis_ vestibus), instead of the usual purple (Eras. _Op._ iii. p. 457, B.), hence the name ‘_Pullus_’ may in itself point to Colet. There is also an allusion by Erasmus in his treatise, ‘_Modus Orandi_,’ to his visit to the shrine of St. Thomas-à-Becket, in which he says, ‘Vidi ipse quum ostentarent linteola lacera quibus ille dicitur abstersisse muccum narium, abbatem ac cæteros, qui adstabant, aperto scriniolo venerabundos procidere ad genua, ac manibus etiam sublatis adorationem gestu repræsentare. Ista _Joanni Coleto, nam is mecum aderat_, videbantur indigna, mihi ferenda videbantur donec se daret opportunitas ea citra tumultum corrigendi.’--Eras. _Op._ v. p. 1119, F, and p. 1120, A. This allusion to Colet so accurately comports with what is said in the Colloquy of ‘Gratianus Pullus,’ that the one seems most probably suggested only as a _nom de plume_ for the other. I am further indebted to Mr. Lupton for the suggestion that when Ammonius, writing to Erasmus (Epist. clxxv.), says ‘tuus _Leucophæus_ salvere te jubet,’ he alludes to Colet: ‘Leucophæus’ being a Greek form of the same nickname as ‘Pullus’ might be in a Latin form. Mr. Lupton has also shown that ‘_Gratian_’ is a rendering of ‘_John_.’ See his introduction to his edition of _Colet on the Sacraments of the Church_, pp. 6, 7. So that the identification of Colet with the _Gratianus Pullus_ of the Colloquy is now complete.

[481] The lazar-house of Harbledown. See Dean Stanley’s _Historical Memorials of Canterbury_, ed. 1868, p. 243.

[482] The colloquy from which the particulars given in this section have been obtained is entitled _Peregrinatio Religionis ergo_. It was not contained in the edition of 1522 (Argent.), but it was inserted probably in that of 1524 (which, however, I have not seen). It was contained in the Basle edition of 1526, which is probably a reprint of that of 1524, the prefatory letter at the beginning being dated Calen. Aug. 1524.

[483] Eras. Ammonio: Eras. Epist. clix.

[484] Eras. Epist. App. viii. There is a reference in the letter to Wolsey as ‘Episcopus Lincolniensis,’ and this confirms the correctness of the date, as Wolsey was translated to the Archbishopric of York Aug. 1514.--_Fasti Eccl. Anglicanæ_, p. 310.

[485] Eras. _Op._ iii. p. 160, A.

[486] Eras. Epist. clxxxii. Partly written at Antwerp, but finished at Basle, Aug. 29, 1514.

[487] The letter is dated ‘Lovanii, A.D. mdxiiii. Kal. Aug.’

[488] ‘Quo viro non alium habet mea quidem sententia Anglorum Imperium vel magis pium, vel qui Christum verius sapiat.’

[489] _Cato Erasmi. Opuscula aliquot Erasmo Roterodamo Castigatore et Interprete, &c._ ‘Colonie in edibus Quentell. A.D. mcccccxv;’ and Ibid. ‘Colonie in edibus Martini Werdenensis xii. Kal. Dec. (1514?)’

[490] Coletus Erasmo: Epist. lxxxv. App.

[491] Ranke’s _History of the Reformation_, bk. ii. c. 1. See Erasmus’s mention of Reuchlin in the letter written this autumn to Wimphelingus, appended to the 2nd edition of _De Copiâ_. Schelestadt, 1514; and Eras. Epist. clxvii. and clxviii. As to his friendship with the Archbishop of Maintz, _vide_ Epist. cccxxxiv.

[492] See letter to Wimphelingus, Basle, xi. Kal. Oct. 1514, _ubi supra_, for these and the following particulars.

[493] Eras. _Op._ iii. p. 1249; and see Epist. clxxiv. Erasmus to Leo X. p. 154, C and D.

[494] Epist. dccccxxii. Eras. _Op._ iii. pp. 1054, 1055.

[495] See the _Life of Beatus Rhenanus_, by John Sturmius, ‘Vita clarissimorum Historicorum.’ Buderi, 1740, pp. 53-62; and Eras. _Op._ iii. pp. 154, C, &c. (see Index under his name); and especially the prefatory letter from Erasmus to Beatus Rhenanus, prefixed to ‘Enarratio in Primum Psalmum, Beatus vir,’ &c. Louvain, 1515. There is also a mention of him worth consulting in Du Pin’s _Ecclesiastical Writers_, iii. p. 399.

[496] Eras. _Op._ iii. p. 222, E; and the letter to Wimphelingus.

[497] Erasmus to Mountjoy, Epist. clxxxii., and the letter above mentioned to Wimphelingus.

[498] Epist. clxxxii.

[499] Epist. Erasmi clix. and Epist. lxxxv. App.

[500] Epist. lxxxv. App.

[501] Epist. ad Wimphelingum.

[502] Epist. clxvii. clxviii. and clxxiv.

[503] Eras. _Op._ iii. p. 141, C and D.

[504] Brewer, i. lxix, and ii. i, _et seq._

[505] Ibid. ii. xxxviii.

[506] Brewer, ii. liv.

[507] See Eras. Epist. App. xxvii. xxi. and xxiii. These letters are dated 1515; and, from the mention of the New Testament as not yet placed in Froben’s hand, this date would seem to be correct.

[508] Eras. _Op._ ii. pp. 870-2; and in part translated in Hallam’s _Literature of the Middle Ages_, part I, c. iv. These passages are quoted from the explanation given in the Adagia of the proverb, ‘_Scarabeus Aquilam quærit_.’ They occur in the edition separately printed by Froben in large type and in an octavo form, entitled ‘Scarabeus:’ Basle, mense Maio, 1517, ff. 21-23.

[509] Eras. _Op._ ii. p. 775. From the _Adagia_, ‘Sileni Alcibiadis.’

[510] Eras. Epist. App. xxi. That this edition was printed in 1515, see mention of it in Erasmus’s letter to Dorpius, dated Antwerp, 1515, and published at Louvain, Oct. 1515.

