Part 18
With this message I dispatched him, and called unto me all my company, and encouraged them to sacrifice their lives fighting and killing the enemie, if he gave but a fillip to any of our companions. The Spaniards willed us to hoise out our boate, which was shott all to peeces, and so was theirs. Seeing that he called to us to amaine our sayles, which we could not well doe, for that they were slung, and wee had not men inough to hand them. In this parley, the vice-admirall comming upon our quarter, and not knowing of what had past, discharged her two chase peeces at us, and hurt our captaine very sore in the thigh, and maimed one of our masters mates, called Hugh Maires, in one of his armes; but after knowing us to be [The English surrender.] rendred, hee secured us: and we satisfying them that wee could not hoise out our boate, nor strike our sayles, the admirall layd us abourd; but before any man entred, John Gomes went unto the generall, who received him with great curtesie, and asked him what we required; whereunto he made answere that my demand was, that in the Kings name, he should give us his faith and promise to give us our lives, to keepe the lawes of fayre warres and quarter, and to send us presently into our countrey; and in confirmation hereof, that I required some pledge: whereunto the generall made answere: that in the Kings Majesties name, his master, hee received us _a buena querra_, and swore by God Almightie, and by the habit of Alcantara (whereof he had received knighthood, and in token whereof hee wore in his breast a greene crosse, which is the ensigne of that order), that he would give us our lives with good entreatie, and send us as speedily as he could into our owne countrey. In confirmation whereof, he took of his glove, and sent it to mee as a pledge.
With this message John Gomes returned, and the Spaniards entred and tooke possession of our shippe, every one crying, _Buena querra, buena querra! oy por mi, maniana por ti_:[235] with which our company began to secure themselves.
The generall was a principall gentleman of the ancient nobilitie of Spaine, and brother to the Conde de Lemos, whose intention no doubt was according to his promise; and therefore considering that some bad intreaty, and insolency, might be offered unto me in my shippe, by the common souldiers, who seldome have respect to any person in such occasions, especially in the case I was, whereof hee had enformed himselfe: for prevention, hee sent a principall captaine, brought up long time in Flaunders, called Pedro Alveres de Pulgar, to take care of me, and whilest the shippes were one abourd the other, to bring me into his ship; which he accomplished with great humanitie and courtesie; despising the barres of gold which were shared before his face, which hee might alone have enjoyed if he would. And truely hee was, as after I found by tryall, a true captaine, a man worthy of any charge, and of the noblest condition that I have knowne any Spaniard.
[The mildnes of a generall after victorie.]
The generall received me with great courtesie and compassion, even with teares in his eyes, and words of great consolation, and commaunded mee to bee accommodated in his owne cabbine, where hee sought to cure and comfort mee the best he could: the like hee used with all our hurt men, six and thirtie at least. And doubtlesse, as true courage, valour, and resolution, is requisit in a generall in the time of battle, so humanitie, mildnes, and courtesie, after victorie.
SECTION LXIII.
Whilst the shippes were together, the maine-mast of the _Daintie_ fell by the bourd, and the people being occupied in ransacking and seeking for spoile and pillage, neglected the principall; whereof ensued, that within a short space the _Daintie_ grew so deepe with water, which increased for want of prevention, that all who were in her desired to forsake her, and weaved and cryed for succour to bee saved, being out of hope of her recoverie.
[The _Daintie_ in danger of perishing.]
Whereupon, the generall calling together the best experimented men hee had, and consulted with them what was best to bee done; it was resolved that generall Michaell Angell should goe abourd the _Daintie_, and with him threescore marriners, as many souldiers, and with them the English men who were able to labour, to free her from water, and to put her in order if it were possible; and then to recover Perico the port of Panama; for that, of those to wind-wards, it was impossible to turne up to any of them, and neerer then to le-ward was not any that could supply our necessities and wants; which lay from us east north-east, above two hundreth leagues.
[Michaell Arckangell recovereth the ship.]
Michaell Angell being a man of experience and care, accomplished that he tooke in hand; although in clearing and bayling the water, in placing a pumpe, and in fitting and mending her fore-saile, he spent above six and thirtie howers.
During which time the shippes lay all a hull; but this worke ended, they set sayle, and directed their course for the iles of Pearles. And for that the _Daintie_ sayled badly, what for want of her maine-sayle, and with the advantage which all the South-sea shippes have of all those built in our North-sea, the admirall gave her a tawe;[236] which notwithstanding, the wind calming with us as we approached neerer to the land, twelve dayes were spent before we could fetch sight of the ilands; which lye alongst the coast, beginning some eight leagues, west south-west from Panama, and run to the south-wards neere thirtie leagues. They are many, and the most unhabited; and those which have people, have some negroes, slaves unto the Spaniards, which occupie themselves in labour of the land, or in fishing for pearles.
