Part 11
At the end of foureteene dayes, one evening, being calme, and a goodly cleare in the easter-boord, I willed our anchor to be weyed,[170] and determined to goe into the channell, [Backwardness in the company,] whereof ensued a murmuring amongst my company, who were desirous to see the winde setled before we put out of the harbour: and in part they had reason, considering how wee had beene canvased from place to place; yet on the other side, if wee went not out before night, wee should loose the whole nights sayling, and all the time which we should spend in warping out; which would be, doubtles, a great part of the fore-noone. And although the master signified unto mee the disposition of my people, and master Henry Courton (a discreete and vertuous gentlemen, and my good friend, who in all the voyage was ever an especial furtherer of all that ever I ordained or proposed), in this occasion sought to divert me, that all but my selfe were [and the consequences thereof.] contrarily inclined to that which I thought fit: and though the common saying be, that it is better to erre with many, then, all contradicting, alone to hit the right way, yet truth told mee this proverbe to bee falsely founded; for that it was not to bee understood, that for erring it is better, but because it is supposed that by hitting a man shall get emulation of the contradictors: I encountered it with another, that sayth, better to be envied then pittied; and well considering, that being out of the harbour, if the winde took us contrary, to go to Elizabeth bay was better then to bee in the port; for a man must of force warpe in and out of it, and in the time that the shippe could be brought foorth into the channell, the winde being good, a man might come from Elizabeth bay to the port, and that there we should have the wind first, being more to the east-wardes, and in an open bay, and moreover might set sayle in the night, if the wind should rise in the evening or in the night; whereas, in the port, of force, we must waite the light of the day. I made my selfe deafe to all murmurings, and caused my commaund to be put in execution, and, doubtlesse, it was Gods gracious inspiration, as by the event was seene; for being gotten into the channell, within an houre, the winde came good, and we sayled merrily on our voyage; and by the breake of the day, wee had the mouth of the straites open, and about foure of the clocke in the afternoone, wee were thwart of Cape Desire;[171] which is the westermost part of the land on the souther side of the straites.
SECTION XXXVIII.
[Advertisements for commanders.]
Here such as have command may behold the many miseries that befall them, not onely by unexpected accidents and mischances, but also by contradictions and murmurs of their owne people, of all calamities the greatest which can befall a man of discretion and valour, and as difficult to be overcome; for, to require reason of the common sort, is, as the philosopher sayth, to seeke counsell of a madd man. Herein, as I sayd before, they resemble a stiffe necked horse, who taking the bridle in his teeth, carrieth the rider whether he pleaseth; so once possessed with any imagination, no reason is able to convince them. The best remedie I can propound, is to wish our nation in this poynt to be well advised, and in especiall, all those that follow the sea, ever having before their eyes the auncient discipline of our predecessors; who in conformitie and obedience to their chiefes and commanders, have beene a mirror to all other [The advantage of obedience.] nations, with patience, silence, and suffering, putting in execution what they have beene commanded, and thereby gained the blessings due to such vertues, and leaving to posteritie perpetuall memories of their glorious victories. A just recompence for all such as conquer themselves, and subject their most specious willes to the will of their superiors.
SECTION XXXIX.
In apprehension whereof at land, I cannot forbeare the discipline thereof, as at this day, and in the dayes of late memory, it hath beene practised in the states of Flaunders, Fraunce, and Brittayne; whereas the Spaniards, Wallons, Switzers, and other nations, are daily full of murmurings and mutenies, upon every sleight occasion.
The like I also wish should be imitated by those who follow the sea; that is, that those who are subject to command, presume no further then to that which belongeth unto them: _Qui nescit parere, nescit imperare_. I speake this, for that I have sometimes seene unexpert and ignorant persons, yea, unable to judge of any poynt appertaining to government, or the guide of a shippe, or company of men, presuming upon their fine witts, and enamoured of their owne conceits, contradict and dispute against grave, wise, and experimented governours: many forward fellowes, thinking themselves better worthie to command, then to [Sidenote: Advertisements for young servitors.] be commanded. Such persons I advise not to goe, but where they may command; or els looking before they leape, to consider well under whom they place themselves, seeing, for the most part, it is in their choyce to choose a governour from whom they may expect satisfaction; but choyce being once made, to resolve with the patient wife in history; that, that day wherein shee married herselfe to an husband, that very day shee had no longer any will more then the will of her husband: and so he that by sea or land placeth himselfe to serve in any action, must make reckoning that the time the journey endureth, he hath no other will, nor dispose of himselfe, then that of his commander; for in the governors hand is all power, to recompence and reward, to punish or forgive.