[511] Martinus Dorpius Erasmo: _D. Erasmi, &c. Enarratio in Primum Psalmum, &c. &c._ Louvain, Oct. 1515.

[512] See the commencement of the reply of Erasmus.

[513] ‘Martinus Dorpius instigantibus quibusdam primus omnium cœpit in me velitari.... Scirem illum non odio mei huc venisse, sed juvenem tum, ac natura facilem, aliorum impulsu protrudi.’--_Erasmus Botzemo, Catalogus_, &c. Basle, 1523; leaf b, 5.

[514] Erasmus to Dorpius: _D. Erasmi, &c. Enarratio in Primum Psalmum, &c. &c._ Louvain, Oct. 1515.

[515] Erasmus to Wolsey: Eras. _Op._ iii. p. 1565; App. Epist. lxxiv. wrongly dated 1516 instead of 1515.

[516] In a letter prefixed to the _Erasmi Epigrammata_, Basle, 1518, Froben pays a just tribute to the good humour and high courtesy of Erasmus while at work in his printing-office, interrupted as he often was, in the midst of his laborious duties, by frequent requests from all kinds of people for an epigram or a letter from the great scholar.--Pp. 275, 276.

[517] Erasmus Urbano Regio: Eras. _Op._ iii. p. 1554, App. Epist. liii.

[518] In one place he even supplied a portion of the Greek text which was missing by translating the Latin back into Greek!

[519] _Epist. ad Car. Grymanum_, prefixed to the Paraphrase on the Epistle to the Romans. Edition Louvain, 1517.

[520] Erasmus Gwolfgango Fabricio Capitoni: Epist. ccvii. _Op._ iii. p. 189, 89, A, C, Feb. 22, 1516, from Antwerp, but probably the year should be 1518. See also his reference to the same pagan tendencies of Italian philosophy in his treatise entitled ‘_Ciceronianus_,’ and the letter prefixed to it.

[521] Ranke’s _History of the Popes_, i. ch. ii. sec. 3.

[522] _Ubi supra._

[523] See the authorities mentioned by Ranke, and also Hallam’s _Literature of Europe_, chap. iv. ed. 1837, p. 435.

[524] Hallam, p. 436.

[525] Moria, ed. 1511, Argent. fol. G. iii.

[526] Hallam’s _Literature of the Middle Ages_, ed. 1837, p. 555, _et seq._

[527] Compare the satire on Monks in ‘_Scarabeus_,’ and the colloquy called ‘_Charon_,’ with the following passage, in which Erasmus alludes to the continental wars of Henry VIII.: ‘Id enim temporis adornabatur bellum in Gallos, et hujus fabulæ non minimam partem Minoritæ duo agebant, quorum alter, fax belli, mitram meruit, alter bonis lateribus vociferabatur in concionibus in _Poetas_. Sic enim designabat Coletum,’ &c. Eras. _Op._ iii. p. 460, F.

[528] Compare the similar views expressed in the _Enchiridion_ (Canon V.) fifteen years before.

[529] Both the above passages are slightly abridged in the translation.--_Novum Instrumentum_, leaf aaa, 3 to bbb.

[530] _Id._ leaf bbb to bbb 5. The quotations in this case also are abridged.

[531] _Novum Instrumentum_: Annotationes in loco Acts vii. p. 382:--‘Et hunc locum annotavit Hieronymus in Libro ad Pammachium de Optimo Genere Interpretandi, qui secus habeatur in Genesi, ubi legitur quod Abraham emerit ab Ephron Etheo filio Saor juxta Hebron quadringentis drachmis speluncam duplicem, et agrum circa eam, sepelieritque in ea Saram uxorem suam; atque in eodem legimus libro postea revertentem de Mesopotamia Jacob cum uxoribus et filiis suis posuisse tabernaculum ante Salem, urbem Sichymorum, quæ est in terra Chanaan, et habitasse ibi et emisse partem agri, in quo habebat tentoria, ab Emor patre Sychem, centum agnis, et statuisse ibi altare et invocasse deum Israhel. Proinde Abraham non emit specum ab Emor patre Sychem, sed ab Ephron filio Saor, nec sepultus est in Sychem sed in Hebron, quæ corrupte dicitur Arboch. Porro duodecim patriarchæ non sunt sepulti in Arboch sed in Sychem, qui ager non est emptus ab Abraham sed a Jacob. Hunc nodum illic nectit Hieronymus nec eum dissolvit.’

[532] In loco Mark ii. p. 299, where Erasmus writes:--‘Divus Hieronymus in libello de Optimo Genere Interpretandi indicat nomen Abiathar pro Achimelech esse positum, propterea quod libro Regum primo, capite 22, ubi refertur hujusce rei historia, nulla mentio hat Abiathar sed duntaxat Achimelech. Sive id acciderit lapsu memoriæ, sive vitio scriptorum, sive quod ejusdem hominis vocabulum sit Abiathar et Abimelech; nam Lyra putat, Abiathar fuisse filium Achimelech qui sub patre functus sit officio paterno, et eo cæso jussu Saulis comes fuerit fugæ Davidicæ.’

[533] In loco Matt. xxvii. p. 290:--‘Annotavit hunc quoque locum divus Hieronymus in libro cui titulus de Optimo Genere Interpretandi, negans quod his citat ex Hieremia Matthæus, prorsus exstare apud Hieremiam, verum apud Zachariam prophetam, sed ita ut quæ retulit evangelista, parum respondeant ad Hebraicam veritatem, ac multo minus ad vulgatam editionem Septuaginta. Etenim ut idem sit sensus tamen inversa esse verba, imo pene diversa. Cæterum locus est apud Zachariam, cap. ii., si quis velit excutere. Nam res perplexior est quam ut his paucis explicari possit, et prope πάρεργον est. Refert Hieronymus Hieremaiam apocryphum sibi exhibitum a quodam Judæo factionis Nazarenæ in quo hæc ad verbum ut ab evangelista citantur haberentur. Verum non probat ut apostolus ex apocryphis adduxerit testimonium, præsertim cum his mos sit evangelistis et apostolis ut, neglectis verbis, sensum utcumque reddant in citandis testimoniis.’

