Part 16

In like manner the peece of ordinance hurteth not those which stand aside, nor those which stand a slope from his mouth, but those alone which stand directly against the true point of his levell: though sometimes the winde of the shott overthroweth one, and the splinters (being accidents), mayne[219] and hurt others. But principally where the peece doth resemble the thunder clappe, as when the ships are bourded: for then, although the artillery be discharged without shott, the fury of the fire, and his piercing nature is such, as it entreth by the seames, and all parts of the ships sides, and meeting with so fit matter as pitch, tarre, ocombe, and sometimes with powder, presently converteth all into flames.

For avoyding whereof, as also the danger and damage which may come by pikes and other inventions of fire, and if any shippe be oppressed with many shippes at once, and subject by them to be bourded; I hold it a good course to strike his fore and mayne yards close to his decke, and to fight with sprit-saile and myson, and top-sayles loose: so shall he be able to hinder them from oppressing him.

[Pollicies to avoid bourdings.]

Some have thought it a good pollicy to launce out some ends of mastes or yards by the ports or other parts: but this is to be used in the greater shippes; for in the lesser, though they be never so strong, the waight of the bigger will beate out the opposite sides and doe hurt, and make great spoyle in the lesser. And in bourding, ordinarily the lesser shippe hath all the harme which the one shippe can doe unto the other.

[Disputes concerning ships of trade.]

Here is offered to speake of a point much canvassed amongst carpenters and sea captaines, diversly mainetained but yet undetermined: that is, whether the race[220] or loftie built shippe bee best for the merchant, and those which imploy themselves in trading? I am of opinion that the race shippe is most convenient; yet so as that every perfect shippe ought to have two deckes, for the better strengthening of her; the better succouring of her people; the better preserving of her merchandize and victuall; and for her greater safetie from sea and stormes.

[Concerning the prince his shippes.]

But for the princes shippes, and such as are imployed continually in the warres, to be built loftie I hold very necessary for many reasons. First for majestie and terrour of the enemy; secondly, for harbouring of many men; thirdly, for accommodating more men to fight; fourthly, for placing and using more artillery; fiftly, for better strengthening and securing of the shippe; sixtly, for over-topping and subjecting the enemy; seventhly, for greater safeguard and defence of the ship and company. For it is plaine, that the ship with three deckes, or with two and a halfe, shewes more pomp than another of her burthen with a decke and a halfe, or two deckes, and breedeth greater terror to the enemy, discovering herselfe to be a more powerfull ship, as she is, then the other; which being indeed a ship of force, seemeth to be but a barke, and with her low building hideth her burthen. And who doubteth that a decke and a halfe cannot harbour that proportion of men, that two deckes, and two deckes and a halfe can accommodate to fight; nor carry the artillery so plentifully, nor so commodiously. Neither can the ship be so strong with a decke and a halfe as with two deckes; nor with two, as with three; nor carry her masts so taunt; nor spread so great a clue; nor contrive so many fightes, to answer one another for defence and offence. And the advantage the one hath of the other, experience daily teacheth.

[All ships of warre are not to be low built.]

In the great expedition of eightie eight, did not the _Elizabeth Jonas_, the _Triumph_, and the _Beare_, shew greater majestie then the _Arke Royall_ and the _Victorie_, being of equall burthens? did they not cause greater regard in the enemy? did they not harbour and accommodate more men, and much better? did they not beare more artillery? And if they had come to boord with the Spanish high-charged ships, it is not to be doubted but they would have mustred themselves better, then those which could not with their prowesse nor props, have reached to their wastes. The strength of the one cannot be compared with the strength of the other: but in bourding, it goeth not so much in the strength, as in weight and greatnesse. For the greater ship that bourdeth with the lesser, with her mastes, her yardes, her tacklings, her anchors, her ordinance, and with her sides, bruseth and beateth the lesser to peeces, although the lesser be farre stronger according to proportion.