[Fishing for pearles.]
In times past, many inriched themselves with that trade, but now it is growne to decay. The manner of fishing for pearles is, with certaine long pinaces or small barkes, in which there goe foure, five, sixe, or eight negroes, expert swimmers, and great deevers,[237] whom the Spaniards call _busos_; with tract of time, use, and continuall practise, having learned to hold their breath long under water, for the better atchieving their worke. These throwing themselves into the sea, with certaine instruments of their art, goe to the bottome, and seeke the bankes of the oysters in which the pearles are ingendred, and with their force and art remouve them from their foundation; in which they spend more or lesse time, according to the resistance the firmnes of the ground affordeth. Once loosed, they put them into a bagge under their armes, and after bring them up into their boates. Having loaden it, they goe to the shoare; there they open them and take out the pearles: they lie under the uttermost part of the circuite of the oyster, in rankes and proportions, under a certaine part, which is of many pleights and folds, called the ruffe, for the similitude it hath unto a ruffe.
The pearles increase in bignes, as they be neerer the end or joynt of the oyster. The meate of those which have these pearles is milkie, and not very wholesome to be eaten.
In anno 1583, in the iland of Margarita,[238] I was at the dregging of pearle oysters, after the manner we dregge oysters in England; and with mine owne hands I opened many, and tooke out the pearles of them, some greater, some lesse, and in good quantitie.
How the pearle is ingendred in the oyster, or mussell, for they are found in both, divers and sundry are the opinions, but some ridiculous: whereof, because many famous and learned men have written largely, I will speake no more then hath beene formerly spoken, but referre their curious desires to Pliny, with other ancient and moderne authors.
[The places where pearle are found.]
They are found in divers parts of the world, as in the West Indies, in the South sea, in the East Indian sea, in the Straites of Magellane, and in the Scottish sea.
Those found neere the pooles[239] are not perfect, but are of a thick colour; whereas such as are found neere the line, are most orient and transparent: the curious call it their water: and the best is a cleare white shining, with fierie flames. And those of the East India have the best reputation, though as good are found in the West India; the choice ones are of great valew and estimation; but the greatest that I have read or heard of, was found in these ilands of Pearles; the which king Phillip the Second of Spaine gave to his daughter Elizabeth, wife to Albertus, arch-duke of Austria, and governour of the states of Flaunders; in whose possession it remaineth, and is called _la peregrina_,[240] for the rarenes of it; being as bigge as the pomell of a poniard.
SECTION LXIV.
[The generall continueth his honourable usage towards the sicke and wounded.]
In this navigation, after our surrender, the generall tooke especial care for the good intreaty of us, and especially of those who were hurt. And God so blessed the hands of our surgians (besides that they were expert in their art), that of all our wounded men not one died that was alive the day after our surrendry: the number whereof was neere fortie; and many of them with eight, ten, or twelve wounds, and some with more. The thing that ought to move us to give God Almighty especiall thankes and prayses, was, that they were cured in a manner without instruments or salves. For the chests were all broken to peeces, and many of their simples and compounds throwne into the sea; those which remained, were such as were throwne about the shippe in broken pots and baggs; and such as by the Divine Providence were reserved, at the end of three dayes, by order from the generall, were commaunded to be sought and gathered together. These with some instruments of small moment, bought and procured from those who had reserved them to a different end, did not onely serve for our cures, but also for the curing of the Spaniards, being many more then those of our company.
For the Spanish surgians were altogether ignorant in their profession, and had little or nothing wherewith to cure. And I have noted, that the Spaniards, in generall, are nothing so curious in accommodating themselves with good and carefull surgeans, nor to fit them with that which belongeth to their profession, as other nations are, though they have greater neede then any that I do know.
At the time of our surrender, I had not the Spanish tongue, and so was forced to use an interpreter, or the Latine, or French, which holpe me much for the understanding of those which spake to me in Spanish, together with a little smattering I had of the Portugall.
Through the noble proceeding of Don Beltran with us, and his particular care towards me, in curing and comforting me, I began to gather heart, and hope of life, and health; my servants, which were on foote, advised me ordinarily of that which past. But some of our enemies, badly inclined, repined at the proceedings of the generall, and sayd he did ill to use us so well; that we were Lutherans; and for that cause, the faith which was given us, was not to be kept nor performed. Others, that wee had fought as good souldiers, and therefore deserved good quarter: others nicknamed us with the name of _corsarios_, or pirats; not discerning thereby that they included themselves within the same imputation. Some were of opinion, that from Panama, the generall would send us into Spaine: others sayd that he durst not dispose of us but by order from the vice-roy of Peru, who had given him his authority. This hit the nayle on the head.