[534] See especially _Novum Instrumentum_, pp. 295, 290, 377, 382, 270.

[535] Roper, 9.

[536]

1512 £286,269 1513 699,714 1514 155,757 --------- £1,141,740

1515 £74,007 1516 130,779 1517 78,887 ------- £283,673

See Brewer, ii. preface, cxciv.

[537] 6 Henry VIII. c. 24.

[538] Ibid. c. 26.

[539] 6 Henry VIII. c. 1. The draft of this Act in the final form in which it was adopted when Parliament met again in the autumn, is in Wolsey’s handwriting.--Brewer.

[540] Grafton, p. 104. Holinshed, ii. 835, under date 6 Henry VIII.

[541] 4 Henry VIII. c. 5, and 6 Henry VIII. c. 3.

[542] 6 Henry VIII. c. 5.

[543] Lord Herbert’s History, under date 1521, ed. 1649, p. 108; and Grafton, pp. 1016-1018.

[544] Brewer, i. Nos. 4019 and 4020.

[545] 4 Henry VIII. c. 2, and 6 Henry VIII. c. 6.

[546] 6 Henry VIII. c. 12.

[547] Brewer, ii. 422 (7 May), 480, and 534; also Roper, 10.

[548] Brewer, ii. 672, 679, 733, 782, 807.

[549] Ibid. 672 and 733.

[550] Ibid. 904 and 922.

[551] Ibid. 1067.

[552] ‘First after the Trinity come the _Seraphic_ spirits, all _flaming and on fire_.... They are _loving_ beings of the highest order, &c.’ Colet’s abstract of the _Celestial Hierarchy of Dionysius_. Mr. Lupton’s translation, p. 20.

[553] Fiddes’ _Life of Wolsey_. Collections, p. 252, quoted from MS. in Herald’s office. Cerem. vol. iii. p. 219, &c. Brewer, ii. 1153.

[554] Brewer, ii. 1335.

[555] Eras. Epist. ccli. and App. lxxxvii.

[556] Erasmus to Hutten, Epist. ccccxlvii. Eras. _Op._ iii. p. 476, F.

[557] Utopia, 1st ed. T. Martins. Louvain [1516], chap. ‘De Fœderibus.’ Leaf k, ii.

[558] Utopia, 1st ed. ‘De Re Militari.’ Leaf k, iii.

[559] _Utopia_, 1st ed. Leaves m, iv. v.

[560] More’s English Works: _The Apology_, p. 850.

[561] _Utopia_, 1st ed. Leaf h, i.

[562] _Utopia_, 1st ed. Leaf f, iii.

[563] _Ibid._ chap. ‘De Urbibus,’ Leaf f, i.

[564] I may be allowed to refer the reader to the valuable mention of ‘Utopia’ in the preface to Mr. Brewer’s _Calendar of the Letters, &c. of Henry VIII._ vol. ii. cclxvii _et seq._, where its connection with the political and social condition of Europe at the time is well pointed out.

[565] In support of the abstract here given of the moral philosophy of the Utopians, see _Utopia_, 1st ed. Leaf h, ii. _et seq._

For the following careful translation of the most material part of it, I am indebted to the Rev. W. G. Rouse, M.A.

‘The same points of moral philosophy are discussed by the Utopians as by us. They inquire what is “_good_” in respect as well of the mind as of the body, as also of external things; also, whether the title “_good_” be applicable to all these, or to the mental qualities alone. They discuss “_virtue_” and “_pleasure_.” But their first and principal topic of debate is concerning human “_happiness_”--on what thing or things they consider it to depend.

‘But here they seem more inclined than they should be to that party which advocates “_pleasure_,” as being that which they define as either the whole, or the most important part of human happiness. And, what is more surprising, they even draw arguments in support of so nice an opinion from the principles of religion, which is usually sombre and severe, and of a stern and melancholy character. For they never dispute about happiness without joining some principles drawn from religion to those derived from rational philosophy; without which, reason is, in their opinion, defective and feeble in the search for true happiness. Their religious principles are as follow. The soul is immortal, and, by the goodness of God, born to happiness. He has appointed rewards after this life for man’s virtues and good deeds--punishment for his sins. Now, though these principles appertain to _religion_, yet they think that they are led by _reason_ to believe and assent to them. Apart from these principles, they unhesitatingly declare that no man can be so foolish as not to see that pleasure is to be pursued for its own sake through thick and thin; so long as he takes care only not to let a less pleasure stand in the way of a greater, and not to pursue any pleasure which is followed in its turn by pain.

‘For they consider “_virtue_” austere and hard to strive after; and they deem it the greatest madness for a man not only to exclude all “_pleasure_” from life, but even voluntarily to suffer pain without prospect of future profit (for what profit can there be, if you gain nothing after death, after having spent the whole of your life without pleasure, that is, in misery?).

‘But now they do not place happiness in the enjoyment of every kind of pleasure, but in that only which is honest and good. For they think that our nature is attracted to happiness, as to its supreme good, by that very “_virtue_” to which alone the opposite party ascribes happiness. For they define “_virtue_,” the living in accordance with nature; inasmuch as, to this end, we are created by God. They believe that he follows the guidance of nature who obeys the dictates of reason in the pursuit or avoidance of anything; and they say that reason first of all inflames men with a love and reverence for the Divine Majesty, to whom we owe it both that we exist, and that we are capable of happiness; and secondly, that reason impresses upon us and urges us to pass our lives with the least amount of care and the greatest amount of pleasure ourselves; and, as we are bound to do by the natural ties of society, to give our assistance to the rest of mankind towards attaining the same ends. For never was there a man so stern a follower of “virtue,” or hater of pleasure, who, whilst thus enjoining upon you labours, watchings, and discomfort, would not tell you likewise to relieve the want and misfortunes of others to the utmost of your ability, and would not think it commendable for men to be of mutual help and comfort to one another in the name of humanity. If, then, it be in human nature (and no virtue is more peculiar to man) to relieve the misery of others, and, by removing their troubles, to restore them to the enjoyment of life, that is, to pleasure--does not nature, which prompts men to do this for others, urge them also to do it for themselves? For a joyful life--that is, a life of pleasure--is either an evil--in which case, not only should you not help others to lead such a life, but, as far as you can, prevent them from leading it, as being hurtful and deadly; or, if it be a good thing, and if it be not only lawful, but a matter of duty to enable others to lead such a life--why should it not be good for yourself first of all, who ought not to be less careful of yourself than of others? For when nature teaches you to be kind to others, she does not bid you to be hard and severe to yourself in return. Nature herself then, in their belief, enjoins a happy life--that is, “_pleasure_”--as the end of all our efforts; and to live by this rule, they call “_virtue_.”