The _Foresight_ of his Majesties, and the _Daintie_, were shippes in their proportions farre more stronger then the carake which was taken by them and their consorts, anno 92: for she had in a manner no strong building nor binding, and the others were strengthened and bound as art was able to affoord; and yet both bourding with her, were so brused, broken, and badly handled, as they had like to have sunke by her side, though bourding with advantage to weather-wards of her. But what would have become of them if she should have had the wind of them, and have come aboord to wind-ward of them? In small time, no doubt, she would have beaten them under water.

Anno 90, in the fleet under the charge of Sir John Hawkins, my father, comming from the south-wards, the _Hope_, of his Majesties, gave chase to a French ship, thinking her to be a Spaniard. She thought to have freed her selfe by her sailing, and so would not availe, but endured the shooting of many peeces, and forced the _Hope_ to lay her abourd; of which issued that mischiefe which before I spake off. For in a moment the French ship had all her mastes, yards, and sailes in the sea, and with great difficultie the _Hope_ could free herselfe from sinking her.

In the self-same voyage, neere the ilands of Flores and Corvo, the _Rainbow_ and the _Foresight_ came foule one of another; the _Rainbow_, being the greater shippe, left the _Foresight_ much torne; and if God had not beene pleased to seperate them, the lesser, doubtlesse, had sunke in the sea; but in these incounters they received little or no hurt. The boording of the _Rainbow_ and _Foresight_, as I was enformed, proceeded of the obstinacie and self will of the captaine or master of the _Foresight_, who would not set sayle in time, to give sea roome to the other, comming [Particular respects must give place to the generall.] driving upon her, for that she was more flotie.[221] This pride I have seene many times to be the cause of great hurt, and is worthy of severe punishment: for being all of one company, and bound every one to helpe and further the good of the other, as members of one body, there ought to be no strayning of courtesie; but all are bound to suppress emulation and particular respect, in seeking the generall good of all, yea, of every particular more ingeniously then that of his owne.

But in equitie and reason, the le-ward shippe ought ever to give way to the weather most, in hulling or trying, without any exception. First, for that shee advantageth the other in hulling or trying; which is manifest, for that shee to wind-wards drives upon her to le-wards. Secondly, for that the windermost shippe, by opening her sayle, may be upon the other before shee be looked for, either for want of steeridge, not being under way, or by the rowling of the sea, some one sea casting the shippe more to le-wards then ten others. And thirdly, for that the windermost shippe being neere, and setting sayle, is in possibilitie to take away the winde from her to le-wards comming within danger. And this by way of argument, for a hull and under-sayle in stormes and fayre weather, in harbour, or at sea.

Humanitie and courtesie are ever commendable and beneficiall to all, whereas arrogancie and ambition are ever accompanied with shame, losse, and repentance.

[Arrogancy of a Spanish generall.]