To all I gave the hearing, and laid up in the store-house of my memory that which I thought to be of substance; and in the store-house of my consideration, endevoured to frame a proportionable resolution to all occurants, conformable to Gods most holy will. Withall I profitted my selfe of the meanes which should be offered, and beare greatest probabilitie to worke our comfort, helpe, and remedie. And so as time ministered opportunitie, I began, and endevoured to satisfie the generall and the better sort in the points I durst intermeddle. And especially to perswade, by the best reasons I could, that wee might be sent presently from Panama; alleaging the promise given us, the cost and charges ensuing, which doubtles would be such as deserved consideration and excuse: besides, that now whilest he was in place, and power and authority in his hands, to performe with us, that hee would looke into his honour, and profit himselfe of the occasion, and not put us into the hands of a third person; who perhaps being more powerfull then himselfe, he might be forced to pray and intreate the performance of his promise: whereunto hee gave us the hearing, and bare us in hand that hee would doe what hee could.
The generall, and all in generall, not onely in the Peru, but in all Spaine, and the kingdomes thereof, before our surrendry, held all English men of warre to be corsarios, or pirats; which I laboured to reforme, both in the Peru, and also in the counsels of Spaine, and amongst the chieftaines, souldiers, and better sort, with whom I came to have conversation: alleadging that a pirate or corsario, is [Sidenote: What a pirate is.] hee, which in time of peace or truce, spoyleth or robbeth those which have peace or truce with them: but the English have neyther peace nor truce with Spaine, but warre; and therefore not to be accounted pirats. Besides, Spaine broke the peace with England, and not England with Spaine; and that by ymbargo,[241] which of all kindes of [Three sorts of defiances.] defiances is most reproved, and of least reputation; the ransoming of prysoners, and that by the cannon being more honorable; but above all, the most honorable is with trumpet and herald to proclaime and denounce the warre by publicke defiance. And so if they should condemne the English for pirats, of force they must first condemne themselves.
Moreover, pirats are those who range the seas without licence from their prince; who when they are met with, are punished more severely by their owne lords, then when they fall into the hands of strangers: which is notorious to be more severely prosecuted in England, in time of peace, then in any of the kingdomes of Christendome.
But the English have all licence, either immediately from their prince, or from others thereunto authorized, and so cannot in any sence be comprehended under the name of pirats, for any hostility undertaken against Spaine or the dependancies thereof.
[The custom of Spaine for of warre.]
And so the state standing as now it doth; if in Spaine a particular man should arm a shippe, and goe in warre-fare with it against the English, and happened to be taken by them; I make no question, but the company should bee intreated according to that manner, which they have ever used since the beginning of the warre, without making further inquisition.
Then if hee were rich or poore, to see if hee were able to give a ransome, in this also they are not very curious. But if this Spanish shippe should fall athwart his King’s armado or gallies, I make no doubt but they would hang the captaine and his companie for pirates. My reason is, for that by a speciall law, it is enacted, that no man in the kingdomes of Spaine, may arme any shippe, and goe in warre-fare, without the King’s speciall licence and commission, upon paine to be reputed a pirate, and to bee chastised [The custome of England.] with the punishment due to _corsarios_. In England the case is different: for the warre once proclaimed, every man may arme that will, and hath wherewith; which maketh for our greater exemption from being comprehended within the number of pirates.
With these, and other like arguments to this purpose, (to avoid tediousnes, I omitt): I convinced all those whom I heard to harpe upon this string: which was of no small importance for our good entreatie, and motives for many, to further and favour the accomplishment of the promise lately made unto us.
SECTION LXV.
[A disputation concerning _buena querra_.]
One day after dinner, as was the ordinary custome, the generall, his captaines, and the better sort of his followers, being assembled in the cabbin of the poope in conference, an eager contention arose amongst them, touching the capitulation of _buena querra_, and the purport thereof. Some sayd that onely life and good entreatie of the prisoners was to be comprehended therein: others enlarged, and restrained it, according to their humors and experience. In fine, my opinion was required, and what I had seene and knowne touching that point: wherein I pawsed a little, and suspecting the worst, feared that it might be a baite layd to catch me withall, and so excused my selfe, saying: that where so many experimented souldiers were joyned together, my young judgement was little to be respected: whereunto the generall replied, that knowledge was not alwayes incident to yeares, though reason requireth that the aged should be the wisest, but an art acquired by action and management of affaires; and therefore they would be but certified what I had seene, and what my judgement was in this point. Unto which, seeing I could not well excuse myselfe, I condiscended; and calling my wits together, holding it better to shoote out my boult by yeelding unto reason, although I might erre, then to stand obstinate, my will being at warre with my consent, and fearing my deniall might be taken for discourtesie, which peradventure might also purchase me mislike with those who seemed to wish [The resolution, etc.] me comfort and restitution; I submitted to better judgement, the reformation of the present assembly, saying: “Syr, under the capitulation of _buena querra_, or fayre warres, I have ever understood, and so it hath beene observed in these, as also in former times, that preservation of life and good entreatie of the prisoner have beene comprehended; and further, by no meanes to be urged to any thing contrary to his conscience, as touching his religion; nor to be seduced or menaced from the allegeance due to his prince and country; but rather to ransome him for his moneths pay. And this is that which I have knowne practised in our times, in generall, amongst all civill and noble [The noble usage of the English,] nations. But the English have enlarged it one point more towards the Spaniards rendred _a buena querra_ in these warres; have ever delivered them which have beene taken upon such compositions, without ransome: but the covetousnes [but abused in these days.] of our age hath brought in many abuses, and excluded the principall officers from partaking of the benefit of this privilege, in leaving them to the discretion of the victor, being, many times, poorer then the common souldiers, their qualities considered; whereby they are commonly put to more then the ordinary ransome; and not being able of themselves to accomplish it, are forgotten of their princes and sometimes suffer long imprisonment, which they should not.”