‘But, since nature urges men to strive together to make life more cheerful (which, indeed, she rightly does; for no man is so much raised above the condition of his fellows as to be the only favourite of nature, which cherishes alike all whom she binds together by the tie of a common shape), she surely bids you urgently to beware of attending so much to your own interest as to prejudice the interest of others. They think, therefore, that not only all contracts between private citizens should be kept, but also public laws, which either a good prince has legally enacted, or a people neither oppressed by tyranny, nor circumvented by fraud, has sanctioned by common consent for the apportionment of the conveniences of life; that is, the material of pleasure. Within the limits of these laws, it is common prudence to look after your own interests; it is a matter of duty to have regard for the public weal also. But to attempt to deprive another of pleasure in favouring your own, is to do a real injury. On the other hand, to deprive yourself of something in order that you may give it to another, that is indeed an act of humanity and kindness which in itself never costs so much as it brings back. For it is not only repaid by the interchange of kindnesses; but also the very consciousness of a good action done and the recollection of the love and gratitude of those whom you have benefited, afford more pleasure to the mind, than the thing from which you have abstained would have afforded to the body. And, lastly, God repays the loss of these small and fleeting pleasures with vast and endless joy; a doctrine of the truth of which religion easily convinces a believing mind.

‘Thus, on these grounds, they determine that, all things being carefully weighed and considered, all our actions, and our very virtues among them, regard pleasure and happiness after all as their object.’--_Utopia_, 1st ed. Leaf h, ii. _et seq._

[566] J. S. Mill’s _Essay on Utilitarianism_, p. 24.

[567] _Utopia_ 1st ed. Leaf i, i.

[568] Leaf i, ii.

[569] Leaf i, iii.

[570] Leaf h, ii.

[571] Leaves h, i. and ii.

[572] Leaf l, iv.

[573] Ibid.

[574] Leaf m, ii.

[575] Leaf m, i.

[576] Leaf l, iii.

[577] Leaf m, iii.

[578] It is impossible not to see in this a ritualism rather of the _Dionysian_ than of the modern sacerdotal type.

[579] _Utopia_, 1st ed. ‘De Religionibus Vtopiensium.’

[580] Epist. clxvii. Eras. _Op._ iii. p. 144, A.

[581] Erasmus to Savage: Epist. clxxvi. June 1, 1516. Brewer, 1976.

[582] ‘There is certainly a steadiness of moral principle and Christian endurance, which tells us that it is better not to exist at all than to exist at the price of virtue; but few indeed of the countrymen and contemporaries of Machiavel had any claim to the practice, whatever they might have to the profession, of such integrity. _His crime in the eyes of the world, and it was truly a crime, was to have cast away the veil of hypocrisy, the profession of a religious adherence to maxims which at the same moment were violated._’--Hallam’s _Literature of the Middle Ages_, chap. vii. s. 31.

[583] ‘Whatever may be thought of the long-disputed question as to Machiavelli’s motives in writing, his work certainly presents to us a gloomy picture of the state of public law and European society in the beginning of the sixteenth century: one mass of dissimulation, crime, and corruption, which called loudly for a great teacher and reformer to arise, who should speak the unambiguous language of truth and justice to princes and people, and stay the ravages of this moral pestilence.

‘Such a teacher and reformer was _Hugo Grotius_, who was born in the latter part of the same century and flourished in the beginning of the seventeenth.... He was one of those powerful minds which have paid the tribute of their assent to the truth of Christianity.’--Wheaton’s _Elements of International Law_: London, 1836, pp. 18, 19.

[584] 1st ed. leaf c, i.

[585] 1st ed. leaf d, ii. Eras. _Op._ iv. p. 567.

[586] 1st ed. leaf d, iii. Eras. _Op._ iv. p. 567.

[587] Leaf d, iii.

[588] 1st ed. leaf f, ii. Eras. _Op._ iv. p. 574.

[589] ‘Monarchia temperata,’ in the marginal reading.

[590] Abridged quotation, 1st ed. leaf f, iv. Eras. _Op._ iv. p. 576.

[591] _Ibid._

[592] 1st ed. leaf g, iii. Eras. _Op._ iv. p. 579.

[593] Leaf l, i.

[594] 1st. ed. leaf l, i. Eras. _Op._ iv. pp. 593, 594.

[595] _Ibid._ Charles the Bold was the prince alluded to.

[596] Eras. _Op._ iv. p. 595, _et seq._

[597] 1st ed. leaf l, iv.

[598] Leaf m, i.

[599] Eras. _Op._ iv. 603.

[600] 1st ed. leaf o, i. Eras. _Op._ iv. pp. 607 _et seq._

[601] 1st ed. leaf o, iii.

[602] On August 5 he seems to have been in London, and to have written a letter from thence to Leo X. Eras. Epist. clxxxi. Brewer, ii. 2257.

On August 17 he writes from Rochester to Ammonius, that he is spending ten days there. Eras. Epist. cxlvi. Brewer, ii. 2283. And again on August 22. Eras. Epist. cxlvii. Brewer, ii. 2290. On the 31st he writes to Boville from the same place. Eras. Epist. cxlviii. Brewer, ii. 2321.

[603] Erasmus to Ammonius: Epist. cxxxiii. Brewer, ii. 2323, without date.

[604] Eras. Epist. lxxxvii. App. and ccxviii. Brewer, ii. 2409.