And though in many examples, touching this point, I have beene an eye witnesse, yet I will record but one, which I saw in the river of Civill,[222] at my comming out of the Indies amongst the galleons loaden with silver. For their wafting, the king sent to the Tercera, eight new galleons, under the charge of Villa Viciosa; who entring the barre of Saint Luar joyntly, the shippes loaden with silver, anchored in the middest of the river in deeper water, and the wafters on either side, neere the shoare. The admirall of the wafters rode close by the galleon in which I was, and had moored her selfe in that manner, as her streame, cable, and anchor, overlayed our land-most. And winding up with the first of the flood, shee her selfe in one of her cables, which together with the great currant of the ebbe, and force of the winde which blewe fresh, caused her to drive, and to dragge home her anchors; and with that which overlay ours, to cause us to doe the like. Whereupon, on both sides was crying out to veere cable: we, for our parts, had lost all our cables in the Terceras, saving those which were a-ground, and those very short, and vered to the better end. The admirall strained courtesie, thinking the other, though loaden with silver, bound to let slippe one, so to give him way; and the generall standing in his gallery, saw the danger which both shippes ranne into, being in a manner bourd and bourd, and driving upon the point of the shoare: yet he commanded to hold fast, and not to vere cable, till he was required and commanded in the kings name, by the captaine of our shippe; protesting, the damage which should ensue thereof to the king and merchants, to runne upon the admirals accompt; and that in his shippe he had no other cable but those which were aground, and that they had vered as much as they could: which the generall knowing, and at last better considering, willed to vere his cable end for end, and so, with some difficultie and dispute, the punto was remedied; which if he had done at first, he had prevented all other danger, inconvenience, and dispute, by only weighing of his cable and anchor after the gust was past, and letting it fall in a place more commodious: whereas, his vaine glory, stoutnesse, and selfe-will, had put in great perill two of the kings shippes, and in them above two millions of treasure. And it may be, if he had beene one of the ignorant generalls, such as are sometimes imployed, whereas he was one of best experience, I doubt not, but they would have stood so much upon their puntos,[223] as rather then they would have consented to vere theyr cables (for that it seemed a diminution of authoritie), they would rather have suffered all to goe to wracke, without discerning the danger and damage.

[Doubts and objections resolved.]

But to returne to my former point of advantage, which the greater shippe hath of the lesser, I would have it to be understood according to occasion, and to be understood of ships of warre with ships of warre; it being no part of my meaning to mainetaine that a small man of warre should [And the duty of a small ship against a greater.] not bourd with a great shippe which goeth in trade. For I know, that the war-like shippe that seeketh, is not only bound to bourd with a greater, but were shee sure to hazard her selfe, shee ought to bourd where any possibility of surprising may be hoped for. Witnesse the Biscaine shippes of five hundreth tunnes, taken by shippes of lesse then a hundreth. Such were those which were taken by captaine George Reymond, and captaine Greenfield Halse; both wonne by bourding and force of armes. And did not Markes Berry, with a shippe of foure-score tunnes, by bourding and dent of sword, take a shippe which came from the Nova Hispania, of neere foure hundreth tunnes? To recount all such as have beene in this sort taken by our countreymen, as also those of great worth they have lost, for not hazarding the bourding, were never to make an end. Yet discretion is ever to be used; for a man that in a small barke goeth to warre-fare, is not bound to bourd with a carake, nor with a shippe which he seeth provided with artillery and other preventions far above his possibilitie.

[Vain-glory of the Spanish.]

The Spaniards confesse us to advantage them in our shipping, and attribute all our victories to that which is but a masse of dead wood, were it not managed and ordered by art and experience; affirming, that if we came to handie strokes and bourding, they should goe farre beyond us, which to any person of reasonable understanding, cannot but seeme most vaine-glorious; for we leave not to bourd with them upon occasion, when otherwise we cannot force them to surrender: but I conclude it to be great errour, and want of discretion in any man, to put himselfe, his shippe, and company in perill, being able otherwise to vanquish his enemy.[224]

This imagination, so vaine and so voyde of ground, hath growne from the ignorance of some of our common sort of marriners and vulgar people, which have beene prisoners in Spaine: who being examined and asked, why her Majesties shippes in occasions bourd not, have answered and enformed that it is the expresse order of her Majestie and counsell, in no case to hazard her shippes by bourding; yea, I have knowne some captaines of our owne (to colour their faint proceedings), have averred as much, which is nothing so. For in the houre that her majestie or counsell committeth the charge of any of her shippes to any person, it is left to his discretion to bourd or not to bourd, as the reason of service requireth. And therefore let no man hereafter pretend ignorance, nor for this vanitie leave to doe his duty, or that which is most probable to redound to the honour and service of his prince and countrey, and to the damage of his enemy. For in case he excuse himselfe with this allegation, it cannot but redound to his condemnation and disreputation. And I assure all men, that in any reasonable equalitie of shipping, we cannot desire greater advantage, then we have of the Spaniards by bourding. The reasons why, I hold it not convenient to discourse in particular; but experience and tract of time, with that which I have seen amongst them, hath taught me this knowledge; and those who have seene their discipline, and ours, cannot but testifie the same.