Likewise those who have charge and command, must sometimes with patience or sufferance overcome their fury and misconceits, according to occasions; for it is a great poynt of wisedome, especially in a generall murmuring, where the cause is just, or that, as often times it happeneth, any probable accident may divert the minds of the discontented, and give hope of remedie, or future event may produce repentance, to turne, as they say, the deafe eare, and to winke at that a man seeth. As it is sayde of Charles the fifth, emperour of Germany, and king of Spaine; who rounding his campe, one night, disguised, heard some souldiers rayle and speake evil of him: those which accompanied him were of opinion, that he should use some exemplary punishment upon them; not so, sayth he, for these, now vexed with the miseries they suffer, ease their hearts with their tongues; but if occasion present it selfe, they will not sticke to sacrifice their lives for my safetie. A resolution worthy so prudent a commander, and so magnanimous a prince.
The like is written of Fabius Maximus, the famous Romayne, who endured the attribute of coward, with many other infamies, rather then he would hazard the safetie of his countrie by rash and incertaine provocations.
[The patience of the Earle of Nottingham.]
No lesse worthy of perpetuall memory was the prudent pollicie and government of our English navie, in anno 1588, by the worthy Earle of Nottingham,[172] lord high admirall of England; who, in like case, with mature and experimented knowledge, patiently withstood the instigations of many couragious and noble captaines, who would have perswaded him to have laid them aboord; but well he foresaw that the enemy had an armie aboord, he none; that they exceeded him in number of shipping, and those greater in bulke, stronger built, and higher molded, so that they who with such advantage fought from above, might easily distresse all opposition below; the slaughter, peradventure, prooving more fatall then the victory profitable: by being overthrowne, he might have hazzarded the kingdome; whereas by the conquest, at most, he could have boasted of nothing but glorie, and an enemie defeated. But by sufferance, he alwayes advantaged himselfe of winde and tide; which was the freedome of our countrey, and securitie of our navie, with the destruction of theirs, which in the eye of the ignorant, who judge all things by the externall appearance, seemed invincible; but truely considered, was much inferior to ours in all things of substance, as the event prooved; for we sunke, spoyled, and tooke of them many, and they diminished of ours but one small pynace, nor any man of name, save onely captaine Cocke, who dyed with honour amidst his company. The greatest dammage, that, as I remember, they caused to any of our shippes, was to the _Swallow_ of her majestie, which I had in that action under my charge, with an arrow of fire shott into her beake-head, which we saw not, because of the sayle, till it had burned a hole in the nose as bigge as a mans head; the arrow falling out, and driving alongst by the shippes side, made us doubt of it, which after we discovered.
SECTION XL.
[Mutenies not alwayes to be winked at.]
In many occasions, notwithstanding, it is most prejudiciall to dissemble the reprehension and punishment of murmurings and mutterings, when they carry a likelihood to grow to a mutenie, seeme to leane to a faction, or that a person of regard or merite favoureth the intention, or contradicteth the justice, etc., and others of like qualitie. The prudent governour is to cut off this hydra’s head in the beginning, and by prevention to provide remedie with expedition; and this sometimes with absolute authoritie, although the best be ever to proceed by counsell, if necessitie and occasion require not the contrary; for passion many times over-ruleth, but that which is sentenced and executed by consent, is justified, although sometimes erronious.[173] March 29, 1594.
SECTION XLI.
From Cape Desire, some foure leagues north-west, lye foure ilands, which are very small, and the middlemost of them is of the fashion of a sugar-loafe. We were no sooner cleare of Cape Desire, and his ledge of rockes, which lie a great way off into the sea, but the wind took us contrary by the north-west; and so we stood off into the sea two dayes and two nights to the west-wards.
In all the straites it ebbeth and floweth more or lesse, and in many places it higheth very little water; but in some bayes, where are great indraughts, it higheth eight or ten foote, and doubtlesse further in, more. If a man be furnished with wood and water, and the winde good, he may keepe the mayne sea, and goe round about the straites to the southwards, and it is the shorter way; for besides the experience which we made, that all the south part of the straites is but ilands, many times having the sea open, I remember that Sir Francis Drake told me, that having shott the straites, a storme first tooke him at north-west, and after vered about to the south-west, which continued with him [South part of the Straites ilands.] many dayes, with that extremitie, that he could not open any sayle, and that at the end of the storme, he found himselfe in fiftie degrees;[174] which was sufficient testimony and proofe, that he was beaten round about the straites: for the least height of the straites is in fifty two degrees and fiftie minutes; in which stands the two entrances or mouths.