[605] Erasmus Ægidio: Epist. cccxlv. November 18, 1518. The mention of St. Jerome as not yet finished (see Epist. ccxviii.; Brewer, 2409), fixes the date 1516. Brewer, ii. 2558.

[606] Letter from More to Peter Giles, prefixed to ‘Utopia.’

[607] Roper, pp. 9, 10. Eras. _Op._ iii. pp. 474, 476.

[608] More to Erasmus: Eras. Epist. ccxxvii.

[609] Roper, 10.

[610] Erasmus to Hutten: Epist. ccccxlvii. Eras. _Op._ iii. p. 476, B.

[611] Leaf b, 4.

[612] Leaves b, iv to c, ii. These extracts are somewhat abridged and condensed.

[613] Leaves d, ii. _et seq._ These extracts are somewhat abridged and condensed.

[614] Eras. Epist. App. xliv. (Brewer, ii. 2748), in which Lord Mountjoy acknowledges the receipt of a copy sent by Erasmus, dated Jan. 4, 1516; i.e. 1517 in modern reckoning.

[615] The extracts from the Utopia, translations of which are given in this chapter, have in all cases been taken from the first edition (Louvain, 1516), but very few alterations were made in subsequent editions. The first edition was published in Dec. 1516. I am indebted to Mr. Lupton for the suggestion that the publication of some letters of Vespucci at Florence, in 1516, may have suggested More’s use of that voyager’s name in his introductory book.

Erasmus, writing from Antwerp to More, March 1 [1517], says: ‘Utopiam tuam recognitam, huc quam primum mittito, et nos exemplar, aut Basilium mittemus aut Lutetiam.’--Epist. ccviii.

Erasmus sent it to Froben of Basle, by whom a corrected edition was published in March, 1518, and another in November of the same year. See Appendix F.

[616] Eras. Epist. cclvi. Brewer, ii. 2000; from St. Omer; and see ccxxv. Brewer, ii. 1976.

[617] Epist. clviii. Erasmus to Ammonius: June 5, 1514; in error for 1516.

[618] More to Erasmus: Eras. Epist. lii. App. London, Feb. 25, 1516.

[619] Eras. Epist. lxxxiv. App. Brewer, ii. 2941, dated ‘in die sancti Edwardi, in festo _suæ_ [? secundæ] translationis, sive 13 Octobris, 1516.’ Probably ‘_second_ translation of St. Edward,’ on June 20, 1516. The words ‘sive 13 Oct.’ are not found in the copy of this letter in _Aliquot Epistolæ, &c._ (Basle, 1518, pp. 249, 252), nor in the ed. of 1640. The earlier date seems to harmonise more with the contents of the letter than the later date.

[620] Eras. Epist. lxxxvii. App. Brewer, ii. 2492.

[621] Eras. Epist. Waramus Erasmo, cclxi. _Aliquot Epistolæ, &c._ Basle, 1518, p. 231.

[622] Eras. Epist. ccxxi. App.

[623] Thomæ Mori ad Monachum Epistola: _Epistolæ aliquot Eruditorum Virorum_. Basle, 1520, p. 122.

[624] Erasmus to Boville, from the Bishop’s palace at Rochester, pridie calendas Septembris. _Aliquot Epistolæ, &c._ Basle, 1518, pp. 234-246. Eras. Epist. cxlviii. Brewer, ii. 2321. The above is only an abstract of this letter, and some of the quotations are abridged.

[625] More to Erasmus: Epist. lxxxvii. App. dated Oct. 31, 1516.

[626] Erasmus to Ammonius, from Brussels, December 29, 1516. Brewer, ii. 2709.

[627] Epist. cclvi. June 1517; should be 1516. Brewer, ii. 2000.

[628] Bearing date, Tubingen, Aug. 21, 1516. Eras. _Op._ iii. p. 1595. It was first printed probably at the back of the titlepage of ‘_Epigrammata Des. Erasmi Roterodami_.’ Basle, March 1518.

[629] Œcolampadius Erasmo: Eras. Epist. ccxxxviii.; also cxix. App. and ccccxi.

[630] Spalatinus Erasmo: Eras. Epist. xciv. App.

[631] Luther’s _Briefe_. De Wette, i. 40, No. xxii.

[632] Philippi Melanchthonis _Vita Martini Lutheri_, chap. v. ‘Vita ejus monastica.’

[633] Philippi Melanchthonis _Vita Martini Lutheri_, chap. vi. vii.

[634] Ranke refers to the period before 1516. See _Hist. of Reformation_, vol. i. bk. ii. ch. i.

[635] _Novum Instrumentum_, folio, 433.

[636] Luther to Spalatin: Luther’s _Briefe_. De Wette, No. xxii.

[637] Luther an Joh. Lange: De Wette, No. xxix. p. 52.

[638] More to Erasmus: Epist. lxxxvii. App. Eras. _Op._ iii. p. 1575, A and B.

[639] Vol. i. Epist. 2.

[640] Vol. i. App. 1.

[641] Vol. ii. Ep. 9.

[642] Vol. ii. Ep. 49.

[643] Ibid. Ep. 68.

[644] One of the best and most valuable essays on the _Epistolæ Obscurorum Virorum_ will be found in No. cv. of the _Edinburgh Review_, March 1831.

[645] Ranke’s _History of the Reformation_, bk. ii. chap. 1.

[646] Epist. cxxxiii. App.

[647] Ibid. ccccxxviii. App.

[648] Ibid. ccxlvi. App.

[649] ‘Sed, meo judicio, nulla via assequemur, quam ardenti amore et imitatione Jesu. Quare relictis ambagibus, ad brevitatem brevi compendio eamus: ego pro viribus volo.’ These sentences remind one of the conversation between Tauler and Nicholas of Basle, in the beautiful story of the _Master and the Man_, where the master says, ‘Verum est, charissime fili, quod ais. Adhuc enim durior mihi videtur esse hic sermo tuus.’ And the layman replies, ‘Et tamen ipse me rogasti, Domine Magister, ut compendiosissimum ad supremam hujus vitæ perfectionem iter tibi demonstrarem. Et certe securiorem ego, quàm sit ista, viam ad imitandum exemplar sacratissimæ humanitatis Christi nullam novi.’ _Thauleri Opera_, p. 16. Paris. 1623.