SECTION LX.

[Courses for artillery after bourding.]

Againe, all that which hath beene spoken of the danger of the artillery in bourding, it is not to be wrested nor interpreted, to cut of utterly the use of all artillery after bourding, but rather I hold nothing more convenient in shippes of warre, then fowlers and great bases in the cage workes, and murderers in the cobridge heads; for that their execution and speedie charging and discharging, is of great moment.[225]

[Disuses of engines of antiquitie.]

Many I know have left the use of them, and of sundry other preventions, as of sherehookes, stones in their toppes, and arming them; pikebolts in their wales, and divers other engines of antiquitie. But upon what inducement, I cannot relate, unlesse it be because they never knew their effects and benefit; and may no doubt be used without the inconveniences before mentioned in great ordinance. As also such may be the occasion, that without danger some of the great artillery may be used, and that with great effect, which is in the discretion of the commanders and their gunners, as hath beene formerly seene, and daily is experimented. In the _Revenge_ of her Majesties good experience was made, who sunke two of the Spanish armado lying abourd her.

SECTION LXI.

In these bourdings and skirmishes, divers of our men were slaine, and many hurt, and myselfe amongst them received sixe wounds; one of them in the necke very perillous; another through the arme, perishing the bone, and cutting the sinewes close by the arme-pit; the rest not so dangerous. The master of our shippe had one of his eyes, his nose, and halfe his face shott away. Master Henry Courton was slaine. On these two I principally relyed for the prosecution of our voyage, if God, by sicknesse, or otherwise, should take me away.

[The Spaniards parley.]

The Spaniards with their great ordinance lay continually playing upon us, and now and then parled and invited us to surrender ourselves _a buena querra_.[226] The captaine of our shippe, in whose direction and guide, our lives, our honour, and welfare now remained, seeing many of our people wounded and slaine, and that few were left to sustaine and maintaine the fight, or to resist the entry of the enemy, if he should againe bourd with us, and that our contraries offered us good pertido,[227] came unto me accompanied with some others, and began to relate the state of our shippe, and how that many were hurt and slaine, and scarce any men appeared to traverse the artillery, or to oppose themselves for defence, if the enemy should bourd with us againe; and how that the admirall offered us life and liberty, and to receive us _a buena querra_, and to send us into our owne country. Saying, that if I thought it so meete, he and the rest were of opinion that we should put out a flagge of truce, and make some good composition. The great losse of blood had weakened me much. The torment of my wounds newly received, made me faint, and I laboured for life, within short space expecting I should give up the ghost.

But this parley pearced through my heart, and wounded my soule; words failed me wherewith to expresse it, and none can conceive it but he which findeth himselfe in the like agonie. Yet griefe and rage ministered force, and caused me to breake forth into this reprehension and execution following.