And moreover, he said, that standing about, when the winde changed, he was not well able to double the southermost iland, and so anchored under the lee of it; and going a-shore, carried a compasse with him, and seeking out [Sir Francis Drake imbraceth the southermost point of the world.] the southermost part of the iland, cast himselfe downe upon the uttermost poynt, grovelling, and so reached out his bodie over it. Presently he imbarked, and then recounted unto his people that he had beene upon the southermost knowne land in the world, and more farther to the southwards upon it then any of them, yea, or any man as yet knowne. These testimonies may suffice for this truth unto all, but such as are incredulous, and will beleeve nothing but what they see: for my part, I am of opinion, that the straite is navigable all the yeare long, although the best time be in November, December, and January, and then the winds more favourable, which other times are variable, as in all narrow seas.[175]
Being some fiftie leagues a sea-boord the straites, the winde vering to the west-wards, we cast about to the north-wards, and lying the coast along, shaped our course [Mocha.] for the iland Mocha. About the fifteenth of April, we [Baldivia.] were thwart of Baldivia, which was then in the hands of the Spaniards, but since the Indians, in anno 1599, dispossessed them of it, and the Conception; which are two of the most principall places they had in that kingdome, and both ports.
Baldivia had its name of a Spanish captaine so called, whom afterwards the Indians tooke prisoner, and it is said, they required of him the reason why he came to molest them and to take their country from them, having no title nor right thereunto; he answered, to get gold: which the barbarous understanding, caused gold to be molten, and powred down his throat, saying, Gold was thy desire, glut thee with it.
It standeth in fortie degrees, hath a pleasant river and navigable, for a ship of good burden may goe as high up as the cittie; and is a goodly woody country.
Here our beefe beganne to take end, and was then as good as the day wee departed from England; it was preserved in pickell, which, though it be more chargeable, yet the profit payeth the charge, in that it is made more durable, contrary to the opinion of many, which hold it impossible that beefe should be kept good passing the equinoctiall lyne. And of our porke I eate in the house of Don Beltran de Castro, in Lyma, neere foure yeares old, very good, preserved after the same manner, notwithstanding it had lost his pickle long before.
Some degrees before a man come to Baldivia to the southwards, as Spaniards have told me, lyeth the iland Chule,[176] not easily to be discerned from the mayne; for he that passeth by it, cannot but thinke it to be the mayne. It is said to be inhabited by the Spaniards, but badly, yet rich of gold.
The 19th of April, being Easter-even, we anchored under the iland Mocha. It lyeth in thirty-nine degrees, it may be some foure leagues over, and is a high mountainous hill, but round about the foote thereof, some halfe league from the sea-shore, it is champion ground, well inhabited, and manured.
From the straites to this iland, we found that either the coast is set out more westerly then it is, or that we had a great current, which put us to the west-wards: for we had not sight of land in three dayes after. Our reckoning was to see it, but for that we coasted not the land I cannot determine, whether it was caused by the current, or lying of the land. But Spaniards which have sayled alongst it, have told me that it is a bold and safe coast, and reasonable sounding off it.
In this iland of Mocha we had communication and contratation[177] with the inhabitants, but with great vigilancie and care; for they and all the people of Chily are mortall enemies to the Spaniards, and held us to be of them; and so esteemed Sir Francis Drake when he was in this iland, which was the first land also that he touched on this coast. They used him with so fine a trechery, that they possessed themselves of all the oares in his boate, saving two, and in striving to get them also, they slew and hurt all his men: himselfe, who had fewest wounds, had three, and two of them in the head. Two of his company which lived long after, had, the one seaventeene (his name was John Bruer, who afterward was pilot with master Candish), and the other above twentie, a negroe-servant to Sir Francis Drake.
[Trechery of the Indians.]
And with me they used a pollicie, which amongst barbarous people was not to be imagined, although I wrought sure; for I suffered none to treate with me nor with my people with armes. We were armed, and met upon a rock compassed with water, whether they came to parley and negotiate. Being in communication with the casiques and others, many of the Indians came to the heads of our boates, and some went into them. Certaine of my people standing to defend the boates with their oares, for that there went a bad sege, were forced to lay downe their musketts; which the Indians perceiving, endevoured to fill the barrells with water, taking it out of the sea in the hollow of their hands. By chance casting mine eye aside, I discovered their slynesse, and with a truncheon, which I had in mine hand, gave the Indians three or foure good lamskinnes:[178] the casiques seeing it, began to give me satisfaction, by using rigor towardes those which had beene in the boates; but I having gotten the refreshing I desired, and all I could hope from them, would have no further conversation with them. At our first comming, two of their casiques, who are their lords or kings, came aboord our shippe (we leaving one of our company ashore as a pledge), whom we feasted in good manner; they eat well of all that was set before them, and dranke better of our wine: one of them became a little giddie headed, and marvayled much at our artillery: I caused a peece to be primed, and after to be shott off, whereat the one started, but the other made no shew of alteration. After putting them ashore, loaden with toyes and trifles, which to them seemed great riches; from all parts of the iland the people came unto us, bringing all such things as they had, to wit, sheepe, cockes, etc. (from hennes they would not part), and [Sidenote: Exchanges of trifles.] divers sorts of fruits and rootes, which they exchanged with us for knives, glasses, combes, belles, beades, counters, pinnes, and other trifles. We saw little demonstration of gold or silver amongst them, though some they had; and for that we saw they made estimation of it, we would not make reckoning of it: but they gave us to understand that they had it from the mayne.