[650] Foxe, ed. 1597, p. 887.

[651] Thomæ Mori ad Monachum Epistola. _Epistolæ aliquot Eruditorum Virorum_: Basle, 1520, pp. 128, 129. The letter does not state exactly the date of this singular occurrence.

[652] _On the Romans_: Louvain, 1517, at the press of Martins.

[653] Erasmus to Cope, ccv. Brewer, ii. p. 2962. See also cciii. and cciv. and Erasmus to Henry VIII. cclxviii.

[654] Erasmus to Cardinal Grymanus, prefixed to the _Paraphrases on the Romans_. Dated, Id. Nov. 1517.

[655] Mountjoy to Wolsey: Brewer, ii. p. 1259; and Bishop of Worcester to Wolsey: ibid. No. 4179. Ranke’s _Hist. of the Reformation_, bk. ii. chap. 1.

[656] One early edition, without date, has in the margin, ‘Fictæ pontificum condonationes vel indulgentiæ;’ and Lystrius, in his note on this passage, says, ‘Has vulgo vocant indulgentias.’ The marginal note in the Argent. edition of 1511 reads, ‘indulgentias taxat.’

[657] Basle, ed. 1519, p. 141.

[658] Eras. Epist. cclxiv. Aug. 29, 1517.

[659] Bishop of Worcester to Wolsey: Brewer, ii. p. 4179.

[660] Papers relating to the Convocation: Brewer, ii. p. 1312.

[661] Ranke’s _History of the Reformation_, London, 1845, i. p. 333. Brewer, ii. p. 3160 and 3688.

[662] Brewer, ii. p. 3818, and preface, ccv.

[663] Ranke, p. 332.

[664] Ibid. p. 333.

[665] Ibid. p. 350.

[666] Ibid. p. 356.

[667] Erasmus to Beatus Rhenanus: Epist. clxiv. App. Brewer, ii. p. 3614. Ranke, p. 378.

[668] Ranke, pp. 239 and 379.

[669] Ibid. p. 359.

[670] Ranke, p. 239.

[671] Ibid. p. 241.

[672] Erasmus to Fisher: cccvi. App. Brewer, ii. p. 3989.

[673] Eras. Epist. App. cccv. Brewer, ii. p. 3992.

[674] Eras. Epist. App. cclxix.

[675] Epist. App. cclxv. Brewer, ii. p. 3991.

[676] Ægidius to Erasmus: Epist. ccccxxxvi. Brewer, ii. p. 4238.

[677] See Brewer’s preface to vol. ii. pp. cxlvii-clvii.

[678] See Brewer, ii. cxlii-clxi (preface).

[679] Roper, p. 11.

[680] Roper, p. 48.

[681] Epist. cclxviii.

[682] Epist. App. cccxi. and cclxxxii. Brewer, ii. p. 4111.

[683] Erasmus to Henry VIII.: Brewer, iii. No. 226.

[684] March 13, 1518. Eras. Epist. App. cclxxiv. Brewer, ii. p. 4005.

[685] Epist. ccxlvii. Brewer, ii. p. 4138. Eras. Epist. Basle, 1521, p. 217.

[686] Eras. Epist. App. cclxxxiv.-v.

[687] Ibid. App. cccv.

[688] Eras. _Op._ iii. 401 E.

[689] Eras. Epist. ccciii. first printed in _Auctarium selectarum Epistolarum Erasmi, &c._ Basle, 1518, p. 39.

[690] Luther’s _Briefe_. De Wette. Epist. No. xxxvii.

[691] Eras. Epist. ccciii.

[692] Epist. ccclxxvi. dated May 15, 1518, and first printed at p. 45 of the _Auctarium selectarum Epistolarum, &c._ Basle, 1518.

[693] Erasmus to More, App. cclxxxv. Brewer, ii. p. 4204; and in App. cclxxxiv. Ibid. ii. p. 4203.

[694] Brewer, ii. p. 3991. Eras. Epist. App. cclxv.

[695] _Lucubrationum Erasmi Index_: Frobenius, Basle, 1519.

[696] Epist. cclxv. App. Brewer, ii. p. 3991. Dated March 5, 1518.

[697] Eras. Epist. App. cccxi. Brewer, ii. p. 4110.

[698] _Adagia_: Basle, 1520-21, p. 494. I have not seen the edition of 1517, but it is mentioned in _Lucubrationum Erasmi Index_; Basle, 1519.

[699] _Auctarium selectarum aliquot Epistolarum Erasmi_, &c.: Basle, with preface by Beatus Rhenanus, dated xi. Calendas Septembris, 1518, and ‘_Aliquot Epistolæ sane quam elegantes Erasmi Roterodami, et ad hunc aliorum eruditissimorum hominum_.’ Basle, Jan. 1518. The latter includes Colet’s letter to Erasmus on the _Novum Instrumentum_. An edition, containing some of the letters of Erasmus and others, had also been printed by Martins at Louvain in April, 1517.

[700] English translation. London: Jno. Byddell, 1522.

[701] ‘Cur sic arctamus Christi professionem quam ille latissime voluit patere?’

[702] These passages are condensed in the translation.

[703] Erasmus to Laurinus: Epist. ccclvi. See Jortin, i. 140.

[704] The Epistle at the beginning from Leo X. to Erasmus, bears date Sept. 1518. March 1519 is the date printed at the end.

[705] _Novum Testamentum_, 2nd ed. p. 266.

[706] _Novum Testamentum_, pp. 209, 93, 82, 83.

[707] _Novum Testamentum_, 2nd ed. pp. 19, 20.

[708] _Novum Testamentum_, 2nd ed. pp. 28, 29.

[709] _Novum Testamentum_, 2nd ed. pp. 34, 35.

[710] _Ibid._ p. 32.

[711] _Novum Testamentum_, 2nd ed. p. 32. These passages are abridged in the translation.

