The Oxford Reformers: John Colet, Erasmus, and Thomas More

did. He sent the lepers to the priests, not that they might be healed, but

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that it might be more clearly known that they were healed.... And for all the benefits he rendered, he never once took any reward, nor glory, nor money, nor pleasure, nor rule, so that the suspicion of a corrupt motive might not be imputed to him. And it was not till after the Holy Spirit had been sent that the Gospel trumpet was sounded through the whole world, _lest it should seem that he had sought anything for himself while alive_. Moreover, there is no testimony held more efficacious amongst mortals than blood. By his own death, and that of his disciples, he set a seal to the truth of his teaching. I have already alluded to the consistency of his whole life.’[712]

[Sidenote: Precepts of the New Testament.]

These passages will serve as examples of the means by which, in this treatise, Erasmus sought to bring out the facts of the life of Christ as the true foundation of the Christian faith, instead of the dogmas of scholastic theology. After thus thoughtfully dwelling upon the facts of the life of Christ, he proceeds to examine his teaching, and he concludes that there were two things which he peculiarly and perpetually inculcated--faith and love--and, after describing them more at length, he writes, ‘Read the New Testament through, you will not find in it any precept which pertains to _ceremonies_. Where is there a single word of meats or vestments? Where is there any mention of fasts and the like? _Love_ alone He calls _His_ precept. Ceremonies give rise to differences; from love flows peace.... And yet _we_ burden those who have been made free by the blood of Christ with all these almost senseless and more than Jewish constitutions!’[713]

Finally, turning from the New Testament and its theology to the Schoolmen and theirs, he exclaimed, ‘What a spectacle it is to see a divine of eighty years old knowing nothing but mere sophisms!’[714] and ended with the sentences which have already been quoted as the conclusion of the shorter treatise prefixed to the ‘Novum Instrumentum.’

This somewhat lengthy examination of ‘the method of true theology’ will not have been fruitless, if it should place beyond dispute what was pointed out with reference to the ‘Novum Instrumentum,’ that its value lay more in its prefaces, and its main drift and spirit as a whole, than in the critical exactness of its Greek text or the correctness of its readings. If it could be said of the ‘Novum Instrumentum’ that much of its value lay in its preface--in its beautiful ‘_Paraclesis_’--it may also be said that the importance of the second edition was greatly enhanced by the addition of the ‘_Ratio Veræ Theologiæ_.’

And as, like its forerunner, this second edition went forth under the shield of Leo X.’s approval, with the additional sanction of the Archbishops of Basle and of Canterbury, and with all the prestige of former success, it must have been felt to be not only a firm and dignified, but also a triumphant reply to the various attacks which had been made upon Erasmus--a reply more powerful than the keenest satire or the most bitter invective could have been--a reply in which the honest dissentient found a calm restatement of what perhaps he had only half comprehended; the candid critic, the errors of which he complained corrected; and the blind bigot, the luxury of something further to denounce.[715]

III. ERASMUS’S HEALTH GIVES WAY (1518).

[Sidenote: Erasmus leaves Basle.]

[Sidenote: Reaches Louvain ill.]

After several months’ hard and close labour in Froben’s office in the autumn of 1518, Erasmus left Basle, jaded and in poor health. As he proceeded on his journey to Louvain his maladies increased. Carbuncles made their appearance, and added to the pains of travel. He reached Louvain thoroughly ill; and turned into the house of the hospitable printer, Thierry Martins, almost exhausted. A physician was sent for. He told Martins and his wife that Erasmus had the plague, and never came again for fear of contagion. Another was sent for, but he likewise did not repeat his visit. A third came, and pronounced it not to be the plague. A fourth, at the first mention of ulcers, was seized with fear, and though he promised to call again, sent his servant instead. And thus for weeks lay Erasmus, ill and neglected by the doctors, in the house of the good printer at Louvain.[716]

* * * * *

[Sidenote: Joy of the monks at the report of the death of Erasmus.]

Some monks were drinking together at Cologne, a city where Erasmus had many bigoted enemies. One of the fraternity of preaching friars brought to them the news that Erasmus was dead at Louvain! The intelligence was received with applause by the convivial monks, and again and again was the applause repeated, when the preacher added, in his monkish Latin, that Erasmus had died, like a heretic as he was, ‘_sine lux, sine crux, sine Deus_.’[717]