[Of sheepe.]
The sheepe of this iland are great, good, and fatt; I have not tasted better mutton any where. They were as ours, and doubtlesse of the breed of those which the Spaniards brought into the country. Of the sheepe of the country we could by no meanes procure any one, although we saw of them, and used meanes to have had of them; for they esteem them much, as reason willeth, serving them for many uses; as in another place, God willing, I shall declare more at large. They have small store of fish.
This iland is scituate in the province of Arawca,[179] and is held to be peopled with the most valiant nation in all Chily, though generally the inhabitants of that kingdome are very couragious.
[Their apparell,]
They are clothed after the manner of antiquitie, all of woollen; their cassockes made like a sacke, square, with two holes for the two armes, and one for the head, all open below, without lining or other art: but of them some are most curiously wooven, and in colours, and on both sides alike.
[and housing.]
Their houses are made round, in fashion like unto our pigeon houses, with a laver[180] in the toppe, to evacuate the smoake when they make fire.
They brought us a strange kinde of tobacco, made into little cakes, like pitch, of a bad smell, with holes through the middle, and so laced many upon a string. They presented us also with two Spanish letters, thinking us to be Spaniards, which were written by a captaine of a frigate, that some dayes before had received courtesie at their hands, and signified the same to the governour; wishing that the people of the iland would become good subjects to the king, and that therefore he would receive them into his favour and protection, and send them some person as governour; but none of them spake Spanish, and so we [People of Chily]. dealt with them by signes. The people of this iland, as of all Chily,[181] are of good stature, and well made, and of better countenance then those Indians which I have seene in many parts. They are of good understanding, and agilitie, and [Their weapons.] of great strength. Their weapons are bowes and arrowes, and macanas: their bowes short and strong, and their arrowes of a small reede or cane, three quarters of a yard long, with two feathers, and headed with a flint stone, which is loose, and hurting, the head remaining in the wound; some are headed with bone, and some with hard wood, halfe burnt in the fire. Wee came betwixt the iland and the mayne. On the south-west part of the iland lyeth a great ledge of rockes, which are dangerous; and it is good to bee carefull how to come too neere the iland on all parts.
[Their hate to the Spaniards.]
Immediately when they discovered us, both upon the iland and the maine, wee might see them make sundry great fires, which were to give advise to the rest of the people to be in a readinesse: for they have continuall and mortall warre with the Spaniards, and the shippes they see they beleeve to be their enemies. The citie imperiall lyeth over against this iland, but eight or tenne leagues into the countrey: for all the sea coast from Baldivia till thirty-six degrees, the Indians have now, in a manner, in their hands free from any Spaniards.
SECTION XLII.
Having refreshed our selves well in this iland, for that little time wee stayed, which was some three dayes, wee set sayle with great joy, and with a fayre winde sayled alongst the coast; and some eight leagues to the northwards, we anchored againe in a goodly bay, and sent our boates ashore, with desire to speake with some of the Indians of Arawca, and to see if they would be content to entertaine amitie, or to chop and change with us. But all that night and the next morning appeared not one person, and so wee set sayle againe; and towardes the evening the winde began to change, and to blow contrary, and that so much, and the sea to rise so sodainely, that we could not [A cruel storme.] take in our boates without spoyling of them. This storme continued with us ten dayes, beyond expectation, for that wee thought our selves out of the climate of fowle weather; but truely it was one of the sharpest stormes that ever I felt to endure so long.
In this storme, one night haling up our boates to free the water out of them, one of our younkers that went into them for that purpose, had not that regard, which reason required, unto our light horseman: for with haling her [The important losse of a small vessell.] up to step into her out of the boate, he split her asunder, and so we were forced to cut her off; which was no small heartes grief unto me, for that I knew, and all my company felt, and many times lamented, the losse of her.[182]