[712] _Novum Testamentum_, 2nd ed. pp. 35, 36.

[713] _Novum Testamentum_, 2nd ed. p. 42.

[714] _Ibid._ p. 61.

[715] When, after the 3rd edition had been published and a 4th was in preparation, in 1526, a Doctor of the Sorbonne attacked the New Testament of Erasmus, he was able triumphantly to ask him, ‘what he wanted?’ His New Testament had already been ‘scattered abroad by the printers in thousands of copies over and over again.’ His critic ‘_should have written in time_!’--Erasmus to the Faculty of Paris. Jortin, ii. App. No. xlix. p. 492.

[716] Eras. _Op._ iii. pp. 374, 375.

[717] Eras. _Op._ iii. p. 432, D and E.

[718] Eras. Epist. ccclvii.

[719] Eras. _Op._ iii. 1490, D. Brewer, ii. Nos. 3670, 3671, dated Sept. 1517.

[720] Brewer, preface, ccxi.

[721] Jortin’s _Life of Erasmus_, App. p. 662-667.

[722] Eras. _Op._ iii. p. 408, b.

[723] Eras. _Op._ iii. p. 408.

[724] _Four Years at the Court of Henry VIII._ ii. p. 127.

[725] Eras. _Op._ iii. p. 457, E. See also Mr. Lupton’s _Introduction_ to his edition of _Dean Colet on the Sacraments of the Church_, pp. 19 and 26.

[726] Eras. _Op._ iii. p. 457, E.

[727] _Ibid._ p. 459, A and B.

[728] William Lilly was married and had several children. The sur-master, John Rightwyse, married his daughter. Mr. Lupton informs me, that in vol. iv. of Stow’s _Historical Collections_ (Harleian, No. 450), fol. 58 _b_, is a Latin epitaph, in ten lines, by Lilly on his wife. Her name is spelt ‘Hagnes,’ and (if the reading be correct) they appear to have had fifteen children.

[729] Knight’s _Life of Colet_. _Miscellanies_, No. v.

[730] The original of this book with Colet’s signature is still preserved at the Mercers’ Hall.

[731] Knight, p. 227. He drew up a body of statutes, which, however, were never accepted by the chapter.--Milman’s _Annals of St. Paul’s_, p. 124.

[732] Eras. _Op._ iii. p. 460, A.

[733] _Ibid._ p. 445, B.

[734] _Ibid._ p. 751, E.

[735] Strausz. Leipzig, 1858, vol. i. p. 123.

[736] _Epistolæ aliquot Eruditorum, &c._ Appended to _Apologia Erasmi, &c._ Basil 1520, pp. 139, 140.

[737] This letter possibly may not have reached England before Colet’s death; but it is most likely that the date is wrong, as so often is the case with these letters--the year not being often added by the writer himself at the time, but by some copyist subsequently.

[738] ‘Epistola clarissimi viri Thomæ Mori, qua refellit rabiosam maledicentiam monachi cujusdam juxta indocti atque arrogantis.’--_Epistolæ aliquot Eruditorum Virorum, &c._ Basileæ, M.DXX. pp. 92-138. Also Jortin’s _Life of Erasmus_, Appendix.

[739] ‘Nisi quod Lutherus fertur Augustini doctrinam mordicus tenens antiquatam sententiam rursus instaurare.’--p. 99.

[740] For the above particulars see Ranke’s _History of the Reformation_, bk. ii. c. iii.

[741] _Melanchthonis Epistolæ_: Bretschneider, i. p. 63, and p. 66.

[742] March 1519, Bretschneider, i. p. 75.

[743] Erasmus to Œcolampadius, 1518, Epist. cccliv.

[744] Dated January 5, from Wittemberg. Bretschneider, i. p. 59.

[745] Epist. ccccxi.

[746] Luther’s _Briefe_. De Wette, vol. i. Epist. cxxx. p. 249.

[747] Louvain, May 30, 1519. Eras. Epist. ccccxxvii.

[748] Eras. _Op._ iii. p. 444, E and F.

[749] Epist. cccxvii. May 8, 1519.

[750] Epist. ccccxiii. Ap. 23, 1519.

[751] Eras. Epist. Laurentio: Louvain, Feb. 1519, prefixed to the Basle edition of the Five Epistles, 1520.

[752] _Apologia pro Declamatione de Laude Matrimonii_: Basil. 1519.

[753] Colet seems even to have retired from the office of preacher before the King on Good Friday, which he had filled in 1510, 1511, 1512, 1513, 1515, 1516, and 1517. Brewer, ii. pp. 1445-1474. In 1518 the sermon was preached by the Dean of Sarum, p. 1477.

[754] Epist. cccclxxiv. Erasmus to Fisher: Louvain, Oct. 17, 1519.

[755] Ranke, bk. ii. c. iii. De Wette, i. No. ccviii. p. 425. That Luther had found a point of unison between himself and the Hussites, not only in their common opposition to Papal authority, but also in their common adoption of the severest views of St. Augustine, see ‘_Assertio omnium articulorum M. Lutheri per Bullam Leonis X. novissimam damnatorum_.’ Mense Martio M.DXXI. Leaves Kk, ii. and iii. ‘Habes, miserande Papa, quid hic oggannias. Unde et hunc articulum necesse est revocare, male enim dixi quod liberum arbitrium ante gratiam sit res de solo titulo, sed simpliciter debui dicere, lib. arb. est figmentum in rebus, seu titulus sine re. Quia nulli est in manu sua quippiam cogitare mali aut boni, sed omnia (ut Viglephi articulus _Constantiæ_ damnatus recte docet) de necessitate absoluta eveniunt.’ These articles were condemned as a part of the heresy of John Huss, of whom Luther in the same treatise had said:--‘Et in faciem tuam sanctissime Vicarie Dei, tibi libere dico, omnia damnata Joannis Huss esse evangelica et Christiana,’ &c. (_Ibid._ leaf Hh, iii.)

[756] See Epist. ccccxii. Louvain, April 23, 1519.

[757] _History of the Protestant Church of the United Brethren._ By the Rev. John Holmes. London, 1825, vol. i. chaps. i. and ii.