“Great is the crosse which Almightie God hath suffered to come upon me: that assaulted by our professed enemies, and by them wounded, as you see, in body, lying gasping for breath, those whom I reputed for my friends to fight with me; those which I relyed on as my brethren to defend me in all occasions; those whom I have nourished, cherished, fostered and loved as my children, to succour me, helpe me, and to sustaine my reputation in all extremities; are they who first draw their swords against me, are they which wound my heart, in giving me up into mine enemies hands. Whence proceedeth this ingratitude? whence this faintnesse of heart? whence this madnesse? Is the cause you fight for unjust? is the honour and love of your prince and countrey buried in the dust? your sweete lives, are they become loathsome unto you? will you exchange your liberty for thraldome? will you consent to see that which you have sweat for and procured with so great labour and adventure, at the dispose of your enemies? can you content your selves to suffer my blood spilt before your eyes, and my life bereft me in your presence, with the blood and lives of your deere brethren to be unrevenged? Is not an honourable death to be preferred before a miserable and slavish life? The one sustaining the honour of our nation, of our predecessors, and of our societie: the other ignominious to our selves, and reproachful to our nation. Can you be perswaded that the enemy will performe his promise with you, that never leaveth to breake it with others, when he thinketh it advantagious? And know you not, that with him, all is convenient that is profitable? Hold they not this for a maxime: that, _nulla fides est servanda cum hereticis_? In which number they accompt us to be. Have you forgotten their faith violated with my father, in Saint John de Ulua, the conditions and capitulations being firmed by the vice-roy and twelve hostages, all principall personages given for the more securitie of either party to other? Have you forgotten their promise broken with John Vibao and his company, in Florida, having conditioned to give them shipping and victuals, to carry them into their countrey; immediately after they had delivered their weapons and armes, had they not their throates cut? Have you forgotten how they dealt with John Oxnam and his company, in this sea, yeelded upon composition; and how after a long imprisonment, and many miseries, being carryed from Panama to Lyma, and there hanged with all his company, as pyrates, by the justice?[228] And can you forget how dayly they abuse our noble natures, which being voyde of malice, measure all by sinceritie, but to our losse; for that when we come to demand performance, they stoppe our mouthes; either with laying the inquisition upon us, or with delivering us into the hands of the ordinary justice, or of the kings ministers. And then urged with their promises, they shrinke up to the shoulders, and say, that they have now no further power over us; they sorrow in their hearts to see their promise is not accomplished: but now they cannot doe us any good office, but to pray to God for us, and to entreat the ministers in our behalfe.

“Came we into the South sea to put out flags of truce? And left we our pleasant England, with all her contentments, with intention or purpose to avayle our selves of white ragges, and by banners of peace to deliver ourselves for slaves into our enemies hands; or to range the world with the English, to take the law from them, whom by our swords, prowesse, and valour, we have alwaies heretofore bin accustomed to purchase honour, riches, and reputation? If these motives be not sufficient to perswade you, then I present before your eyes your wives and children, your parents and friends, your noble and sweete countrey, your gracious soveraigne; of all which accompt yourselves for ever deprived, if this proposition should be put in execution. But for all these, and for the love and respect you owe me, and for all besides that you esteeme and hold dear in this world, and for Him that made us and all the world, banish out of your imagination such vaine and base thoughts; and according to your woonted resolution, prosecute the defence of your shippe, your lives, and libertie, with the lives and libertie of your companions; who by their wounds and hurts are disabled and deprived of all other defence and helpe, save that which lyeth in your discretions and prowesse. And you, captaine,--of whom I made choise amongst many, to be my principall assistant, and the person to accomplish my dutie if extraordinary casualtie should disable me to performe and prosecute our voyage,--tender your obligation; and now in the occasion give testimony, and make proofe of your constancie and valour, according to the opinion and confidence I have ever held of you.”

Whereunto he made answere: “My good generall, I hope you have made experience of my resolution, which shall be ever to put in execution what you shall be pleased to command me; and my actions shall give testimonie of the obligation wherein I stand bound unto you. What I have done, hath not proceeded from faintnesse of heart, nor from a will to see imaginations put in execution; for besides the losse of our reputation, liberty, and what good else we can hope for, I know the Spaniard too too well, and the manner of his proceedings in discharge of promises: but only to give satisfaction to the rest of the company, which importuned me to moove this point, I condiscended to that which now I am ashamed of, and grieve at, because I see it disliking to you. And here I vowe to fight it out, till life or lymmes fayle me. Bee you pleased to recommend us to Almightie God, and to take comfort in him, whom I hope will give us victory, and restore you to health and strength, for all our comforts, and the happy accomplishing and finishing of our voyage, to his glory.”