[Don Beltran satisfied, and answereth.]
With this, Don Beltran sayd: “This ambiguitie you have well resolved;” and, like a worthie gentleman, with great courtesie and liberalitie, added: “let not the last point trouble you, but bee of good comfort; for I here give you my word anew, that your ransome, if any shall be thought due, shall be but a cople of grey-hounds for mee, and other two for my brother, the Conde de Lemos: and this I sweare to you by the habit of Alcantera. Provided alwayes, that the King, my master, leave you to my dispose, as of right you belong unto me.”
For amongst the Spaniards in their armadoes, if there bee an absolute generall, the tenth of all is due to him, and he is to take choise of the best: where in other countries, it is by lot that the generalls tenth is given. And if they be but two shippes, he doth the like; and being but one, shee is of right the generalls. This I hardly believed, until I saw a letter, in which the King willed his vice-roy to give Don Beltran thankes for our shippe and artillerie, which he had given to his Majestie.
I yeelded to the generall most heartie thankes for his great favour, wherewith hee bound mee ever to seeke how to serve him, and deserve it.
SECTION LXVI.
[Short arrowes for muskets.]
In this discourse, generall Michael Angell demanded for what purpose served the little short arrowes which we had in our shippe, and those in so great quantitie. I satisfied them that they were for our muskets. They are not as yet in use amongst the Spaniards, yet of singular effect and execution, as our enemies confessed: for the upper worke of their shippes being musket proofe, in all places they passed through both sides with facilitie, and wrought extraordinary disasters; which caused admiration, to see themselves wounded with small shott, where they thought themselves secure; and by no meanes could find where they entred, nor come to the sight of any of the shott.
Hereof they proved to profit themselves after, but for that they wanted the tampkins, which are first to be driven home before the arrow be put in; and as they understood not the secret, they rejected them as uncertaine, and therefore not to be used: but of all the shot used now a-dayes, for the annoying of an enemie in fight by sea, few are of greater moment for many respects, which I hold not convenient to treat of in publique.
SECTION LXVII.
[John Oxman’s voyage to the South sea.]
A little to the south-wards of the iland of Pearle, betwixt seven and eight degrees, is the great river of Saint Buena Ventura. It falleth into the South sea with three mouthes, the head of which is but a little distant from the North sea. In anno 1575, or 1576, one John Oxman,[242] of Plymouth, going into the West Indies, joyned with the Symarons.
[What the Symarons are.]
These are fugitive negroes, and for the bad intreatie which their masters had given them, were then retyred into the mountaines, and lived upon the spoyle of such Spaniards as they could master, and could never he brought into obedience, till by composition they had a place limmitted them for their freedome, where they should live quietly by [Their habitation.] themselves. At this day they have a great habitation neere Panama, called Saint Iago de Los Negros, well peopled, with all their officers and commaunders of their owne, save onely a Spanish governour.
[Their assistance.]
By the assistance of these Symarons, hee brought to the head of this river, by peecemeale, and in many journeys, a small pinnace; hee fitted it by time in a warlike manner, and with the choice of his company, put himselfe into the South sea, where his good hap was to meete with a cople of shippes of trade, and in the one of them a great quantitie of gold. And amongst other things, two peeces of speciall estimation: the one a table of massie gold, with emralds, sent for a present to the King; the other a lady of singular beautie, married, and a mother of children. The [John Oxman capitulateth with them.] latter grewe to bee his perdition: for hee had capitulated with these Symarons, that their part of the bootie should be onely the prisoners, to the ende to execute their malice upon them (such was the rancor they had conceived against them, for that they had beene the tyrants of their libertie). But the Spaniards not contented to have them their slaves, who lately had beene their lords, added to their servitude, cruell entreaties. And they againe, to feede their insatiable revenges, accustomed to rost and eate the hearts of all those Spaniards, whom at any time they could lay hand upon.
[His folly and breach of promise.]