[758] This middle party were called ‘Calixtines.’ See introduction to Holmes’s _History_, vol. i. p. 21, where the facts mentioned in this letter are detailed, very much in accordance with Schlechta’s account.

[759] John Zisca was a Hussite. He died in 1424, nine years after the death of Huss, and on his monument was inscribed, ‘_Here lies John Zisca, who having defended his country against the encroachments of Papal tyranny, rests in this hallowed place in spite of the Pope_.’--Ibid. p. 20.

[760] Epist. cccclxiii. Dated Oct. 10, 1519.

[761] Epist. cccclxxviii. Dated Nov. 1, 1519. The letter is a long one, and these quotations are somewhat abridged in translation.

[762] Luther replied:--‘Absint a nobis Christianis Sceptici.... Nihil apud Christianos notius et celebratius, quam assertio. Tolle assertiones et Christianissimum tulisti.... Spiritus Sanctus non est scepticus, nec dubia aut opiniones in cordibus nostris scripsit, sed assertiones, ipsa vita, et omni experientia, certiores et firmiores.’--_De Servo Arbitrio_ Mar. Lutheri. Wittembergæ, 1526, pp. 7-12.

[763] ‘Ideo alteram est judicium externum, quo non modo pro nobis ipsis, sed et pro aliis et propter aliorum salutem, certissime judicamus spiritus et dogmata omnium. Hoc judicium est publici ministerii in verbo et officii externi, et maxime pertinet ad duces et præcones verbi &c.’--_De Servo Arbitrio_ Mar. Lutheri. Wittembergæ, 1526, p. 82.

[764] See Mozley’s _Augustinian Doctrine of Predestination_. Chap. x. _Scholastic Doctrine of Predestination._ And see the particular instance there given on the subject of infants dying in original sin, p. 307. ‘Being by nature reprobate, and not being included within the remedial decree of predestination, they were ... [according to the pure Augustinian doctrine] ... subject to the sentence of eternal punishment.... The Augustinian schoolman [Aquinas] could not expressly contradict this position, but what he could not contradict he could explain. Augustine had laid down that the punishment of such children was the mildest of all punishment in hell.’... Aquinas ‘laid down the further hypothesis, that this punishment was not pain of body or mind, but _want of the Divine vision_.’

[765] Epist. ccccxlvii.

[766] See note on the date, More’s birth, Appendix C.

[767] Eras. _Op._ iii. p. 475, E.

[768] _Ibid._ C and D. One is tempted to think that More intended to describe his first wife in the epigram, ‘Ad Candidum qualis uxor deligenda,’ very freely translated into English verse by Archdeacon Wrangham as follows:--

Far from her lips’ soft door Be noise or silence stern, And hers be learning’s store, Or hers the power to learn.

With books she’ll time beguile, And make true bliss her own, Unbuoyed by Fortune’s smile, Unbroken by her frown.

So still thy heart’s delight, And partner of thy way, She’ll guide thy children right, When myriads go astray.

So left all meaner things, Thou’lt on her breast recline, While to her lyre she sings Strains, Philomel, like thine;

While still thy raptured gaze Is on her accents hung, As words of honied grace Steal from her honied tongue.

Quoted from _Philomorus_, p. 42.

[769] More’s English _Works_, p. 1420.

[770] Eras. _Op._ iii. p. 475, D and E.

[771] Eras. _Op._ iii. p. 476, D, &c.

[772] _Ibid._ p. 474, B.

[773] _Ibid._ p. 474, E.

[774] _Ibid._ p. 477, B.

[775] _Ibid._ p. 474, E and F.

[776] Colloquy entitled _Amicitia_.

[777] Stapleton’s _Tres Thomæ_, p. 257.

[778] Eras. _Op._ i. p. 511, E.

[779] _Mori Epigrammata_: Basle, 1520, p. 110. The first edition was printed at Basle along with the _Utopia_ in 1518, and does not contain these verses.

[780] Mackintosh’s _Life of Sir Thomas More_, p. 73, quoting ‘City Records.’

[781] Roper, p. 12.

[782] Ellis, _Original Letters_, 3rd series, letter lxxx.

[783] Epist. cccclxvii.

[784] Ibid. cccclxx.

[785] Epist. cccclxxi.

[786] Ibid. cccclxxiv.

[787] Eras. _Op._ iii. Epist. cccclxxxi., and _Epistolæ aliquot Eruditorum Virorum_: Basil. 1520, p. 46.

[788] Ibid. p. 122. ‘Coletum nomino, quo uno viro neque doctior neque sanctior apud nos aliquot retro seculis quisque fuit.’

[789] Ashmolean MSS. Oxford 77-141 a. I have to thank Mr. Coxe for the following copy of the inscription: ‘Joannes Coletus, Henrici Coleti iterum prætoris Londini filius, et hujus templi decanus, magno totius populi mœrore, cui, ob vitæ integritatem et divinum concionandi munus, omnium sui temporis fuit chariss., decessit anno a Christo nato 1519 et inclyti regis Henrici Octavi 11, mensis Septembris 16. Is in cœmeterio Scholam condidit ac magistris perpetua stipendia contulit.’

[790] Luther in his famous speech at the Diet, after alluding to his doctrinal and devotional works, and offering to retract whatever in them was contrary to Scripture, emphatically refused to retract what he had written against the Papacy, on the ground that were he to do so, it would be ‘like throwing both doors and windows right open’ to Rome to the injury of the German nation. And in his German speech he added an exclamation, most characteristic, at the very idea of the absurdity of its being thought possible, that he could retract anything on this point:--‘Good God, what a great cloak of wickedness and tyranny should I be!’ See Förstermann’s _Urkundenbuch zur Geschichte der evangelischen Kirchen-Reformation_, vol. i. p. 70: Hamburg, 1842.

[791] I am mainly indebted to Mr. Lupton for this list.

Transcriber’s Notes:

Passages in italics are indicated by _italics_.

Superscripted characters are indicated by {superscript}.

End of Project Gutenberg's The Oxford Reformers, by Frederic Seebohm